Optimus Princeps - A Trajan TL

Just a proposal, how I would arrange the client kings.

- Media Adiabadene
- Media Atropatene
- Parthia et Hyrcania ( the original Parthia)
- Susiana
- Persis
- Characene
- Iberia, Colchis and Albania

And with a bit of diplomacy ensure, that Bactria and all the former satraps on the iranian plateau become independent from Parthia.

Perhaps you need another campaign to get there.

Another option is to provincialise Media and put the 6 legions from the 2 Mesopotamia to Media Magna with the capital Ecbatana. The cappadocian legion can move to Armenia (3) and 1 syrian legion to South Mesopotamia. This way you got your forces close to Persis and Parthia. Just in case these strongest client kings need help, or become cocky. And your new border are not the Zagros Mountains, which are full of holes, but the iranian deserts, which are more tricky to pass. Perhaps also an option for later times, if Mesopotamia itself is pacified enough. And of course Mesopotamia without legions just work, if you deal with Arabia first. But I guess I mentioned Arabia already. ;)

This would be the better solution militarily and strategically. But the internal politcal nightmare would become even bigger.
 
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He besieged it, and now think of a Roman emperor with some legions sieging
a city. Why shouldn't he succeed...?

Because there is no water beyond the walls of Hatra in 100 miles distance?
Well, Shapur did it. But he had more clue about deserts. I would solve the issue with Hatra diplomatically.

I'm not writing a story of Trajans campaigns and their failure.
Campaigning is not the issue, but governing is! As soon as you provincialize south of the syrian desert you get into a political nightmare. Even Trajan recognized that. I am looking forward to your solutions.

Further up, you criticize the formation of one province of eastern northern Mesopotamia (Assyria). And now it's wrong to create one...?
You create it in the wrong place. Mesopotamia is not Assyria! Mesopotamia can be roughly divided into 4 parts:
- Northern Mesopotamia between Euphrat, Tigris and the syrian /mesopotamian desert
- South of it in the desert is Hatra
- Further South behind the desert is the region of Ctesiphon /Seleucia
- and at the Persian Gulf is Charcene

Assyria is beyond the Tigris. Sometimes called Transtigrana by the romans. This was Media Adiabadene and has nothing to do with North Mesopotamia. Northern Mesopotamia from my understanding is just the later province of Severus and Diocletian; plus Hatra.

As soon as you cross the Tigris you have to ask yourself, why not to provincialize entire media Magna. Well perhaps you could go as far as the hillsides of the Zagros Mountains. But not further, without opening the median issue.

The tariff revenues from the maritime trade to India (and China) are just to tempting for an empire having to pay a huge amount of hungry and expactant soldiers...

And the best way to ruin these profits is to provincialise it. Let these salesmen ruling Characene just do their job, like the Arsakids and the Sassanids always did.
 
So, Trajan is Augustus, Hadrian is by now Caesar and adopted son of the emperor, Lusius Quietus is praefectus orientis, Quietus' son was adopted by Hadrian and will soon be Caesar. A bit confusing... I admit.

You made Hadrian co-emperor, thats usually an Augustus. Quietus son as designated heir is Caesar anyways, because he got it automatically as part of his name by adoption.

Regarding the name of Quetus son, thats pretty clear. You first have to figure out Hadrians new name after adoption according to roman naming rules. Afterwards you know Quietus name. Well, feel free about the pre-name
 

Alcsentre Calanice

Gone Fishin'
You create it in the wrong place. Mesopotamia is not Assyria! Mesopotamia can be roughly divided into 4 parts:
- Northern Mesopotamia between Euphrat, Tigris and the syrian /mesopotamian desert
- South of it in the desert is Hatra
- Further South behind the desert is the region of Ctesiphon /Seleucia
- and at the Persian Gulf is Charcene

Assyria is beyond the Tigris. Sometimes called Transtigrana by the romans. This was Media Adiabadene and has nothing to do with North Mesopotamia. Northern Mesopotamia from my understanding is just the later province of Severus and Diocletian; plus Hatra.
Than, please, give me a name for northern Mesopotamia (...and Adiabene). If not, it will remain Assyria.

As soon as you cross the Tigris you have to ask yourself, why not to provincialize entire media Magna. Well perhaps you could go as far as the hillsides of the Zagros Mountains. But not further, without opening the median issue.
I really need a map of Persia:D Isn't Ecbatana in the Zagros...? And the difference between Media magna and the Median issue?


Interesting, I will subscribe. I am curious to see if after Trajan the status quo between Hadrian and Quietus will hold or things will go astray and a civil war will brew... Despite my judgement on the matter could be clouded as influenced by the Memories.

This update will answer your question.

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Hadrian's reign I​
124 - 139​


The Princeps Imperator Caesar divi Nervae filivs Nerva Traianvs Maximvs Optimvs Avgvstvs Germanicvs Dacicvs Parthicvs Persicvs Pontifex Maximvs died on the 9th of September 124 AD from a typic summer fever striking his aging body. On the message of his death, Hadrian was proclaimed emperor by the senate and quickly acclaimed by the legions respecting the choice of the popular Trajan. The apotheosis was unproblematically completed, his many temples give evidence of the emperor's veneration by the later generations. His popularity is additionally reflected by the element Traianvs which was integrated in their names by many emperors. He is kept in good memory because of his welfare projects, his respect for the republican traditions and his glorious campaigns in the east.

On his accession to the imperial office, Pvblivs Aelivs Nerva Hadrianvs Avgvstvs [2] knew perfectly that he couldn't hope to challenge his precedessor's military glory. Anyway, he was opposed to all new outer adventures - he even wanted to abondon the Mesopotamian territories, but he had been restrained by Trajan and was now discouraged by Lusius Quietus' military power and his prestige among the warmongering senators. Thus, he concentrated on domestic policy while striving for the favor of the presumed heir Gaivs Aelivs Nerva Caesar Qvietvs [3] (usually designated as Gaius Quietus) and for the consolidation of his position in the empire against the intrigues and machinations of the party of the war hawks, preferring Quietus to Hadrian.

To inspect the situation of the provinces, Hadrian undertook a great number of tours of the emperor; his travel to Britannia, where he met the "super-governor" Gaius Quietus at Eburacum. The official goal of the meeting was the examination of the Vallvm Hadriani[1], the construction project beeing supervised by the caesar. Inofficially, Hadrian started to separate Gaius from his father. On the one hand, he conferred him the compulsory titles Consvl suffectus and Princeps ivventvtis, adding the title of Praefectvs occidentis to it. On the other hand, he threatened him with the fate of a traitor if he tried to cause a prematured death of the emperor and encircled the designated princeps with officers loyal to the central government.

His further actions regarding this problem were accelerated by the Second Jewish War (127 - 131), when riots broke out all over the Roman east. A revolt of such an extent was a legitimate pretext for a travel in the east, targeting the limitation of Lusius Quietus' power as Praefectus orientis. The revolt was lead by tough men and nobody could hope to break the Jewish resistance quickly. The supreme commando was assumed by Hadrianus Augustus, invested of the Imperium proconsulare maius, who showed his military ability during the sieges of Cyrene, Jerusalem and Babylon, thus gaining the loyalty of the major part of the eastern legions; in the meantime, Lusius' mission was limited to Assyria and Babylonia, where he had to observe peacefully the Parthians (the support of the Jewish rebels by the Parthian shah isn't proved, but very likely).

While the rebellion was slowly taken down, the authority of the prefect began to vanish. Hadrian could impose the appointment of trusted legates looking suspiciously on the prefect's privileges. Lusius Quietus reacted with paranoia and forged out plans to end Hadrian's life, including a dubious Chaldean poisoner and a Parthian ambuscade attackig the imperial baggage train. These attempts however were foiled by the vigilance of the Praetorian guard and the fellowship Hadrian had gained in the legions. Yet, Lusius wasn't willing to renounce to its plans; but his life ended with a sudden heart attack upon hearing the ruomour that one of the plots was revealed. Hence, he received a state funeral and his familiy were spared from any dishonor; Gaius Quietus, evidentially against the conspiracy, was maintained in his position.

After Lusius' death, the Praefectvra orientis was naturally granted to Gaius Quietus, whereas Lusius' adoptive grandson, Lvcivs Aelivs Nerva Quietvs Commodvs [4], commonly known as Commodus, was appointed Praefectus occidentis. This however wasn't anymore the original prefecture created by Trajan in 118 AD. The future prefects were exhorted to respect the control funtions of two assemblies established in the year 132: the Concilivm praefectvrae, a committee of Legati ivridici appointed by the princeps, acting as a jury (Ivridices) and appellate court, thus curtailing its judicial power, and the Concilivm orientis, a body representing the local elites in the Mesopotamian cities, which served as religious authority and reported local hardships to the emperor. Furthermore, a Qvaestor orientis had to allow each major expenditure, and two Missi principis supervised respectively the civil and military administration. Hereby, the power of the eastern prefect was closely controlled; a similar structure was established in the western prefecture.

The organisation of the Roman legions in the east, after the suppression of the Jewish revolt, was the following:

Arabia Petraea
One legion.

Armenia maior
Two legions.
Classis hyrcanica.

Armenia minor
One legion.

Assyria
One legion.

Babylonia
Four legions.
Classis persica.

Mesopotamia.
One legion.

Syria
One legion.

Syria Palaestina
One legion.

A total of twelve legions. Note that Cappadocia is an internal province now (Armenia closed the border in the east) and doesn't need legions any more. Auxiliaries are sufficient.

[1] OTL's Antonine Wall
[2] Note that the nomen gentile Nerva is retained in the imperial name - it will be the dynastiy's name.
[3] Quietus is reduced to a cognomen.
[4] OTL's Lucius Aelius, father of Lucius Verus


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Next update will treat the foreign relations with a new economic partner of the Romani...

And there will be some intellectual rape of the Christian doctrine.
 
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Than, please, give me a name for northern Mesopotamia (...and Adiabene). If not, it will remain Assyria.
As he mentioned I believe, the Romans sometimes referred to the region as Transtigrana. Or you can always go with the good ol' Roman convention of "Mesopotamia Inferior" and "Mesopotamia Superior".

EDIT: Minor quibble. I feel to historians, rather than being known as Lusius Quietus (because oh boy, how much confusion would that create?) he would be known more as "Commodus".
 
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So let's talk a bit about your model of governement.

I understand, that you introduced 2 co-emperors or super-legates with the praefectus orientis and praefectus occidentis. I deem it advisable to install a 3rd praefectus illyricum. Imagine, while Hadrian fights in Cyrene, the Germans cross the Danube. Responsible commanders with decent armies are needed to avoid one of the biggest reasons for usurpations in the 3rd century: The legions themselves supported by the provincial elite acclaimed (and enforced) a local legate emperor, in order to get optimal conditions to defend their homeland.

As distinct from the late empire multi-emperor model, not the entire empire is divided into praefecturae. Because your praefecturae are not a new and consistent level of civil administration, but primarily of regional military defense. Pacified regions like Spain, Macedonia or Asia must not belong to a praefectus. Also minor fronts like Africa or Aegyptus (1) can remain the responibility of a classic Legatus Augusti pro praetore. Furthermore all new civil magistrates in the praefecturae should report to the emperor. This helps to reduce the power of the new praefects to the absolute minimum they need to defend their front. In the late empire we got 4 emperors with 4 civil praefecti and at least 4 magistri militum. In your TL we have just a few praefects reporting to one Augustus. This should reduce complexity greatly and increase manageability.

You also introduced more local division of power. It makes a lot of sense, that these super-legates have no power of civil iurisdiction and adminstration and no access to unlimited funds. I also like the idea of a consilium prafecturae. So far my idea was just to strengthen the already existing consilii provinciae. But to introduce a consilium on a higher level makes sense, too. Every roman magistrate had a consilium. The emperor had one, and the duumvir of Pompeji, or the procurator Alpes Maritimae had one, too. But these were just informal advisory boards, hand-picked by the magistrate himself. To appoint these consilii offcially and gave them actual power, makes again a lot of sense.

I understand that Gaius Quietus is a Caesar and heir, but Quietus Commodus is not. How lucky you, that Commodus was old and experienced enough to do this job at all. Is it really wise to appoint that young men? Furthermore an important question is, if a praefectus has to be Caesar or not. Is it preferable to have 3 Caesars (assuming you introduce the 3rd praefectura)? Is it preferable to have just 1 Caesar? And is it advisable that none of the praefects is Caesar, because the emperor has no son or the son is too young. How could a working model of succession look like? How to avoid, that an emperor dies without an widely accepted heir. How to avoid, that multiple Caesars, prefects or sons of them compete about succession in a civil war like in late empire? And how to avoid, that an incompetent son of the emperor like this other Commodus becomes heir.

So still a lot of issues to solve, but I guess you are on the right way.

Perhaps you should think about a more powerful consilium principis. Could be formed by the most powerful magistrates after 3 years of service. Perhaps as 1 station of a rotation model. Also think about a central field army (exercitus praesentalis). An emperor without his own force is a lame duck. And a central mobile reaction force (mobile means fleet support) was one of the good ideas of the late empire. But how to avoid, that this central commander of all powerful people usurps? Hint: does a central field army really need a single commander?

(1) I know, that Aegyptus was not commanded by a Legatus Augusti pro praetore, but its time to think about a military reform anyways.
 
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Thus, he concentrated on domestic policy while striving for the favor of the presumed heir Gaius Aelius Nerva Caesar Quietus [3] (usually designated as Gaius Quietus)

...

On the one hand, he conferred him the compulsory titles Consul and Princeps iuventutis, adding the title of Praefectus occidentis to it.


Just 2 minor annotations:

1. Gaius full name was Gaius Lusius Quietus, right? So if I understood roman naming rules correctly his new name after adoption is Gaius Aelius Nerva Lusianus Caesar. Rememeber, when Gaius Octavius was adopted by Julius Caesar became Julius Caesar Octavianus. The family name changed from Octavius (the octavian) to Octavianus (the former octavian). And I am pretty sure, that Caesar as a title in the meantime is at the end of the name. But correct me, if I am wrong

2. Consul was never donated as a pure title. This function is just too honorable. Gaius could become a consul ordinarius and therefor have to stay for 1 year in Rome. Most honorably together with Hadrian. Or he becomes consul suffectus, which is possible in absence. Even if Gaius has a lot of work to do in Gallia, I guess it is a good idea, that Hadrian takes him under his wing for 1 year.
 
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Than, please, give me a name for northern Mesopotamia (...and Adiabene). If not, it will remain Assyria.

I really need a map of Persia:D Isn't Ecbatana in the Zagros...? And the difference between Media magna and the Median issue?

Don't get me wrong. I did not argue against your naming. Mesopotamia for the north, Babylonia for the South and Assyria for the region beyond the Tigris are fully ok, sounds very roman or is at least more or less historical. Alternatively Mesopotamia superior, Mesopotamia inferior and Media Adiabadene would be decent, too. Names don't matter that much.

My critics was, that it is not the best idea to provincialize parts of Media at all. In the meantime I did a bit more research. Actually Media Adiabadene was not median. It was mainly assyrian ethnically. In contrast to the 2 Mesopotamia, which were syrian/babylonian/greek population. So stay with your province of Assyria. My arguments above were obviously rather weak. But if you ever draw a map, look at the location of Ctesiphon durectly at the Tigris and ask yourself, why the area east of the south Tigris should belong to Assyria, like you can see it in some of these vague maps. This area never belonged to Media Adiabadene and is surely not populated by ethnic assyrians.

I also disagreed, that you integrated the client kingdom of Characene into your new province Babylonia, because I am convinced, that this would be detrimental to the empires overall profit. But it could work. Just mention, that the cities in the south of Babylonia are Civitates Foederatae. This means, that the governor of Babylonia has no rights over there. These cities are theoretically even not part of the empire. Just the emperor himself can take action on a case by case basis and just with very good reasons. This way your province of Babylonia is ok and these incompetent roman traders don't ruin the trade profits with India. Of course the emperor can still ask these rich cities for tributes (not taxes) and can lease the 25% external trade tax to publicani as usual.

Regarding Media: As Caesar already could have written in his De Bello Parthico: Media est omnis divisa in partes tres, ...

The entire region east of the Tigris, south of Armenia, west of Parthia and Hyrcania and northwest of Susiana is called Media Magna. In the northwest you have Media Adiabadene, in the northeast you have Media Atropatene, and in the south of Media you have the area of Ecbatana. The problem is, that there are no ancient maps about Media. We just have ancient descriptions which are not fully clear and interpreted more or less vaguely by modern historians, who drew a map. Sometimes the area of Ecbatana is part of Atropatene, which is not fully correct, because Media was divided after Alexander, and sometimes it is called Media Magna, which I call wrong.

Just forget about it. If your emperors ever conquer the Zagros Mountains and move the border up to the iranian deserts, just call the 2 new provinces Media inferior (Ecbatana) and Media Superior (Gazaca).
 
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Alcsentre Calanice

Gone Fishin'
So let's talk a bit about your model of governement.

Its not my model. Its the work of the great emperors Trajan and Hadrian:p.

I understand, that you introduced 2 co-emperors or super-legates with the praefectus orientis and praefectus occidentis. I deem it advisable to install a 3rd praefectus illyricum. Imagine, while Hadrian fights in Cyrene, the Germans cross the Danube. Responsible commanders with decent armies are needed to avoid one of the biggest reasons for usurpations in the 3rd century: The legions themselves supported by the provincial elite acclaimed (and enforced) a local legate emperor, in order to get optimal conditions to defend their homeland.

Like almost every important reform in history, the prefectures were not the invention of one man. Trajan created one in the east, Hadrian one in the west to protect Britannia and the Rhine. A third prefecture on the Danube will be formed when the necessity emerges. But, as you said, it has the goal and the effect to centralize and to simplify the defense of menaced regions of the empire.

As distinct from the late empire multi-emperor model, not the entire empire is divided into praefecturae. Because your praefecturae are not a new and consistent level of civil administration, but primarily of regional military defense. Pacified regions like Spain, Macedonia or Asia must not belong to a praefectus. Also minor fronts like Africa or Aegyptus (1) can remain the responibility of a classic Legatus Augusti pro praetore. Furthermore all new civil magistrates in the praefecturae should report to the emperor. This helps to reduce the power of the new praefects to the absolute minimum they need to defend their front. In the late empire we got 4 emperors with 4 civil praefecti and at least 4 magistri militum. In your TL we have just a few praefects reporting to one Augustus. This should reduce complexity greatly and increase manageability.

Yes, simplicity and a logical structure are the aspired values of the new military organization. But as separtion of military and civil power (magister militium - comes - dux/praefectus - vicarius - praeses) wasn't known in the 2nd century, the point that all civil magistrates report to the emperor from the beginning is quite unrealistic. The first target of the emperors will be to maintain the centralization of the military command, while local authorities can slowly emancipate through the different provincial institutions created to check the prefect's power. Do not expect all at once. It's though quite possible that some of the imperial provinces outside of the prefectures will be returned to the "senate and the people" as they are considered as safe (the imperial provinces of Hispania and Asia), while the last senatorial provinces with military presence become imperial (Numidia).

You also introduced more local division of power. It makes a lot of sense, that these super-legates have no power of civil iurisdiction and adminstration and no access to unlimited funds. I also like the idea of a consilium prafecturae. So far my idea was just to strengthen the already existing consilii provinciae. But to introduce a consilium on a higher level makes sense, too. Every roman magistrate had a consilium. The emperor had one, and the duumvir of Pompeji, or the procurator Alpes Maritimae had one, too. But these were just informal advisory boards, hand-picked by the magistrate himself. To appoint these consilii offcially and gave them actual power, makes again a lot of sense.

Divide et impera. The different consilia (inspired by the conseil préfectoral and conseil général of Napoleon) are not born out of an ideal of letting the local elites take part in the prefecture's affairs, but the outcome of the consequent thought that competition and mutual suspicion are the best way to stop a possible united opposition to the central power in Rome.

I understand that Gaius Quietus is a Caesar and heir, but Quietus Commodus is not. How lucky you, that Commodus was old and experienced enough to do this job at all. Is it really wise to appoint that young men? Furthermore an important question is, if a praefectus has to be Caesar or not. Is it preferable to have 3 Caesars (assuming you introduce the 3rd praefectura)? Is it preferable to have just 1 Caesar? And is it advisable that none of the praefects is Caesar, because the emperor has no son or the son is too young. How could a working model of succession look like? How to avoid, that an emperor dies without an widely accepted heir. How to avoid, that multiple Caesars, prefects or sons of them compete about succession in a civil war like in late empire? And how to avoid, that an incompetent son of the emperor like this other Commodus becomes heir.

I thought of a clear succession order: when acceding to his office, the Augustus of the emperor, ruling from Rome or, more generally, from the western part of the empire, chooses one trustworthy friend he whish to be his heir as Caesar and Praefectus orientis. As a heir, he owes his whole position to the ruling emperor and knows that he will be emperor at some point; this reduces the risk of an usurpation. A third person, chosen by the Augustus will be adopted by the Caesar and appointed Praefectus occidentis - he is very young and inexperienced, and is hence educated in this direction during his youth. The current Augustus is Hadrian, Gaius Quietus is Caesar and Praefectus orientis, Commodus is Praefectus occidentis.

On the issue of Commudus and Quietus: Quietus gained some experience in the west since Trajan appointed him governor of the west.

To ensure the fidelity of such an important commander, Trajan thirdly stipulated that Hadrian would adopt the son of Quietus, who was in this way made heir of Hadrian (and of Trajan). The presumed heir should act as "viceroy" in Gaul and Britanny to gain some experience before becoming emperor himself. In later times, this special sequence would evolve in an exactly defined order of succession to the imperial throne.
So, Gaius Quietus has almost ten years of administrative and military knowledge when becoming commander in the east (And he isn't that young: Lusius Quietus' father was already soldier in 40 AD, so Lusius Quietus was maybe 70 years old in 130 AD, and his son is now 40 years old; Commodus is only 30 years old). The choice of Commodus might be disadvantageous, but this is how history works: men make mistakes.

So still a lot of issues to solve, but I guess you are on the right way.

Time will tell.


Perhaps you should think about a more powerful consilium principis. Could be formed by the most powerful magistrates after 3 years of service. Perhaps as 1 station of a rotation model. Also think about a central field army (exercitus praesentalis). An emperor without his own force is a lame duck. And a central mobile reaction force (mobile means fleet support) was one of the good ideas of the late empire. But how to avoid, that this central commander of all powerful people usurps? Hint: does a central field army really need a single commander?

Hm. The emperor has already the two central fleets, the Praetorian guards, the Cohortes urbanae, the Vigiles, and, most important, the Danubian and Illyrican legions in his proximity and under his direct command. That's also why I'm opposed to a third prefecture on the Danube. The emperor needs some troops controlled by himself to put down putschists. Also, the creation of a central exercitus praesentalis requires the weakening of the units at the limites imperii. And why should the Roman principat form a comitatenses - limitanei army if the barbarians beyond the borders cause no dammage - at least until now. Though, I could image a gradual reinforcement of the Praetorian guard (like the Imperial guard of Napoleon: from 4 178 in 1800 to 112 482 in 1814), which will lastly be somewhat like a "comitatus" of the emperor.

And please state our ideas on the consilium more precisely.
 

Alcsentre Calanice

Gone Fishin'
Just 2 minor annotations:

1. Gaius full name was Gaius Lusius Quietus, right? So if I understood roman naming rules correctly his new name after adoption is Gaius Aelius Nerva Lusianus Caesar. Rememeber, when Gaius Octavius was adopted by Julius Caesar became Julius Caesar Octavianus. The family name changed from Octavius (the octavian) to Octavianus (the former octavian). And I am pretty sure, that Caesar as a title in the meantime is at the end of the name. But correct me, if I am wrong

You are right, but in my defence I have to assert that I know the basics of Roman naming convention. It's just that they weren't observed that strictly in the 2nd century. Traianus was not Ulpianus, and Hadrian, even after his adoption was "Caesar Publius Aelius Traianus Hadrianus Augustus " (wiki) and not "Marcus Nerva Aelianus", as the adoption by Trajan (Nerva Traianus) would make obligatory. So yes, this is a clear infringement of Roman naming rules, but it was quite usual in these times.

2. Consul was never donated as a pure title. This function is just too honorable. Gaius could become a consul ordinarius and therefor have to stay for 1 year in Rome. Most honorably together with Hadrian. Or he becomes consul suffectus, which is possible in absence. Even if Gaius has a lot of work to do in Gallia, I guess it is a good idea, that Hadrian takes him under his wing for 1 year.

Hadrian can look upon him during his travel in Gaul and Britannia. I thus support the idea of a consul suffectus staying in Gaul, since administrative work is did in the province, land experience is gained over there - this is a clear signal of the declining influence of Rome and the senate on real politics in the empire, even though the population of Rome will steadily grow if the crises of the empire are avoided. The new important centers of the empire are the cities in the west (CCAA, CUT, Treverorum) and in the east (Antioch, Babylon, Alexandria), while the emperor will maybe focus on Mediolanum.
 

Alcsentre Calanice

Gone Fishin'
I also disagreed, that you integrated the client kingdom of Characene into your new province Babylonia, because I am convinced, that this would be detrimental to the empires overall profit. But it could work. Just mention, that the cities in the south of Babylonia are Civitates Foederatae. This means, that the governor of Babylonia has no rights over there. These cities are theoretically even not part of the empire. Just the emperor himself can take action on a case by case basis and just with very good reasons. This way your province of Babylonia is ok and these incompetent roman traders don't ruin the trade profits with India. Of course the emperor can still ask these rich cities for tributes (not taxes) and can lease the 25% external trade tax to publicani as usual.

Is the Roman trade actually going to increase since the route to India and China (a bit shorter than the way from Egypt around Arabia) is now unrestrictedly open to Roman citizens?

Just forget about it. If your emperors ever conquer the Zagros Mountains and move the border up to the iranian deserts, just call the 2 new provinces Media inferior (Ecbatana) and Media Superior (Gazaca).

Hm. The empire is, even if I virtually hate this word, a bit "overstretched" at this point. The economy has to grow so that new legions can be levied before foreign areas are invaded.
 
I seriously think that a division of the empire might be the best solution if the empire gets so many eastern territories,preferably with a capital in Antioch.The problem is can the West actually stand economically on it's own at this stage?The economy of the western half of the empire should be much healthier at this stage.
 

Alcsentre Calanice

Gone Fishin'
I seriously think that a division of the empire might be the best solution if the empire gets so many eastern territories,preferably with a capital in Antioch.The problem is can the West actually stand economically on it's own at this stage?The economy of the western half of the empire should be much healthier at this stage.
Do you really want to dig the empire's grave? :eek:;) The partition of the empire wasn't that good. The tetrarchy brought civil wars, the final division of the empire after Theodosius the Little was the cause of an uncoordinated and unfocused defense of the empire, resulting from the reciprocal distrust of the imperial courts in Ravenna and Constantinople. No, in fact the way was showed to us by the Palmyrene and Gallic Empires: the two regions in the east and west are menaced by strong enemies and thus have to be directed by one powerful commander, himself an unconditional subordinate of the one emperor in Italy aligning the defense of the empire.

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Hadrian's reign II
124 - 139​


Hadrian's foreign policy was characterized not only by the absence of major conquests and the waiver of wars of aggressions, but also by the new relations the eastern conquests established. The foreign relations to the new vasall states had to be stabilized; the east of Parthia, ruled by Vologases III, had to be obtained as ally and used as a buffer against the bellicose Kushan Empire deploying superior mounted archers; trade agreements had to be concluded with the newly discovered clans, states and cities of eastern Arabia to simplify the situation of Roman and Greek merchants in these regions. But this was, to be honest, business as usual - unusual was, by contrast, the delegation reeching Rome in 124 AD, just some weeks after Trajan's death. They wore oriental clothes of silk and spoke a language intellegible only through some Bactrian interpreters, speaking an archaic form of Greek. But the Roman senators and plebs were nevertheless highly impressed by the foreigners representing an empire as huge as Rome and, albeit only in some aspects, as much civilized as the Mediterranean Roman empire.

The ambassadors had a long story to tell: the Chinese Empire having conquered large parts of Central Asia under the general Ban Chao in the late years of the first century, the commander had send the envoy Gan Ying in 97 AD towards Rome - now Ban Yong, Chao's son and supreme commander of the western Chinese territories repeated this move, recalling the old Gan Ying, and sent him to the west in reply to the rumours of the Roman empire having subjugated the old obstacle between the empires, Parthia. Gan Ying travelled till the Hyrcanian Sea, sailed to Albania and travelled through the empire using the elaborated roads of Rome. In each city, he was received with official honours of a consul, and some, observing his cortege of 7000 men[1], assumed that his has to be the emperor of the Sinae. Himself was astonished by the level of "culture" and "civilization" he saw in Rome, admiring the formidable streets, the monumental architecture and the well organized legions patrolling at the borders - solely the modest ceremonial of the imperial court, and, of course, the fact he had to speak in front of the senate, an assembly "of kings", seeing itself as the real souvereign body of the empire, deceived him, since he was hoping to meet a second Son of the Heaven. After the formal reception by the proud, but powerless senate, Ying was received by Hadrian on the Palatine, where they hold talks about the general relationship between the empires.

After long weeks of discussion and mutual discovery, they finally signed the Pactvs sinarvm, the Treaty of the Chinese. Since having no common borders and facing the impossibility of any direct military actions against each other, they declared that the Senate and People of Rome and the Huangdi have no clashing interests in the world and that peace and amity should reign between the two countries - the fact that the two great powers were separated by a third empire, the Kushans, helped absolutely. They also claimed for eternal peace in the east and in the west and, the most important settlement, determined uniform tariffs and priviliges for Roman merchants in China and Chinese merchants in Rome. Even if these tariffs were quite high and the priviliges more ceremonial, they show the big amount of respect and interest both empires had in regard of the other part of the world.

As a consequence of the treaty, a permanent Chinese plenipotentiary stayed in Rome with some thousand delegates to get to know something about Rome's society, culture, art, politics, history, military... They also started to translate Chinese classics into Latin, while a Roman embassy leaved the empire to return the visit - as they took the Greek culture with them, Socrates, Plato and Aristotle, the diplomatic relations fired a broad cultural exchange between the empires. The Chinese were often admirers of Roman infrastructure, of they rational army organization and of the powerful Roman fleet. In contrast, the Romans liked the fine Chinese art, the subtle Asiatic communication and the efficiently centralized bureaucracy of the Huangdi. Especially many officers sent to China as a part of the Roman embassy studied very exactly what they thought to be the most efficient defensive installation of the world, the Vallum sinicum: some superior commanders stated that, because imperial cowardice prevented the conquest of the north, Rome will have to build something like this to prevent the barbarians from overcoming the Germanian and Dacian limes. This attitude would mark several generations of legionaries...


[1] An overestimated number. The original delegation had maybe 1000 members.

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Next update: The religions and cultures of the empire with a revolutionary syncretism.
Maybe also an overview about the administration, politics and military of the Roman empire if you want it. As you like it. :D
 
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I seriously think that a division of the empire might be the best solution if the empire gets so many eastern territories,preferably with a capital in Antioch.The problem is can the West actually stand economically on it's own at this stage?The economy of the western half of the empire should be much healthier at this stage.

Of course with multiple emperors the roman empire will divide sooner or later, more or less. And the West will always be weaker than the East. Even if the West would perhaps be able to defend itself better, without the desastrous 3rd century crisis.

The challenge of an alternative history with a surviving roman empire is to exactly avoid this division! The most challenging goal is a united roman empire with reasonable borders, a stable political order, a reasonable adminstrative model, able to govern such a huge and diversified empire, and less usurpations. And all this without violating the ancient mindset.

Now Washington has choosen to add a 3rd culture and political focus to this empire: the orient. Does'nt make things easier, but perhaps more interesting.

Theodosius the Little

The most appropriate name I have ever heard!
 

Alcsentre Calanice

Gone Fishin'
The challenge of an alternative history with a surviving roman empire is to exactly avoid this division! The most challenging goal is a united roman empire with reasonable borders, a stable political order, a reasonable adminstrative model, able to govern such a huge and diversified empire, and less usurpations. And all this without violating the ancient mindset.

Augustus tried to organize this. But Augustus didn't anticipated the Roman expansion into Mesopotamia, and he spare Rome's strongest foe from conquest after 9 AD. Maybe an improvement of ancient means communication could strengthen the empire's unity. Is a Roman Claude Chappe the realms of possibility?

The most appropriate name I have ever heard!

My personal reluctance to him. He is

1) a Christian fanatic
2) a Christian fanatic
3) a Christian fanatic.

Three good excuses for hating him.
 
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