What's the CSA's National Anthem?

  • Dixie

    Votes: 39 48.1%
  • God Save the South

    Votes: 31 38.3%
  • The Bonnie Blue

    Votes: 11 13.6%

  • Total voters
    81
  • Poll closed .
Preface

dcharles

Banned
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Preface​

Years ago, I started work on a novel, The Devil and Harvey Hill, that told the story of a Confederate victory from the eyes of four historical characters: Robert Smalls, Confederate General D.H. Hill, OTL spy and probable Lincoln conspirator Sara Slater, and an obscure carpenter and free Creole of color, Joseph Joly.

In a variety of ways, I bit off more than I could chew with The Devil and Harvey Hill. For one, I think that doing a story like that--dark, epic, terrifying--was beyond my capabilities as a storyteller and a writer at the time. It may always be. I could never stop researching, never stop rewriting. It was also psychologically taxing to write. A novel requires that the writer inhabit the headspace of a character in a supremely intimate way, and that was a story of bad people doing terrible things out of choice and good people doing terrible things out of necessity. It was dark, and especially in the years of the timeline I was trying to novelize, extraordinarily hopeless.

Off and on (mostly off, let's be honest), I worked on it for several years. At some point I realized that I was spinning my wheels, and I moved onto other things. I'm glad I did. Writing different things made me a stronger writer. However, I'm not sure that anything a person works on for so long ever really stays buried. It hasn't, at least for me.

I don't know that I'll ever return to that novel specifically. If I do, it'll be an a radically different form. But the desire to explore a Confederate victory never left me. While it is the most well-trodden of Alternate History scenarios, there are good reasons for that. The Confederacy was the first state to be founded specifically and primarily on the principles of ideological racism, an ideological position which dominated Western thought, conservatively, for a century and a half. While the defeat of the Confederacy certainly did not spell the defeat of racism as an ideology, in the long march of history, it represents a crucial inflection point. To draw a metaphor that's quite on the nose, the defeat of the Confederates wasn't the Gettysburg in the battle against racism, but it might very well have been the Sharpsburg.

Which leads me to something I've been circling. On balance, no good can come of a Confederate victory. Even in the optimistic scenarios where the US reconquers the CS in twenty years, any sort of realistic accounting of such a conflict entails a bloodbath the likes of which have never been seen in North America. Even for someone like me, who is on the political left, and who reckons it highly possible that there would be a twentieth century socialist successor state to the CS, the human cost to get there is almost inconceivable. In other words, the Confederacy, in conception and execution, was a crime against humanity. There is no scenario in which extending the lifespan of the Confederate States of America does not presuppose the extension of a monstrous crime spree upon the human race.

And so, while this is not a dystopian story in the sense that I'm gleefully heaping misery on the human race, it is a story of the bad thing.

One of the reasons I've decided to dust this old story off is because I haven't seen something that looks at the Confederacy in quite this way in some time. Maybe not ever. It seems that the current spirit of the genre is to imagine the Confederacy as a banana republic analogue, politically and economically. While I acknowledge that this is a possibility, I don't think it's the most likely one. So often, the Confederacy is measured against the United States. This is natural and logical in the context of history--the United States was blessedly, the only foe the Confederacy got to tangle with. But if the Confederates had won the war, they would have been one nation among many. In numerous respects, they measured up quite strongly. The white literacy rate and standard of living were both very high, they were making money hand over fist, and even in metrics where the Confederacy has been maligned, such as miles of railroad track and manufacturing capacity, they measure up internationally. For example, the South's 9500 miles (15288 km) of railroads in 1860 might have been less than the UK or the US, but it was more than France, Italy, Russia, or anywhere else. While the South's manufacturing capacity in 1860 was far less than the North's, it was average internationally. I did the math on it several years back, and IIRC, the South's manufacturing in 1860 put it in the neighborhood of Austria-Hungary or Italy. Although we don't have good numbers on it, it is a certainty that the South had a far, far greater manufacturing capacity in 1863 than they did in 1860.

That wartime transformation was both sought after and welcomed. The probusiness, promanufacturing ethos of the New South was really, a continuation and modification of a movement that began in the 1850s. JDB DeBow and William Gregg were merely the most famous spokesmen for antebellum industrialization. They were hardly alone. The lagging of Southern industry was a widely recognized issue before the war, and the need for it became a veritable tenet of Confederate nationalism. Reconstruction, the devastation from the war, the economic and demographic dislocation caused by emancipation, and the emergency created in the minds of the ruling class by the threat to white supremacy--that was the anomaly. If that 15-20 year interregnum is averted, I see no reason for the turn towards industrialization to wane. To the contrary.

As that might imply, this will not be the moonshine and tobacco juice take on the Confederacy that I see a lot of these days. Those aren't always bad stories, this just isn't one of them. It will also not be the kind of moonlight and magnolias, Golden Circle fantasy that I see too much of on Reddit. Those are almost always bad stories, and the people who write them don't have a great track record either. Instead, what I aim to show here is the picture of a CSA, eagerly embracing the hardware of modernity while rejecting the freedoms it suggests, barreling towards the twentieth century, creating capitalism in the image of Forrest and Anderson, Duke and Hughes. In many ways, I would expect the Confederacy to have many proto-fascist characteristics--militaristic and illiberal, but also ruthlessly modernist, and somewhat self-consciously creating a new society.

Because of what I want to focus on here, I'm skipping the Civil War entirely. Of course, war makes fortunes, and the leaders and generals of the war will play a huge role in the following decades, so many wartime events will be referenced obliquely and explicitly. When I was writing The Devil and Harvey Hill, the war was all gamed out, so if you've got any questions about it, you can hit me up on the thread or in a dm. Chances are, I've got the answer, but the details of Jackson's Bluegrass Campaign aren't the most relevant thing for our story here. The Confederacy winning isn't the most likely outcome--I put it somewhere between 1/5 and 2/7. They've got to land a lot of bell-ringers and a thunderous liver shot to win the war, and they're jumping up a weight class to do it. In this timeline, suffice it to say they do. Here, we're concentrating on the world that comes after.

The title comes from Henry Grady's line--"the South has nothing for which to apologize"--delivered in the maliciously delusional "New South Speech," given to a New York audience in 1886. It's well worth a look for anyone who hasn't already read it, and a reread for anyone who has.

Anyway, that's enough god-damned preface.

*The original image comes from Jules-Alexandre Grun, painted in 1902.
 
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At last, an individual who can gaze beyond the atrocious, emotional conception of either exploitable 'cotton republic' or Western Hemisphere-dominant subtropical empire and understand the Southern Confederacy for the strange, modern potential it actually possessed regarding industrial slave economy. You are spot-on concerning the 'proto-corporatist' nature of Confederate government and the 'proto-fascist' undercurrent of the Southern intelligentsia, especially the ideology professed by George Fitzhugh in the 1850s.

As far as I am concerned, the Confederacy's greatest opportunity for decisive military and diplomatic success occurred in the late summer of 1862. Lee could have destroyed Pope's ill-positioned army on the Rapidan, and Bragg, had he had direct command over Kirby-Smith, could have turned into the rear of Buell in Middle Tennessee as was his original intent upon departing Tupelo.
 

dcharles

Banned
At last, an individual who can gaze beyond the atrocious, emotional conception of either exploitable 'cotton republic' or Western Hemisphere-dominant subtropical empire and understand the Southern Confederacy for the strange, modern potential it actually possessed regarding industrial slave economy.

That's certainly what I'm going to be trying for. Within the past 10 years or so, a lot of the scholarship has gotten to a point where I can actually support the postwar speculation that I had back in the day. The Half Has Never Been Told, Slavery's Capitalism, Confederate Industry and too many more to name. They'll all be in heavy rotation for this. It's truly amazing how much fantastic scholarship there's been, on slavery, the South, and the Confederacy, since the 2010s.

You are spot-on concerning the 'proto-corporatist' nature of Confederate government and the 'proto-fascist' undercurrent of the Southern intelligentsia, especially the ideology professed by George Fitzhugh in the 1850s.

He was a scary guy.

As far as I am concerned, the Confederacy's greatest opportunity for decisive military and diplomatic success occurred in the late summer of 1862. Lee could have destroyed Pope's ill-positioned army on the Rapidan, and Bragg, had he had direct command over Kirby-Smith, could have turned into the rear of Buell in Middle Tennessee as was his original intent upon departing Tupelo.

And it's something along those lines. Broad strokes: Special Orders 191 don't fall into McClellan's hands. Lee wins a bloody but decisive victory against McClellan at South Mountain, where both Jackson and DH Hill distinguish themselves. Bragg fights to a stalemate at Perryville, is wounded. Jackson, the Confederacy's celebrity general, gets the command of the Army of Tennessee, DH Hill takes command of Jackson's old corps in the Army of Northern Virginia. Competent leadership in two major theatres. Fill in the blanks from there. The Confederates kick ass for long enough to besiege Washington--poorly. At some point, probably after Jackson has spanked Rosecrans in some spectacular way, the British and French offer to mediate. Lincoln rejects the offer, but agrees to an armistice. Peace talks drag on unfruitfully. Lincoln loses the 1864 election to (political) General and Illinois rival John McClernand and Connecticut governor Thomas Seymour. McClernand agrees to mediation, treaty gets signed. That's the elevator version, and I think it's basically all the background that anyone will need.
 
This sounds promising. It’s a path for the CSA that I don’t think has been well explored.

I am watching this.
 
Chapter 1: So Wicked

dcharles

Banned
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Chapter 1: So Wicked

Pickin’ that cotton,
Pickin’ that coal,
Oh my Lawd,
Come and save my soul.

Oh my Lawd,
Come and save my soul.

Burnin’ in the field,
Blinded in the mine,
My sweet Lawd,
Won’t you give me a sign?

My sweet Lawd,
Don’t give me no sign,

Bossman shout with a whip
And a hound,
Oh my Lawd,
Why you grindin’ me down?

Oh my Lawd,
Why you grindin’ me down?

Oh my Lawd,
Why you grindin’ me down?


Traditional, “Grindin’ Me Down,” (c. 1873), quoted in John Lomax and Moe Asch. Negro Camp Songs, (New Orleans: Tulane and Benjamin University Press, 1937).






“Robert Smalls is dead. I saw him drown. In these times even our Negroes know it to be true, and this has been their condition for several years. The only quarters which now claim otherwise are agitators, fools, and the now-aging pack of Negresses in Colleton County who were saddled with the wooly brood of the Sable Saladin all those years ago.”

—Lt. General Daniel Harvey Hill, (Ret.), “A Note on Present Rumors,” The Land We Love, 4 no. 4 (1872): 12




Forrest and Son.png


“Of the thousands of Negroes interned in the remandment camps of Tennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana and South Carolina, nearly two in ten (19.8%) were left unclaimed. Although the traditional narrative purports that these were overwhelmingly Negroes whose owners had died during the war, current research suggests this to be true only in a minority of cases. Far more common were the cases where the former owners could not afford the arrears levied by the Confederate government for their care and upkeep.[1] Widely attested at the time, surely more claims fell through the administrative cracks as the remandment camps evolved in scope and purpose, as dictated by the military challenges posed by the Contraband threat in various localities. And there is no doubt that some unknown portion, perhaps having relocated altogether, were frightened away by the lurid tales of Robert Smalls and his ilk that circulated in the Southern press in the war’s aftermath.

Whatever their reasons for remaining unclaimed, the twenty-eight thousand or so slaves that remained in the remandment camps after Easter of 1866 were sold at auction, beginning with the Easter Monday auction of eleven-hundred thirty-five “likely and hale Negroes” from the St. Gabriel Remandment Camp in Iberville Parish, Louisiana. For the steely-eyed men of destiny willing to brave custodianship of the hardened Contrabands who infested the remandment camps, the auctions of 1866 represented a golden opportunity.

It can be said without hyperbole that no man took greater advantage of that opportunity than General Nathan Bedford Forrest. A citizen-soldier of supreme renown, Forrest was a prewar millionaire of the self-made variety. After the withdrawal of US soldiers from the Mississippi Valley in March 1865, Forrest was appointed Commandant for Remandment in West Tennessee and North Mississippi…

Keen-eyed gambler that he was, Forrest was by late June–two months before the Davis administration publicly announced plans for a rolling series of auctions in 1866–already corresponding with banking houses in New Orleans, London, and Paris to secure funding for the nascent Forrest & Son Labor Brokers, Ltd…

…Establishing lines of credit totalling nearly £90,000, Forrest was in position to pounce when auction season arrived. And pounce he did. After the Confederate government and the State of Texas, Forrest & Son took more of the unclaimed remandants into custody than any other single individual or entity–nearly seven percent of the total. Indeed, when the results of the Provisional Census of 1866 were compiled, Wade Hampton of South Carolina found himself dethroned from his lofty perch as the South’s largest slaveholder. Overtaking the antebellum stalwart was Forrest & Son, the very prototype of the New South upstart….

Even before he resigned his commission in the spring of 1866, Forrest & Son had already signed contracts with Shelby County and the State of Tennessee for road repair, and with the mighty Louisville & Nashville Railroad for the laying and repair of railroad track. In the autumn of 1866–one of the most profitable years of all– planters all over the Delta rented gangs of field hands provided by Forrest & Son to supplement their own labor forces to bring in the bumper crop…

Expansion continued apace. Although the cotton glut of 1867 and 1868 caused demand for excess labor in the Delta to slacken, Forrest pursued opportunities across the nation with characteristic flexibility and aggression. By 1869, Forrest & Son train cars emblazoned with the already-famous slogan–Firstest with the Mostest–were crisscrossing the CSA, delivering hands, drivers,[2] and overseers everywhere from the pine forests of Florida to the railroad camps of Texas. By 1870, census records show that Forrest & Son had acquired a staggering 4,218 slaves, more than doubling their total in 1866, and far outpacing Hampton, who had by then fallen to third place with “only” 2,737.

Although Forrest himself was inclined to colloquial understatement when asked about the factors behind his success, Forrest & Son is credited with a number of innovations in the fields of corporate accounting and scientific management, standardizing units of work and productivity across a variety of tasks. [3] More crucially, this knowledge was applied to an ever widening array of industries, setting benchmarks for labor output that became national and international standards. Nowhere was the willingness to expand into new industries more evident than in 1871, when Forrest & Son provided the labor to break a coal miner’s strike in Cowan, Tennessee. Many at the time insisted that Negroes had not the fortitude to labor in the forbidding conditions of the coal mine, but Forrest dismissed their concerns with nonchalance.
Characteristically colorful, he mused in 1873 that adapting slave labor to the mines was more challenging to the overseers than it was to the hands:


‘Anyone says n—s ain’t no good in a coal mine, cash receipts at Forrest & Son says different. N—s take to coal just like they take to cotton. On’y problem we had was finding something like to take the place of the cowhide. Ain’t no room in a coal mine to r’ar back with one of them bullwhips. We tried the bamboo, we tried the birch, but them’s liable to break. Them navy whips [4] either tickle a n— or cut him to pieces.
Them stingers [5] was the innovation, I say. A good stinger’s the coal boss’ best friend.’”

— Andrew Nelson Lytle, The King of Flesh: Bedford Forrest and His Times (Sewanee: University of the South, 1943), 3-7.

[1] Indeed, present research shows the overwhelming majority of claims for which arrears which could not be satisfied were claims for less than five Negroes, suggesting that the loss of property represented by each unsatisfied claim fell more acutely on the smallholders.
[2] A Negro overseer.
[3] Predating by years the imitation Northern science of "Taylorism."
[4] The so called 'cat-o-nine tails,' or more simply, 'the cat' of Royal Navy fame.
[5] A short, thick whip, generally 2½ to 3 feet long, crafted from alligator hide and cured in a mixture of pine tar and turpentine.







"The archetype of the Hardened Contraband occupies a peculiar and enduring place in the Southern psyche, the malicious mirror image of the faithful darky so persistent in the works of authors such as Thomas Nelson Page, Joel Chandler Harris, and Eliza Ripley. Although the persistence of the trope is indisputable, the nature of the Hardened Contraband is itself contradictory, a product of the dissonance and anxiety produced by the historical Contraband Uprisings and the subsequent government policy of large scale remandment.

Alternately an object of fear or ridicule, both dreadful and transfixing, the Hardened Contraband began to proliferate as a character type in the dime store novels of the late 1860s and early 1870s, as stock villains of the Western Genre popular in both the US and CS. In this context, the Hardened Contraband is an inveterate desperado, dangerous and duplicitous, living a shadowy existence in the Arizona Territory or the Mexican Empire. It was not until the end of the Beauregard era that the stock villain of the dime store began to evolve into the vehicle for pointed cultural commentary the Hardened Contraband became.

With the rise of Les Femmes Dangereuses in the late nineteenth century, the trope developed in unexpected ways. Gone was the cunning bandito of the western frontier. In his place was the haunted fugitive of the Low Country swamps, remorseful and resourceful, memorably portrayed by the character of Jasper in Annulet Andrews’ Ghosts of Taylor’s Creek, published in 1882. In Sara Barnwell Elliot’s Jerry (1887), the western setting is revisited, but Hudson, the titular protagonist’s hunting guide (revealed to be a former Contraband in the third act), is a savvy and patient mentor who saves the gullible Jerry from the gang of unemployed overseers who seek to rob and murder them both.

Kate Chopin revisited the archetype in several novels and stories, all in a Creole setting. An established writer from the early 1880s, Chopin’s first use of a Contraband character was in 1891 with “The Going Away of Liza,” the first known example of a female Contraband in literature. In 1893, she examined the lynching of a Contraband from two perspectives–the leaders of the lynch mob and a young family attending the lynching–in a pair of stories, “The Night Court of Avoyelles” and “Harvest Time in Acadie”. Her seminal 1895 novel of adultery in the master-slave household, At Fault, is an intimate and self-contained story, and Contrabands are therefore reduced to a pair of background references. However, in 1899, Chopin broadly combined themes of adultery, marital rape, miscegenation, and the place of the Contrabands in Confederate society in the scorchingly controversial An Awakening in St. John the Baptist. In the novel, Claudette Mentine is trapped in a frigid marriage with the cruel Armand, a handsome and prosperous sugar planter. As Armand targets Claudette with an increasingly baroque and savage series of torments, Claudette in turn harasses Strong Vern, a driver on the Mentine Plantation, viciously and flirtatiously. Strong Vern, who is clearly inspired by the semi-legendary Contraband commander Vernon Martyr, is called upon to rescue Claudette when Armand attempts to rape her subsequent to a brutal beating. After Armand is killed by Vern, Claudette rushes to embrace him. The cross-racial attraction implied by Claudette’s final line, ‘that this embrace would be like eternity,’ caused so much ire in the Confederacy that Chopin went into voluntary exile in Paris in 1900. Widely banned and suppressed–but proliferated just as widely–An Awakening in St. John the Baptist was a national and international bestseller, and cemented Chopin’s reputation as an important and controversial figure in the international literary scene.

Not to be outdone in the world of reportage, the trouser-wearing, convention flouting journalist and adventurer Elizabeth Bisland–’the most dangerous of all the Femmes,’ quipped Mark Twain–published an explosive series of interviews in the New Orleans Picayune in 1892. The interviews, which caused a scandal in two countries and a sensation around the world, purported to be with Robert Smalls, greatest of all the Contrabands. Smalls, who had disappeared twenty-six years before, was long rumored to be both dead and alive. The interviews, conducted in ‘a tropical hamlet not two hours ride from Vera Cruz,’ were compiled into a book in 1894, The Mexican Dispatches; or, Conversations With the Devil of Beaufort County, which also chronicled her adventures in making contact with Smalls and an extended defense to charges that she had made the story up or had been hoodwinked by a con…”

—Carol S. Manning, “The Hardened Contraband in New South Literature,” Journal of Confederate Literature 68 no. 2 (1972): 221-223
 
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I suppose the Confederate Ordnance Department can also be considered the forerunner of 'Taylorism' as well, as the nationalized equivalent of Forrest & Son.

From Steven G. Collins' System In the South:

"Notwithstanding the South's defeat, the accomplishments of the Confederate Ordnance Department, in terms of organizational control and technological improvement, were impressive. The department made significant progress in toward the standardization of ammunition and the creation of a modern bureaucratic system of production. It marshaled raw materials. It assembled, trained, and directed a large work force. It planned and built production sites. The department also established control mechanisms for the production of ammunition that involved the arrangement of production processes, the imposition of size and quality standards, and the introduction of systematic testing and site inspections. Beyond this, it developed strict rules and procedures in packaging materials to control logistical problems, and it introduced accounting procedures for the distribution of arms. Further still, it made technological progress through the use of systematic experimentation of ammunition, timed fuses, and the polygonal shell. It was not failure of vision but defeat on the battlefield that prevented the Confederate Ordnance Department from fully realizing modern organizational structures and technology. Indeed, in the thirty years after the war many of the organizational principles that [Josiah] Gorgas and [John] Mallet implemented became integral parts of the bureaucratic system of big business.

The implications of these bureaucratic ideas for the creation of the New South should not be ignored. To be sure, their antecedents were in the antebellum South. Nevertheless, the Civil War dramatically changed the mindset of many Southerners toward technology and industry. New South advocates used military defeat as justification for the growth of railroads and industry. In the process, they encouraged bureaucratic systems of control..."
 

dcharles

Banned
Couple notes, little bit of housecleaning. Maybe a thing or two I should have put in the preface. We'll see, right?

Anyway, off the bat. The N word. If this was a movie, if this was a book, I'd be inclined not to censor it. But there's kids here, and there's plenty to take out of context anyway, so why kick that particular turd? That being said, if it's something that I'm writing in-universe, you can assume it's not censored in-world. So, in that Lytle book, he's definitely writing that out. If it's something that's censored in-world, idk. We'll climb that mountain when we climb that mountain.

Also, I refer to an author named Annulet Andrews in the text. That's actually Maude Andrews Ohl. I meant to hyperlink it in the chapter. Maybe I'll get around to that one day. Her name is changed because she used that pen-name OTL, and she's a woman writing in a repressive society, and I like Annulet a lot better than Maude. Sorry to all you Maude stans. If you want to write a Maude Andrews story, I'm behind you all the way. In general, if I change someone's name from OTL, I'll try to hyperlink it. Usually, I'm going to try and avoid it though. And furthermore to that point, with obvious exceptions of a character like Vernon Martyr, all the people are historical people.

For some context on the slave numbers, in 1860, there were only two people who owned more than 1000 slaves. To the very best of my knowledge, Wade Hampton was the largest slaveowner with around 1100.

Also, while calculating historical inflation is an imprecise science at best, my own research into it tells me that £90,000 in 1865 is about $15-17 million in modern, pre-Covid money. So, a whole lot of money, but not unrealistically so.
 
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I did the math on it several years back, and IIRC, the South's manufacturing in 1860 put it in the neighborhood of Austria-Hungary or Italy.
Well, the CSA accounted for 8% of total US manufacturing output (according to 1860 census), below *Massachusetts*.

According to Kennedy, the US' share of world manufacturing output in 1860 was 7% - this means the Confederate's share was only two-third of a percent. In comparison, Italy's share was 2.5%. So it was not in the neighborhood of Italy, let alone Austria-Hungary.
 
Considering the CSA here is industrializing slavery and all that, how would the Confederacy's use of slaves in its industrial development compare to the main OTL examples of industrialized slavery (the Nazi use of foreign laborers to fuel their industry to free up more German men for the front, the Soviet usage of gulag labor in their industrialization, and the Japanese using Chinese forced labor to industrialize Manchukuo)? I imagine that Manchukuo might be the best OTL analogy in how Confederate industrialization in many ways is similar in how both systems would use industrial slavery to rapidly industrialize from near-scratch.
 
Considering the CSA here is industrializing slavery and all that, how would the Confederacy's use of slaves in its industrial development compare to the main OTL examples of industrialized slavery (the Nazi use of foreign laborers to fuel their industry to free up more German men for the front, the Soviet usage of gulag labor in their industrialization, and the Japanese using Chinese forced labor to industrialize Manchukuo)? I imagine that Manchukuo might be the best OTL analogy in how Confederate industrialization in many ways is similar in how both systems would use industrial slavery to rapidly industrialize from near-scratch.
Those places used slave or forced labour because of an extreme labour shortage. They did not have to buy slaves or compete with cotton or tobacco plantations etc for slaves. White workers will not like having to compete with slave labour.
 
Another misconception one often will encounter regarding Confederate industrial development is that it would, geographically-speaking, follow the path of Italy, ignoring the antebellum progress of South Carolina, Georgia, and Alabama in mining-and-manufacturing concerns.
 
Very interesting developments--though, of course, morally repugnant. Interesting references to Mexico there as a refuge for the "contraband". Birmingham, AL, I imagine, is going to be a center of industrial slavery ITTL.

I wonder how useful the slaves would be as skilled, rather than unskilled, laborers--the Nazis, historically, used skilled Czech and French machinists in the forced labor camps.
 
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