WASHINGTON DC – The American Presidential election of 1884 was one comprised of new faces and new levels of progress for the American people. Economic prosperity was booming and industrialisation efforts were pushing forward with new net revenue growth for the various state-run corporations of the United States. It was somewhat of a shock that the National Republicans won the plurality of the popular vote winning 29 % of the electorate as well as winning a plurality of the Senate. The House of Representatives remained staunchly split about evenly between the parties with a plurality going towards the Industrial Party. Meanwhile, the seeing their chances with electability slip and wane, the Comardist Party merged with the Socialists to form the Syndicalist Party that represented the farther left from the Industrialist Party. The Syndicalists manged to win more seats in the House of Representatives and the Senate to make them competitive enough as a voice in Congress. However, they continue to lag behind in the presidential polls and only managed to win 15 % of the electorate. Meanwhile, the Populist Party had a bad election year with extreme loses from its national candidate and minor seats lost from both the Senate and the House. The party leader, Chairman José Sanchez, hoped to rejuvenate the party by aligning itself towards local politics and engaging in a grassroots approach to bring communities towards the party. Listening to their concerns and announcing more town hall meetings, the Populists hoped to jump start their party and retain their seats towards the 1885 minor election year with various governorships, senate and house seats up for grabs. The big senate seat up in 1885 would be in Illinois with Senator John Rockefeller of the National Republicans retiring in a few months after years of service. Eyes are hopeful as party leaders began to bite their tongues towards the Illinois primaries.
Meanwhile, as Senator Tadeusz Ajdukiewicz of Pennsylvania ascends to the thrown of the US Presidency, he began working diligently with party members of the National Republicans as well as various members of the Syndicalist Party and the Populist to establish a more progressive tax plan for Americans. Opposing the Syndicalist-Populist-Industrialist-National Republican bloc are the Unionists who found themselves surrounded by progressive tax planners. The Unionists advocated for a flat tax rate of 33 % based on income and a corporate tax rate of 22 %. However, the Syndicalist-Populist-Industrialist-National Republican bloc advocated for a progressive tax rate from 10 % from the lowest earners to 52 % for the highest earners as an income tax plan. The tetrapartisan bloc also advocated a for a corporate tax hike of 42 % whilst placing two more income brackets to further maximise tax allocation from the higher socioeconomic strata. Nevertheless, the Unionist Party found themselves surrounded so they resorted to one thing a minority party can do to make effective change in Congress : filibuster. The Unionists filibustered for eight days reading off of various horror novels and engaging in personal sex stories to make the other parties as uncomfortable as possible. Eventually, the National Republicans relented and made an amendment to the corporate tax hike of 39 %. Taking their minor win, the Unionists ended their filibuster and the Budget Act of 1884 was passed without further quandaries from the House or the Senate. As President Tadeusz Ajdukiewicz passed the act into law, a new budget for the government was implemented in hopes of further inducing economic growth.
About a million or more so Mexicanos had crossed the US-México border towards Portland, Seattle, New York, Chicago, and Nouvelle-Orléans as many had lost their jobs, their homes, and their families during the Mexicano Civil War, and later the disaster of Hurricane Ernesto. The collapse of the Wayne Corporation left thousands homeless and many Mexicanos were stranded when they were displaced by war-related catalysts. Displaced economic refugees along with migrating African-Americans would trigger the First American Northern Migration. Millions of African-Americans and Mexicanos migrated to northern and Great Lake cities to the growing economic opportunities of the north. New York City boomed to three million people whilst Chicago’s population recovered with the acceptance of southern African-Americans and Catholic Mexicanos. Winnipeg received the most with a population booming to almost a million inhabitants. Most Catholic Mexicanos moved in with the Italiano and Irish neighbourhoods, increasing the Catholic bloc in these northern big cities. Meanwhile, African-Americans had joined with the Western African Muslim neighbourhoods and interactions between both black neighbourhoods increased. With segregation prohibited years ago, many ethnic bigots flocked to house ordinance bills that discriminated certain ethnic and religious groups from coming into their neighbourhoods. However, the American Civil Liberty Alliance struct that down under the 5th Circuit Court ruling, ACLA vs James Horvile case that prohibited the housing discrimination bill from taking effect since it violated the previous judicial anti-segregation case. A few thousand ethnic bigots moved north to Lake Alba whilst the rest began to interact more with other ethnic and religious groups as a generation of ethnic and religious mixing was further established. As Lake Alba grows, clashing with First Nations and the Inuit continued to grow with many conflicts inflicting massacres from both sides creating casualties in the thousands. These conflicts would continue for years as clashing continue with the natives of the northern First Nations and Inuit. One man, led by George Custer, would lead two hundred white soldiers against the First Nations and the Inuit fifty-seven kilometres from Lake Alba and would be herald as the saviour of the White Race of America. Custer’s tales of bravery would trickle down south where it would have met with a mixed reaction between progressive and racist whites of the American states.
Whilst northern cities prospered, southern states such as Mississippi, Alabama, South Carolina, and Tennessee continued to lag behind with shite living conditions for many lower socioeconomic people. To combat southern poverty and lack of any sort of contemporary industry, Congress passed the Southern Rehabilitation Act of 1884 with a majority of Industrialists, Populists, and some National Republican support. The Southern Rehabilitation Act would push America Petroleum Corporation, America Energy Corporation, America Steel Corporation, America Shipping Limit, and many other state corporations to establish R&T facilities, manufacturing factories, warehouses, and consumer services in the American south. Memphis, Tennessee; Jackson, Mississippi; Selma, Alabama; Mobile, Mississippi; Atlanta, Georgia; Charleston, South Carolina; La Nouvelle-Orléans, Louisiane; and Raleigh, North Carolina began to shiver with industrial factories, railway links, telecommunication services and appliances, steel construction projects, and research facilities. The Dixie South would boom with industry in the hopes to urbanise and end the rural agricultural economy that once dominated the American Dixie states. This urbanisation and industrialisation of the American Dixie states have somewhat lessened the migration of African-Americans northward and eased the drop in the workforce whilst also simultaneously placing equal treatments between black and white industrial workers of the south since most of the factories are owned by state corporations and are subject to government regulations. However, continued sharecropper abuse and agricultural dependence would still push many African-Americans northward for better wages and living standards in the Great Lakes states.
Meanwhile, following the migration of Mexicano refugees, cannabis was becoming quite ubiquitous in major cities across the United States. From New York to Seattle to Chicago and Winnipeg, cannabis shops run by Mexicanos opened and proliferated creating a boon for substance users to engage in ecstatic highs whilst living in the industrial hearts of cities. Most American industrial workers began to buy out cannabis as an escape route to their hectic and mundane life in manufacturing factories with many saw it as a more peaceful alternative to alcohol. Using cannabis as an alternative to alcohol for an escapist route was becoming common, especially since no one died using cannabis as a recreational use and thousands have died consuming alcohol through alcoholic-related deaths, poisoning, or overconsumption. Cannabis was hailed a safe alternative for many industrial workers and whilst the Unionist Party saw it as a degenerate product of the Mexicanos, the National Republicans and the Industrialists hailed it as a safer route than alcohol, especially as the temperance movements grew and advocacy towards alcohol prohibition or limitation was growing. As regulations for alcohol was raised across Mississippi, Alabama, Washington, Jefferson, and Missouri, cannabis was sought after by the thousands of kilogrammes as an alternative to alcohol. In an effect against alcohol prohibitionists and regulators, cannabis became a new route for substance users. Some alcohol prohibition groups such as the Women’s Temperance Movement began advocating for cannabis as a safe alternative considering its safer side effects and medicinal prospects of using the drug. The American Medicinal Association also began advocating for recreational cannabis use as a medicinal alternative or for other purposes for healing, traumatic stress reliever, or for other medicinal circumstances. Cannabis proliferated for both medicinal and recreational uses and American farmers began growing cannabis across the Great Plains and the Great Lakes states, hoping to sell to both the medicinal community and industrial workers alike. Meanwhile, the American Federal Healthcare Service began issuing cannabis as a medicinal drug across its millions of hospitals across the United States for various circumstances such as treating depression, reducing nausea, reducing chronic pain and muscle spasms, and treating other illnesses. American medicinal communities also began research in cannabis in hopes of attempting to find the right dosage for treating patients whilst bouncing off opinions and reviews between research academies. Dr David Ranford, a leading advocate for medicinal cannabis usage, began leading Congress through lobbying on subsidising the drug and creating a state-run corporation in hopes of at least some government oversight over the drug production. After further lobbying and support from various advocacy groups and some of the medicinal community, the American Congress passed the Medicinal Drug Act of 1884 to establish the state-owned enterprise, America Cannabis Corporation, under the wing of the Federal Bureau of Agriculture. New government regulations on dosages of tetrahydrocannabinol and the recommended use of recreational and medicinal cannabis for different users. The America Cannabis Corporation would also oversee research in determining an equilibrium tetrahydrocannabinol compound and the effects of long-term cannabis use. Otherwise, cannabis use remained legal across the United States under the regulations of the America Cannabis Corporation for tetrahydrocannabinol levels, dosages, and user recommendations for specific circumstances such as in an event of pregnancy, age, and other. Around 50.000 square kilometres of land across the United States would be devoted to cannabis production and cultivation for the America Cannabis Corporation, primarily in the lower Great Plains states and the American southeast Dixie states.
Following the creation of the America Cannabis Corporation, other state-owned enterprises began feeling the share of economic growth. The America Petroleum Corporation experienced a slight bump in sales potential after Mann LLC in Germany was caught by financial regulators for multiple insider trading schemes with Banque de Toulouse, creating a storm out of revelations such as using monetary assets as incentives to favour a judicial litigation against government expropriations, pyramid schemes, and intentionally hiding corporate financial statements to reduce payments of corporate taxes to the German government. In fact, it appeared that various stockbrokers of Mann LLC granted no commission rates to Banque de Toulouse in exchange for financial information to meet their 1 million UK pound sterling quota. Massive protests ensued in their Berlin headquarters and the Chairman of Mann LLC recommended the CEO and the CFO of the company to step down from their positions and let the stockholders vote on subsequent decisions. The Chairman divested from Mann LLC and was quickly bought out by an all-out bid by the America Petroleum Corporation for 45 million real UK pounds with an approval of 84 % of both corporate stockholders. Mann LLC would be renamed after the America Petroleum Corporation and began using its assets and equity to divert towards manufacturing food preservatives, eyeglasses, candles, apparels, soap, and other petroleum-related products. The Board of Directors were relieved of their positions and the stockholders were persuaded to vote for American Board of Directors whilst simultaneously pushing for reforms to ensure American government standards were met. The German market for America Petroleum Corporation was expanding rapidly as an advertisement campaign across Berlin, Frankfurt, Hamburg, and Münich advertised an All-American product propagating that American products meet government regulations and will keep ensuring corruption stayed out the doors. Marketing campaigns with various advertisements of American natural beauty to tie it with petroleum allowed the perception of the American Dream to be exploited for increasing sales potential amongst the German market. Under a review of its corporate financial statements, the America Petroleum Corporation would have 53 % of México’s petroleum market share, 89 % of Québec’s share, 34 % of Cuba, 27 % of Deustchland / Germany, and 43 % of Alyaska. By quarter four of 1884, America Petroleum Corporation would have 2.503.492.293 real American dollars’ worth of assets whilst have an equity valuing in 2.420.493.049 real American dollars and having 298.593 employees around the world including all its subsidiaries—with most residing in México and the United States. The America Petroleum Corporation would have a gross net revenue of 106.394.020 real American dollars per annum including all its subsidiaries. Overall, the America Petroleum Corporation had produced 156.020.817 litres of petroleum per annum with production primarily taken place in Alyaska, Tejas, Eran, Baja California, Colombia, and the American Midwest or whichever government allowed private land to be purchased. However, much of the net revenue of the America Petroleum Corporation would come from horizontal and vertical integration with industries such as soap subsidiaries, candles, velocipede tyres, machines, pillows, toothpaste, helioglasses, rubber cement, refrigerants, diesel fuel, ink, solvents, apparels, tools, weapons, shampoos, antifreeze, combs, fertilisers, deodorants, purses and handbags, oil filters, hair colourings, paints, sports gear, tents, photocameras, wheels, hand lotion, perfume, toilets and components, yarn, batteries, antiseptics, carpets and rugs, rubbing alcohols, petroleum jelly, percolators, umbrellas, roof tiles, caulking materials, musical instruments and components, dentures, refrigerators, golf balls, bandages, ammonia, synthetic rubber, linings, fishing lures, insecticides, sport tools and cleats, dishes, parachutes, paint brushes, pipes, rubbish bins and bags, dishes, and boats. From APC photocameras to America Petroleum Corporation toilets and photocameras, to APC hockey sticks and APC candle sticks, horizontal integration allowed the pursuit of numerous petroleum-related industries under the wing of America Petroleum Corporation. All of these consumer products were under government-regulated prices with low affordable prices for Americans and fair market value prices in foreign markets. The America Petroleum Corporation would be the world’s first corporate conglomerate and would continue to expand towards many markets, all the while buying out competition, merging, and acquiring assets throughout the world.
Weirdly enough, America Petroleum Corporation began expanding towards the apparel industry with a fashion line designed to harness the industrial community and low socioeconomic people. From easy-to-wear and maintain denim trousers, underpants, and jackets to styling long leather boots and ties, America Petroleum Corporation harnessed the denim and leather fabrics for the working-class consumer. In urban environments, cotton and silk was primed for the markets and APC sought to galvanise the urban consumer with polyester fabrics and styles inspired by native American aboriginals. From the styles of Diné to Haudenosaunee, plaids, patterns, and dents were reconstituted to American styles that would push APC towards en vogue native fashion. A mixture of Al Arabiyya thawbs, Français fleur de lis, and Albannaich Argyle produced a plethora of patterns that bounced off ideas from various immigrant-American designers working under the America Petroleum Corporation’s Department of Apparel Designs. Fashion shows and art galas opened across New York, Marseille, Berlin, Wien, Veracruz, and Montréal to bring brand recognition across the world and establish America Petroleum Corporation as the company of fashion. Glass wears such as safety glasses, helioglasses, and eyeglasses were produced en masse with manufacturing companies opening up in Baltimore, Maryland; Springfield, Illinois; Columbus, Ohio; Vancouver, Nuxalit; Selma, Alabama; and Memphis, Tennessee. America Petroleum Corporation pipes, rubber, and cement factories opened up across México and Québec whilst APC textile mills and sports gear factories were constructed across APC private lands of Deutsch Afrika and Tidjaniya. Overall, APC would continue to push forward across various new markets and industries.
Meanwhile, the America Steel Corporation and the America Petroleum Corporation were granted licences by the Québécois, Alyaski, Rossiya, Deustch ( German ), and Österreich-Italiana ( Austria-Italian ) governments to military contracts. Military bases were constructed, furnished, and well maintained by America Steel and America Petroleum Corporations along with weaponry, rail links, and petroleum products. America Steel Corporation also began constructing high rises for the burgeoning population of New York City. With a population of three million people, New York City and its nine boroughs were getting crowded and expanding outwards was almost implausible. To ease the growing rent prices and over-crowding, the city began to look upwards towards the sky as the America Steel Corporation was contracted to construct for various government and private corporate projects to build fifty and above storey buildings across the Isle of Manhattan, the Bronx, and Brooklyn. Two-hundred-metre-tall apartement flats and corporate headquarters would dominate the skyline of New York City, Chicago, Winnipeg, and Philadelphia whilst a combination of concrete and reinforced steel ensured a tough foundation for such behemoths. Many private non-state entities began contracting or subcontracting towards America Steel Corporation since the ASC offered government-regulated price control for steel allowing cheap, ubiquitous steel to manufacture various construction projects. The America Steel Corporation was not just dominating America as the ASC have already a 50 % penetration of its market base in México and 70 % market share over steel in Québec and Alyaska whilst maintaining an 80 % market share over steel production in Cuba. Because of the dominance of America Steel Corporation over North America’s steel production and distribution, large institutional investors in México and Québec had lobbied their respective governments and stock-index providers such as Ricomex to include ASC in their benchmarks and to pursue other steel production entities instead. This hadn’t exactly affected share-price performance yet, but the perception of the ASC as an outlier on corporate governance pushed the leading manager executives and the Board of Directors to merge America Steel Corporation with various corporate competitors such as Hernandez LLC and François & Jean-Luc Co on a 200.000.000 real American dollar bid each with 82 % and 87 % of their respective stockholders to accept the merger. The merger was done under the American jurisdiction to get pass foreign financial regulators and now the state-owned entity controls 85 % of the steel market share of Québec and 74 % of México’s share. By quarter four of 1884, America Steel Corporation have 1.024.582.059 real American dollars in assets and 893.049.049 real American dollars in equity whilst owning 250.304 square kilometres of private/public land and attaining 224.029 employees around the world—though mostly based in the United States whilst including all its subsidiaries. The America Steel Corporation would have a gross net revenue of 40.302.010 real American dollars per annum including all its subsidiaries. Production of steel was ranked number one in the world with 11.239.840 tonnes of steel produced per annum along with contracts to various construction projects across North America. Market expansions coupled with steel production expansions led to the ASC surpassing the British as British steel production grew at a slower rate and was now only 9.291.000 million tonnes of steel and exports shifting to fewer and fewer markets from the hostilities of British foreign activities.
The telecommunications sector would be doing quite well on itself with the expansion of America Telegram Corporation in México and Deutschland / Germany as well as optimisation of research and development for America Telephone Corporation. However, Téléméx and Rodriguez Co were proving quite a competitive lot considering each were now vying control with the two American telecommunication SOEs for North America’s market share. The penetration of Téléméx and Rodriguez to American markets have been rendered illegal thanks to government enforced monopolies for SOEs, but Québec, Cuba, Alyaska, and México itself proved quite resilient and market force competitions pushed America Telegram Corporation and America Telephone Corporation to invest in rapid market expansion through analysing North American purchasing patterns, demographic ranges, and personalisation of telegram and telephone machines. The purchasing pattern of México and Québec favoured native telecommunication products and whilst American SOEs’ penetration towards these markets have forced a pandering scheme to their native culture, it was still not enough to harness full control of Mexicano and Québécois market shares. For now, America Telegram Corporation penetrated México’s market share by 21 %, Québec by 27 %, and Alyaska’s market share by 31 %, and Cuba by 17 %-- mostly thanks to the success of Téléméx and Rodriguez Co. By quarter four of 1884, America Telegram Corporation had accumulated 739.173.039 real American dollars’ worth of assets, 620.219.319 real American dollars’ worth of equity, 78.213 employees around the world with most employed within the United States, and grossing a net revenue of 29.019.938 real American dollars per annum including all its subsidiaries. Meanwhile, America Telephone Corporation acquired 183.910.389 real American dollars’ worth of assets, 146.293.042 real American dollars’ worth of equity, employing 39.183 employees, and grossing a net revenue of 8.029.028 real American dollars per annum.
In other sections of the government, the Supreme Court continued to rank in on progress under case law as the National Republicans won the executive branch. On the Morgan Whitley vs Tiffany Jefferson, 145 US 134 case, the Supreme Court ruled on a vote of 6-3 that racial covenants on real estate and housing discriminations violated the 14th Amendment’s equality clause whether the property in held was private or public. On the José Gonzalez vs State of Jefferson, 145 US 450 case, the Supreme Court ruled on a vote of 9-0 that the 14th Amendment protected all ethnic groups including hispanophone Mexicano-Americans and as such all protections of the 14th Amendment would apply to all ethnic and gender groups. On the Yosef Al Nahdi vs Jennifer Huffington, 146 US 34 case, the Supreme Court ruled that private, charter, home, and other non-public schools will have to abide to all public-school regulations including anti-discrimination regulations based on ethnicity and gender under the 14th Amendment clause. As such all girls’ private schools and all boys’ private schools shall be integrated amongst different genders effective immediately. Failure to integrate genders will result in the fullest extent of the law through various litigation cases after failing to comply to case law. On the Hannah Henderson vs François Le Boeuf, 147 US 153 case, the Supreme Court ruled on a 5-4 vote that gender segregation in locker rooms, toiletries, bathrooms, and others violated the 14th Amendment’s equal protection clause since unequal maintenance from one gendered room relative to the other does not entitle « separate but equal. » All gender segregation institution whether they may be public or private or whether it shall be toiletries or shower rooms shall be integrated. On the Jake Fink vs Sandro di Bondone, 147 US 452 case, the Supreme Court ruled on a 7-2 vote that electoral district boundaries drawn only to disenfranchise ethnic groups such as blacks, Catholics, etc was unconstitutional as it violated the 15th Amendment. On the Izydor Jabłoński vs City of Selma, Alabama, 148 US 52 case, the Supreme Court ruled on a 5-4 vote that peaceful non-violent sit-ins, demonstrations, assemblies, etc whilst protesting cannot be arrested under a state’s or other governmental « disturbing the peace » law since it violated the people’s 1st Amendment rights of Freedom of Speech and Assembly. On the Deborah Jenson vs Henry Ford, 149 US 314 case, the Supreme Court ruled on a 6-3 vote that an employer refusing to hire female workers with infants whilst hiring male workers with infants violated the 14th Amendment.
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CIUDAD DE MÉXICO – In the capital city of México, the municipal elections was becoming quite heated throughout its debates. Dr José Clemente rose to prominence for his endeavours with the city medical clinics. He was primarily running a campaign for police and medicinal reform whilst being funded by anonymous donors. Meanwhile, his opponent, Fernando Dueñas, sponsored the reduction and deportation of Central American illegal aliens that had run rampant in Ciudad de México. Whilst the canal in Central America offered some jobs, most were paid below substantial levels and level of labour abuses of the España-en-el-Exilio government, many pushed north to a relatively safer living conditions. Also, with hundreds of thousands of deaths during the Mexicano Civil War, the job market was practically cleansed off and openings for many business positions were practically ubiquitous. Jobs such as office cleaners, maintenance workers, sanitation service workers, and many other private low-skilled jobs were beginning to be filled by these Central American economic aliens. Lack of infrastructure and new economic opportunities in México for the petrol boom pushed many Central Americans to illegally move north by the hundreds of thousands—pushing many Méxicanos demanding the deportation of these welfare queens and gangster aliens. Reported gang warfare and high rapes were spouted by Fernando Dueñas as well as stating how these illegal aliens were wasting tax dollars and committing violent crime across the city centre of the greater metropolitan area. When a terrorist bombed City Hall, polls for Fernando Dueñazs rose drastically as witnesses saw the perpetrator to be foreign-looking and had a southern accent when speaking Spanish. Fernando Dueñas demanded Central Americans to patrol themselves. Newspapers were hectic to exploit the chaos surrounding City Hall with thirteen deaths and fourteen injured. One of the injured, David Sanchez, had received some personal medicinal aid from a nearby doctor, Dr Carlos Juarez. In the process of on-site cardiac rejuvenation procedures, David Sanchez broke his ankle and sued Dr Carlos Juarez for medicinal malpractice. David Sanchez would receive 5 million real pesos as compensation for his duress whilst Dr Carlos Juarez’s medicinal licence was revoked.
After seeing the polling patterns, Dr José Clemente, began a new campaign method after talking to various donor parties to pander towards the political mood. With a race so tight, it was a bit surprising that Dr José Clemente won the mayor election of Ciudad de México. The first subject he tackled was reformation of the police and fire departments in which he privatised those sections towards his donors, Téléméx and Rodriguez Co. Private police officers were payed for by customers willing to buy security and protection at affordable prices. Police corporations would charge different prices depending on the severity of the crime under the protection plan BASIC, ECONOMY, and PREMIUM. The Téléméx subsidiary, Ciudad de México Police Corporation, would upheld the fullest extent of the law with high-grade weaponry and coverage on all public neighbourhoods under the notion that the customer would have a pre-paid protection plan beforehand. Meanwhile, the Fire Corporation of Rodriguez Co would work to fight vigorously to keep loved ones and property safe from the damages of unwarranted flames under the notion of pre-paid protection plans, BRONZE, SILVER, and GOLD which functions under the premise of property coverage and which person or loved one would be saved by the firefighters. One must make sure to prepay for their fire or police insurance protection plans before any dangers can come to them. Police and fire insurance firms would proliferate with Téléméx, Rodriguez Co, Inferno Co, and Policiamex becoming the largest provider of fire and/or police protection plans for many millions of Mexicano customers. Following Ciudad de México, Veracruz, San Antonio, Los Angeles, San Francisco, Monterey, and Ciudad de Los Muertos privatised and/or licenced their police and fire departments to various corporate entities—mainly Rodriguez Co, America Petroleum Corporation, Policiamex, Inferno Co, and Téléméx. Central American illegal gang lords were deported by the thousands and border control began critical enforcements across the Central-American-Mexican border to ensure illegal substances and gangs wouldn’t enter the border illegally. Meanwhile, Mexicano Border Control Enforcement began licencing private military contractors to Téléméx and Rodriguez Co to ensure maximum enforcement capabilities.
Up north, the breakup of the Wayne Corporation would be bought out by America Petroleum Corporation, America Telephone Corporation, America Telegram Corporation, Téléméx, and Rodriguez Co. Meanwhile, lobbyists began pushing for the passage of México’s 17th Amendment to the Mexicano Constitution. Twenty-two governors lead by Oaxaca Governor, Marx Hernandez, along with generous funding by the millions from anonymous donor entities, began pushing forward with the passage that would grant private entities sovereignty over their private land and property. Governor Marx Hernandez pushed forward the amendment with campaigns rallying millions on vigorous slogans against big government intruders and federal overreach over the business community of México. Support from libertarians, business sectors, and conservatives were large and many advocated for the passage of the amendment to bring México into prosperity from big government overreach. Various campaigns in Veracruz, Tlaxcala, San Luís Potosí, Alta California, Oaxaca, and Santander had pushed a more community-minded action towards the passage of the 17th Amendment with constituents writing letters to their representatives to pass the amendment with vigour. By April, the campaigns by various advocacy groups rejoiced as the 17th Amendment was passed by a clear supermajority of provinces and Parliament. The passage of the 17th Amendment would grant private entities such as Téléméx sovereignty over their private land and property. These private entities would have sovereignty over their own laws, statutes, jurisprudence, and regulations in regards to their own private land and property. After the passage of the 17th Amendment, Téléméx, Rodriguez Co, and America Petroleum Corporation began their own private law enforcement forces to regulate its own sovereign lands around much of Tejas, Ciudad de México, and many others around México.
Meanwhile, México began issuing military licences to Téléméx, Rodriguez Co, and America Petroleum Corporation for private military contractors that provided training and military-grade weaponry to the Mexicano army and navy. After the victory of México against the Wayne Corporation, Téléméx proved its worth from the military contractors and private research it sent out towards the México army and navy. In exchange for the gracious efforts to quell the Wayne Corporation, Téléméx, Rodriguez Co, and America Petroleum Corporation were granted tax-exempt status, allowing these entities to be exempted from both federal and provincial corporate and income taxes. The successes of Téléméx, Rodriguez Co, and APC had, from many Mexicano officials, provided a great deal of service to the Mexicano people in the unity of the nation, and as such along with tax-exempt statuses, the three entities would also be licenced with privatised federal and provincial prisons and correctional facilities, hoping to ease government spending and reduce taxpayer burden on the criminal correction industry. Under the passage of the Free Enforcement Act of 1884 with the support of various funded Parliament members of either parties, the FEA would privatised all federal and provincial prison and correctional facilities to various private entities such as Téléméx and Rodriguez Co and various other start-up private entities as thousands of contracts were granted and approved. Many Mexicanos hoped that the private sector would ensure prosperity under free market competition for correctional facilities and prison institutions.
The Mexicano federal government began contracting Téléméx to military research on gun weaponry creating the world’s first repeating shotgun, the Fernandez, which would be issued to Téléméx’s private law enforcement subsidiaries and military contractors to the Mexicano army and navy. With the passage of the 17th Amendment, securing their private property, intellectual property, assets, and land remained at utmost priority to the Board of Directors. Téléméx would licence thousands of private law enforcers to secure intellectual and corporate property and protect their assets from any dangers that might arise. Violations of copyright and patent laws would be prosecuted by Téléméx Police Corporation that would investigate and punish violators. Securing Téléméx’s patent on the Fernandez repeating shotgun was prioritised to ensure proprietary technology remained exclusive to the patent owner. Non-disclosure agreements were tightened with security loopholes closed to ensure intellectual property and patents remained inside corporate intelligence. The Téléméx Police Corporation would prove well to securing the patent for the Fernandez when a manager of Téléméx’s Veracruz Human Resource Department, Julio Gonzalez, was caught attempting to defect to Rodriguez Co and release corporate intelligence involving the patent schematics. Julio Gonzalez was quickly apprehended by the private law enforcement agency and was sent to Téléméx Veracruz Correctional Facility for fifty years. The TPC was hailed heroes and a success to protecting the patent and was quickly funded by the millions of pesos to ensure maximum efficiency. To ensure the event would not happen again, Téléméx and many other corporations established various espionage and counter espionage departments to eradicate traitors and defectors within the corporation and ensure maximum loyalty and candidness.
During the terrorist attaque against the Ciudad de México City Hall, many Mexicanos began demanding blood and with economic shortages and Parliament members calling for the reduction of government spending, Parliament began licencing Téléméx and Rodriguez Co for anti-terrorist enforcement industries. Téléméx was contracted to create the Counter Terrorism Division as a subsidiary under the Téléméx conglomerate. The CTD would be contracted by the municipal government of Ciudad de México to combat terrorist activity, treasonous, and high crimes. Rodriguez Co would establish its own subsidiary coined as the National Security Limited and would become contracted to investigate federal criminals and high-crimes across México. However, it would be the CTD that would arrest two Central American terrorists that had bombed City Hall months later and would be rewarded as the national security force against terrorist activity.
Meanwhile, Banco de Cobblepot merged with Banco Popular and Banco Santander by launching a 100 million real peso bid each and was accepted by a supermajority of shareholders by each corporate entity. The Banco de Cobblepot’s merger of the three corporations would be accepted and approved by various regulatory regulators along with the acceptance of the condition that Banco Popular and Banco Santander would be renamed under the Cobblepot brand to ensure maximum sales protection in Northern México. The combined assets of Banco de Cobblepot would emerge as 793.042.922 million real Mexicano pesos along with an equity worth 673.028.910 million real Mexicano pesos whilst employing 182.402 employees with most based in México proper. The new Banco de Cobblepot would have a combined banquing share of Mexicano Banque Deposits of 53 %. The Mexicano mortgage market itself would be composed primarily of Banco de Cobblepot with a market share of 67 %. Restrictions and regulations of home lending were quieted through various lobbying campaigns made by Banco de Cobblepot towards various Parliament members. With the ascension of the 17th Amendment, Banco de Cobblepot began implementing private law enforcement agents to secure its assets across México and ensure robbery would be stopped at its infancy whilst making any anti-trust litigations obsolete under different sovereignty jurisdictions.
The Mexicano presidential election of 1884 was ripe with intense debate between the presidential candidates. For the Partido Nacional, Téléméx Chief Financial Officer, Agustín Méndez, ran for the presidential ticket under the platform of tax reform and military spending reductions. His rival remained fierce with Partido de Jackson nominating Senator Jésus Santos from Tlaxcala whom advocated for anti-corruption in the government and a tougher anti-trust platform whilst issuing a progressive tax policy between low to middle income earners. During the debates, Méndez was rough with his diction but managed to be consistent in his articulation and style whilst Santos managed to pursue a more authentic platform. As they toured the nation, Baja California and Sonora was readmitted to the union as full functioning provinces, although major cities such as Los Angeles and Phoenix were still under construction. This still lagging construction and rebuilding efforts of the Mexicano Sun Belt became a key issue between the debates and Méndez was able to rouse up the public with his articulate and optimistic tone of the future for México. In the end, Agustín Méndez would win the presidential election, however, Partido de Jackson would win majorities in both the Senate and the House of Commons. This bipartisan government between Parliament and the executive branch would force Méndez to work with bipartisan middle-ground policies to ensure his platform would at least be partially implemented.
By the months following the election, President Agustín Méndez had to brave what would be the second largest disaster in Mexicano history after the Mexicano Civil War. A warm from the tropics converge with the stream cold sunder of the northern hemisphere whilst the Jet Stream ricochets off its course northward towards Québec. Drastic industrialisation and shifting wind patterns have spurred a shift in the weather allowing for wind pressure to drop to dramatically and allowing a hurricane to form in the midst of the Caribbean. At first, the hurricane was thought to be a Category 2 as it hits the coast of Cuba and British Xamaqua with winds reaching 166 kilometres per hour. Cuba and British Xamaqua were hit hard with billions of real pound sterling lost to the storm. However, the still warm waters of the Golfo de México allowed the hurricane to pick up strength, pushing for faster winds and extreme weather patterns. Rains pushed hard in Veracruz as the city was pummelled with 274 kilometre-per-hour winds. The Veracruz town hall was destroyed and thousands of homes were wiped out from a surge of a five-metre-tall tsunami that obliterated the coastline of the provinces of Santander, Tlaxcala, and Veracruz. Hospitals were razed and many millions were left homeless as the Golfo cities were submerged by floods and heavy winds. On top of that, transportation was cut off as two-hundred-kilometre-per-hour winds forced railroad services to a halt as debris and prevailing wind frictions continued to create chaos throughout México’s eastern transportation links. By the second day, Hurricane Ernesto, coined after the mayor of Veracruz as he died from prevailing debris, headed northward to ravage the provinces of Tlaxcala and Santander, pushing thousands out of their homes as the seas submerged the coastline and wind continued to topple homes and buildings alike. By the time the hurricane made it to the Tejano province, the winds had died down to 155 kilometres per hour with San Pedro ( Houston ), Corpus Cristi, and San Joaquín ( Galveston ) becoming submerged in a metre-tall deluge. The hurricane would die down by the time it crossed the US-México border with the Lousiane bayou receiving heavy rainfall from a now tropical depression-esque symptoms.
The following week after Hurricane Ernesto died down was a plethora of unregulated mess. Thousands lost their homes, jobs, families, loved ones, and many thousands more were running around without food or water across the Gulf provinces of México. President Méndez saw this natural disaster as his way to shine and improve his popularity amongst the Mexicano people. He visited the damaged city of Veracruz and stood on a podium to discuss about optimism and reconstruction from Hurricane Ernesto. With the death of the Veracruz mayor, a quick election would be quickly established whilst reconstruction was granted under the supervision of Téléméx, Rodriguez Co, Policiamex, and America Petroleum Corporation.
With the government budget for reconstruction efforts being strained from both the damages of the Mexicano Civil War and now Hurricane Ernesto, President Méndez introduced a new approach to ease government spending in regards to the reconstruction efforts of the north and east. President Méndez sold the useless Territorio de Colorado to the United States for a sum of 27 million real Mexicano pesos. Using the 27 million pesos, President Méndez would divert his efforts to bailing out failing businesses damaged from both the Civil War and Hurricane Ernesto. Policiamex was bailed out by a sum of 15 million pesos to protect its corporate assets from the damages in Veracruz whilst bolstering much of the private sector damaged from the storm. Estimates from various financial advisors have shown the damage from Hurricane Ernesto to exceed 214.023.000 real Mexicano pesos which was beyond the reach for government. Facing a deficit crisis from accumulated debt from various reconstruction efforts of two disasters, President Méndez decided to privatise and licence some of México’s first responders and medicinal aid with FEMA privatised towards Téléméx, Policiamex, Inferno Co, America Petroleum Corporation, and Rodriguez Co. These corporations would be responsible for various first aid distributions, sustenance allocation and distribution, temporary shelter construction, and overall refugee control in exchange President Méndez would grant these corporations tax-exempt statuses from both provincial and federal corporate and income taxes. They would also receive a million-peso subsidy in the efforts of reconstruction and providing sustenance for thousands of homeless people and starving families across the Gulf provinces of Veracruz, Tlaxcala, and Santander. With the disaster still accumulating to riots and disconnected transportation links, President Méndez ordered a temporary martial law implemented in the provinces of Veracruz, Tlaxcala, and Santander until activities and services would be rejuvenated.
Meanwhile, up north, the province of Tejas had received both damages from the Mexicano Civil War and Hurricane Ernesto, President Méndez decided to place a temporary resource-holding status to Tejas. As a resource-holding territory, 100.000 square kilometres of public land and assets were sold to various entrepreneurs and corporate bidders in an effort to jump start the local economy through fair market competition. Vast petrol lands were sold off to Téléméx, Rodriguez Co, Policiamex, Inferno Co, and America Petroleum Corporation in an effort to rejuvenate the once proud province. America Petroleum Corporation would buy out 45.000 square kilometres of Tejano land to construction 738 petrol rigs and various petroleum-related manufacturing centres to produce up to 187 million litres of petrol per annum. Téléméx would but out 28.000 square kilometres of land to construct zones of resource allocation and extraction with entire forest, valleys, and rivers cultivated to extract necessary resources to produce various telecommunication, weaponry, and construction products. Téléméx would also open private corporate-run schools and establish an educational curriculum based on self-interest initiatives and entrepreneurship to produce a generation of financial-minded Tejanos. Manufacturing jobs were coming back as Rodriguez Co and Téléméx became the leaders of the Tejano rail and steel industry whilst America Telephone Corporation and American Telegram Corporation constructed various telephone and telegram poles and telecommunication links to re-establish connections across the destroyed cities of Tejas. Thousands of jobs were created and with various private reconstruction efforts, the refugees of Mexicanos fleeing to the United States trickled to a halt as many sought to rejuvenate México to its glory.
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SÉGOU – Democratic committees continue to lobby the Tidjaniya Congress on the prospects of affordable nationalised healthcare for all to emulate the American Federal Healthcare Service and to supplement the growing medicinal industry with standardise medicine and universal doctorial practises and procedures. Following the revelations of interprovincial conflicts between different medicinal procedures, the House of Commons passed the Tidjaniya Care Act of 1884 that would standardise medicinal procedures across the nation and institute a federal-level standard on policies, practises, and drug distributions under the new Ministry of Healthcare Services. Coupled with standardisation, healthcare providers such as Insuracare, Mariam Industries, and others were regulated against defensive medicine and malpractice accounts. The Tidjaniya Care Act would include protections of patients from malpractice and incentives to equip contemporary tools, drugs, and procedures to ensure optimal safety for both the patient and the doctor involved.
The Sall Cooperative had to induce massive layoffs under the 1884 second quarter when it merged with Mariam Industries to becom Sall & Mariam Co. Under a 40 million US dollar bid, Mariam bought out the Sall Cooperative after facing brutal deficit budgets between 1883 Q3, Q4, and 1884 Q1 and accumulated debt from various banquing lenders including the Banque of America. After defaulting in its loans, the Sall Cooperative was bought out to Mariam through merging and various employees were laid off to divest and cut costs. The new entity of Sall & Mariam began to divert sales towards North America with México being the prime target for potential sales allocation. All those worthless land from both the Mexicano Civil War and Hurricane Ernesto allowed Sall & Mariam to buy out 5.702 square kilometres of Mexicano land for a cheap price of 563.203 real Mexicano pesos since most of the regulators and sellers wanted to just sell the worthless land after so many damages it took. With wartime and flood damage, Sall & Mariam quickly went to work cleaning and rejuvenating their piece of Mexicano land to construct manufacturing factories for medicinal tools whilst constructing drug pharmaceutical researches and producing various vaccines to sell at fair market value for both Tidjaniya and México. The new entity of Sall & Mariam would focus on healthcare, under the directions of former Mariam Industries, and would push forward with fighting tooth in nail to raise drug prices to ensure maximum profitability.
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WORLD – The Berlin Conference of 1885 allowed the border conflicts to finally be resolved by just cutting through straight lines along latitudes and longitudes. Various native African aborigines were killed, slaughtered, and removed from their homes to make way for private and government-aided colonisation of their new empires. In Deustch Afrika, most of the colonial lands were sold to various private entrepreneurs in hopes of creating a return investment from the private sector. British Kongo split to allow various administrative groups to quell different ethnic risings as British troops stormed towards dissenting African warlords. Brasileiro Africa was split into various administrative territories to compensate from lack of interior development and the difficulties of even administering the interior. Admittedly, the interior of Brasileiro Africa only had nominal control, but further railroad links between the west and east coast would ensure further Brasileiro entrenchment to the interior. However, the upkeep to keep the Brasileiro colonies is staggering with much of the national budget trying to maintain African infrastructure and development instead of close to home. However, Brasil still retains a foreign trade growth rate of 4 % per annum and had a boost in gross net revenue from the recovery from its subprime mortgage crisis just a few years ago.
Meanwhile, Vietnam continued to industrialise with Téléméx providing telecommunication services and APC running apparel and daily-consumer products from petroleum. Incidentally, as factories opened up, horrific labour laws allowed for continued abuse in both labour conditions and pay making them « sweat shops » for much of the lower socioeconomic strata.
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