Into the Fire - the "Minor" nations of WW2 strike back
- Thread starter Wings
- Start date
Apologies, missed / forgot that. I would still argue Monty is not senior enough yet but meh, to the author the story goes 😀
One way or another, whatever happens to Almirante Latorre in this timeline does lead to the possibility that Mikasa doesn't get refurbished to museum condition using her parts after the war - assuming she isn't made a target for attacks later on.
Something interesting to note
Chapter 57: Breaking Leningrad (May – August 1942)
Chapter 57
Eastern Front (Siege of Leningrad)
May - August 1942
Eastern Front (Siege of Leningrad)
May - August 1942
Once it became clear that the offensive on the Volkhov had no chance of succeeding, Erwin Rommel sprung back into action. The fall of Leningrad would be the crowning achievement of his Eastern Campaign, and the German general could not wait to plant the Nazi flag on Uritsky Square (Palace Square) from which the Bolshevik Revolution started. Rommel could already see the picture: himself, alongside one of his tanks, posing near a Winter Palace draped with Nazi flags…a pretty sight, of course, but one that the 900,000 Soviet troops in Leningrad were determined not to let happen!
Rommel had to wait, however. Much of the aerial effort had been put at the disposal of the relief of the Demyansk pocket, and whatever reserved were needed in Ukraine, ahead of the first stage of Case Blue. With this in mind, Rommel had to push back his initial date for the final push into Leningrad from May 15th to June 8th. In the meantime, preparations continued at a frenzied pace, and artillery barrages continued to rain hell on the city from the Pulkovo heights. Rommel assured Hitler that he would capture Leningrad “within a month, two at most” and right on time for the planned victory banquet at the Astoria Hotel on August 9th.
In front of Rommel, the situation was dire. The Soviet troops were not only surrounded, but their supplies were dwindling, and the civilian population was beginning to starve. Already, the defeat on the Volkhov had shattered much of the morale, and had led to the sacking of Mikhail Khozin, on June 3rd, for his failure to relieve the troops advancing on the Volkhov. This sacking possibly saved the Soviet general’s life, as he would not be trapped in the city when the Germans finally started to move in. His successor, Leonid Govorov, vowed to Stalin to fight to the death, but when he saw exactly what he was commanding, his confidence suddenly plummeted.
On June 8th, right on time, the troops of Army Group North finally started to tighten the noose around Leningrad, advancing into its suburbs, with the Finns slowly moving in from the north, at a much smaller pace. Operation Nordlicht had just started. Resistance was fierce from the start, but Rommel managed to secure several crossing points on the Neva near Novosaratovka, allowing his forces to better coordinate with the Finns on the north bank. Mannerheim for his part agreed to move his forces southwards up to the Jukki and Poroshkino heights, but stopped after securing the ridges. The reason he gave Rommel was that he faced stubborn Soviet resistance, but the actual reason was twofold. First of all, Mannerheim sought to minimize casualties in what was going to be a fierce urban battle. Secondly, the Finno-Soviet discussions were still ongoing, and the Finnish political leadership did not wish to overly antagonize the Soviets by presenting themselves as too aggressive. Therefore, Rommel’s Panzers and Motorized units had to do much of the work, moving from the Pulkovo heights towards the Kirov district, where the first rough urban fighting started.
In a prelude to the attack on the city itself, the Luftwaffe proceeded with a massive bombing of the city, the largest seen up to that point on the Eastern Front. It was so violent that 70% of the buildings located in the city were damaged or destroyed in some way, leaving thousands homeless. With the city now under attack, Govorov did not even bother with pretences, and declared that every man, woman or child defend the motherland however they could. Most dug trenches, earthworks or fortifications, whilst others worked as nurses, messengers or even soldiers. By June 11th, the Germans had closed in on Kudrovo and Sanniko in the east, with the Kirov district still being the scene of heavy fighting. It was in the Kirov district that the Germans saw how determined Soviet resistance was: captured Soviets included men, women and even children as young as nine years old bearing arms. In his HQ at the Catherine Palace, Rommel’s dreams of a quick victory evaporated [1].
However, the German general knew that supplying the city was now almost impossible, with only the air corridor being a possibility. The VVS did indeed try to drop packages on the city, but only by night, as the Luftwaffe proved itself too much of a nuisance during the day. These drops were not very accurate, but they did help to raise morale in the city.
To Rommel’s shock, the Soviets even managed counter-attacks, aimed at the Pulkovo heights and Kudrovo, to try and dislodge the Germans from the heights and the bank of the Neva. While these attempts were broken by the attackers, they were a testament to the sheer bravery of those who fought at Leningrad during the Summer of 1942. But courage wasn’t enough. On June 24th, the Kirov district was finally cleared, with the first German troops entering the Admiralty district and Ivanovsky. However, some units had begun to get tired. The 227th Infantry Division, most notably, had to be withdrawn from the front and sent into reserve after the losses it incurred during the battle for the Kirov district. The 250th (Azul) Division was sent to replace it, and would have the honor of being the first unit to reach the Obvodny channel on June 29th.
The Soviets did not stay there and watch as Leningrad suffered, however. Stalin ordered an immediate effort along the Volkhov to attempt to relieve the city. General Meretskov, who commanded the Volkhov front, was horrified. His troops had just failed an offensive and some of his units had yet to be replenished. But he also knew that the political imperative was too great. Thus, on June 25th, he launched three armies onto Volkhov in an effort to reach the Neva, and maybe Leningrad. This effort was doomed to failure. Meretskov’s armies would have needed two more months of rest and recompletion, at least, in order to sustain this kind of offensive. Depleted and without air support, the attack struggled. Two bridgeheads were made on the Volkhov, near Starya Ladoga, but the strong support of the Luftwaffe stopped them from being threatening to the German lines.
Meretskov’s offensive had failed, but it did distract some of the reinforcements that had been slated to come bolster the defences of the stricken city. It did not matter much, unfortunately. In the Admiralty district, the Soviet naval infantry stood their ground admirably, fortifying entire houses, making it hell for the Germans to get through. However, by July 1st, the Germans had managed to control most of the southern bank of the Obvodny channel and had reached the Okhta. Mannerheim’s Finns for their part couldn’t stay idle, with their troops entering Primorsky district and taking the Pargolovo heights.
In the meantime, the Germans, needing some kind of morale boost, attacked the Port of Kronstadt. A battalion of Marine Infantry landed on the western side of the island, with the support of the Luftwaffe, which mercilessly pounded the Soviet defenders. On July 4th, the Grand Duke Constantine Fort fell, followed by the Rif Fort on July 5th. However, the assault on the port city was complicated, as here too the Soviet naval infantry fought with all that it had. It would not be until July 19th that the island was declared secure, and even then, some forts still resisted: Count Miliutin Fort fell on August 2nd, after running out of ammunition, with the Zverev Fort falling on August 7th, in the same circumstances. The Pervomayskaya Fort was the last to fall, on August 15th, after running out of food [2].
The Germans would not have the pleasure of capturing the Soviet Navy intact. All vessels had been scuttled after expending their ammunition on the advancing Germans. The Soviet Baltic Fleet had, for all intents and purposes, ceased to exist. Vladimir Tributs, its commander, fought with his men during the fighting in Kronstadt. He fell during one of the last days of the fighting. His body was recovered by the Germans and was buried with full military honors in the garden of the Kronstadt Cathedral.
While the fighting for Kronstadt raged on, Rommel continued his assault into the city proper. His forces secured crossings across the Neva around what is today the Alexander Nevsky Bridge, entering the Smolinskoye District. This was not done without any casualties, however. It was well-known that the Germans did not care about civilian casualties, but several German units took out their frustration on Soviet civilians, indifferently massacring hundreds of civilians in separate killings. In one such occasion, soldiers of the 15th Panzer Division, not wanting to have to clear yet another building, simply set fire to the Smolny Monastery with everyone inside, covering the exits and machine-gunning anyone who ran out. Likewise, after taking the Rauchfuss Hospital, the Germans simply killed off anyone who could not walk [3].
Brutally, Army Group North closed in on its prey. By July 23rd, the Soviets only held the areas north of the Fontanka River, including Vasilyevsky Island and the Petrogradsky district. Mannerheim’s Finns had linked up with the Germans at the Kalinin District, and had taken the Yelagin Palace. It is mostly to them that Soviet soldiers surrendered, though the Finns often just handed the prisoners of war to Germany regardless [4].
On July 24th, Rommel ordered a final assault, after a massive artillery barrage. Tired and without supplies, the Soviet defenders faltered. The Kolomna and Sennoy districts were secured after bitter fighting, allowing Rommel’s troops to take New Holland Island. On July 26th, the first troops landed on the Petrogradsky district and Vasilyevsky Island, with bitter fighting engulfing the Baltic shipyards. The Menshikov Palace, already devastated by the bombings, was completely destroyed as Soviet units held onto it until August 4th. Govorov, feeling the end nearing, went to the front himself, almost forcing his administrative staff to come with him. The presence of their commander galvanized the few troops remaining, allowing them to hold on for a few more days. Andrei Zhdanov, the Chairman of the Russian SFSR and Secretary of the Soviet Communist party, who coordinated the defence of the city with Govorov, was nowhere to be found [5].
August 9th came, and there was no victory celebration at the Astoria hotel, but Govorov was not in a mood to celebrate. The next day, he was killed while defending a barricade near the Stroganov Palace. His death marked the end of all organized resistance in the city, which descended into chaos. Pockets of fighters fought to the bitter end, with the last shots being fired on August 16th.
Rommel had triumphed. Leningrad had fallen, but it was a ruin. On August 12th, as fighting still raged in some small, isolated pockets, Erwin Rommel finally had his photograph. On it, Rommel stood smiling in front of a Panzer IV alongside Ludwig Cruwell. They were on Uritsky Square, with Nazi banners strung atop the Winter Palace. This photograph would be immediately sent to both Goebbels and Hitler, who hastened to spread it as far as possible. What this photograph did not show, however, was that the Winter Palace had been severely damaged by the fighting and the Luftwaffe bombings, and that there was a giant hole on the other side of the palace, which faced the Neva. It also did not show the men of Einsatzsab Rosenberg, present inside the building, who were busy looting the building of anything that could be of value to the Reich, before blowing the Palace to bits [6].
Rommel, for his part, was congratulated by Hitler. He had achieved a massive victory which could free up thousands of troops to reinforce Case Blue, which was not going as fast as hoped. As he left the city, Rommel met with his top commanders, congratulating them on their bravery and courage. He also met with the commander of Einsatzgruppe A, Walter Rauff. To Rauff, Rommel would have said a simple “Good luck”, and then left [7].
Rommel and Hitler then met in Rastenburg, to see how to proceed. Both had been struck by the Finno-Soviet agreement, which had come on August 28th, in the middle of Case Blue. Hitler reassured Rommel that the Finns were not that useful now that Leningrad had been taken, and that it freed up units that were desperately needed to contain the Allied advance in the Balkans and Italy. As long as the nickel deposits in Petsamo were secured, there was no real need for the Finns, who gave security assurances. As for Rommel, he was sent to Sofia, to take command of “Panzer Korps Makedonien”, a unit which would have to defend the area, while waiting for a new counter-offensive that would take Athens and drive the Allies from this part of the continent. Grateful for the command, Rommel still couldn’t help himself but ask: “Mein Fuhrer, what happens to Leningrad now?”
“Leningrad?” Hitler answered, “Let it starve.” [8]
[1] This pretty much mimics the opening stages of the OTL Battle of Stalingrad
[2] The Russian Naval Infantry pretty much mimics the resistance of the Manila Bay forts of OTL.
[3] Needless to say that Rommel's "War without hate" certainly won't hold any type of water ITTL.
[4] Not out of malice, but because the Finns barely had enough food to keep themselves fed, and thus couldn't afford to hold large numbers of Soviet POWs.
[5] More on this later!
[6] Yes, Rommel's reputation ITTL will absolutely definitely not be as stellar as it is OTL. And his reputation in Russia will be in the gutter ITTL, where he will absolutely be regarded as a butcher.
[7] Ironically, Walter Rauff, the inventor of the mobile gas vans, was supposed to join Rommel for the push into Palestine...thankfully this never happened OTL, and he kept to "only" massacring the Tunisian Jews. OTL Rommel and Rauff never met, though Rauff met Rommel's chief of staff. With Stahlecker dead, it was too neat not to include this bit, with Rauff succeeding Stahlecker as head of Einsatzgruppe A and thus meeting Rommel ITTL...but in Leningrad, and not in Africa.
[8] As you'd expect, Leningrad's suffering has only just begun.
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Were the naval infantry just a mix of people or did they come from any particular regiment or battalion?
Now that is a great update hopefully the Allies will take the wind out of Rommel’s sales
A dark day for Russia indeed. Long term, Finland handing over those POWs may be a stain on it's legacy.
How exhausted is Army Group North, how much recuperation before they can take the offensive elsewhere?
How exhausted is Army Group North, how much recuperation before they can take the offensive elsewhere?
(reposting/editing)
Three questions:
1st - What type of firearms are the French (and attached exiles) armed with? If American, did they go with more "uncommon" US-made ones, like the Johnson rifles and LMGs, plus the M2 Hyde smg?
2nd - You posted that with the Deutschland sunk in 1939, and Hitler ordering unrestricted submarine warfare from that point onwards, more Latin American nations are against Germany. More specific, did Chile join the conflict after the sinking of the OTL SS Tolten, and did they sell the Almirante Latorre battleship (plus two Destroyers and a submarine tender) to the US?
3rd - The Spanish Blue Division returned back home in early 1944 - with earlier Western Allies success, will Franco recall them earlier? And what the Allies due in compensation? OTL, they tested an Spanish-made smg (the Star Si35) but disliked; could they bought a few hundreds as part of a deal with Franco?
Three questions:
1st - What type of firearms are the French (and attached exiles) armed with? If American, did they go with more "uncommon" US-made ones, like the Johnson rifles and LMGs, plus the M2 Hyde smg?
2nd - You posted that with the Deutschland sunk in 1939, and Hitler ordering unrestricted submarine warfare from that point onwards, more Latin American nations are against Germany. More specific, did Chile join the conflict after the sinking of the OTL SS Tolten, and did they sell the Almirante Latorre battleship (plus two Destroyers and a submarine tender) to the US?
3rd - The Spanish Blue Division returned back home in early 1944 - with earlier Western Allies success, will Franco recall them earlier? And what the Allies due in compensation? OTL, they tested an Spanish-made smg (the Star Si35) but disliked; could they bought a few hundreds as part of a deal with Franco?
Mostly people from the ships, as they were now used as floating batteries which thus freed up many men.
By the time Rommel arrives, the situation will already have degenerated, the Germans don't have the means to disarm all of the Italians when they inevitably turn...
The thing is: Finland cannot feed that mass of POWs. It would keep the officers and high-ranking government agents as bargaining chips, but the common footman, they'd just have to turn over to the Germans.
Very. It's unlikely it can conduct any type of offensive operations until September, and the best thing they can do is cycle the least affected units down towards Case Blue.
The French would use the M1 Garand and American-modified versions of the Lebel and MAS40 rifles, as well as the Thompson SMG (which would also be the equipment for the Poles and Yugoslavs). The Belgians and Greeks would use a mixture of American and British standard weapons.
No change in South America other than Mexico considering sending an Infantry Division early, just like Brazil, as you said in response to more aggressive German submarines. The formation of the Mexican troops will be touched upon when we go back to Italy.
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If the Brazilians had hitched themselves to the Allied wagon train then there is no way that Argentina, being a major trade partner to the UK, is going to militarily engage Brazil.
Chapter 58: Case Blue – Ukrainian Prelude (May 1942)
Chapter 58
Eastern Front (Southern Area)
May 1942
Eastern Front (Southern Area)
May 1942
After the end of the Winter offensives in March and April, the Soviet Stavka immediately began preparations for their first large-scale summer offensive. The area in the Ukraine was of particular notice, as it was the place where the 1941-42 Winter offensives had the most success. Although the goal of reaching the Dniepr wasn’t reached, Stalin still expected to be able to reach the river with another strike.
For the Soviet leader, the main German effort was to be directed at Moscow, where he thought most forces would strike. Stalin thus expected that a counter-offensive in the Kharkov area would be met with weaker resistance, and thus allow the Red Army to push to Poltava on one hand, and reach the Dniepr on the other, retaking Kharkov in the process. In all, the Soviets aligned ten armies under Semyon Timoshenko, with an initial start date in April. This was however delayed due to the rasputitsa to early May, when the mud would have subsided.
On the other hand, German commanders had offensive plans of their own. Just like their Soviet counterparts, they expected that an opposing thrust would have to come in the Moscow area, which would leave them with a free hand in the south. Case Blue, an operation designed to take the Caucasus oil fields and reach Stalingrad, was thus designed to completely break the Soviet Army which Hitler still thought on the verge of crumbling. Then, he could switch his attention to the Allied problem. As a prelude, German forces under Friedrich Paulus would strike from Kharkov, and other forces under Ewald Von Kleist would strike from the Berdyansk area, closing the massive Soviet salient shut.
Both sides thus both prepared for large-scale operations of their own. The Soviets prepared their thrust westwards, while the Germans prepared an assault to close the massive Izyum pocket on the Soviets, thus annihilating ten armies and being free to completely decimate the Soviet southern flank.
The difference between both plans was that the German plan was partially realistic. The closing of the pocket was a realistic objective. However, the Soviet plans were completely out of the realm of reality. Stalin hoped to completely crush the German in the sector, run towards the Dniepr, encircle and retake Kharkov, and perhaps in the process liberate Kiev! Something much too ambitious, which none of his generals objected to. Timoshenko knew that the orders he had been given had no chance to succeed, but carried them out regardless [1].
On May 12th, Timoshenko, pushed by Stalin, started the offensive. Already, the Soviets got off to a bad start. Delays and air attacks had meant that a good third of his artillery was not on the frontlines, and many tanks had been knocked out or stuck even before the start of the offensive. Regardless, Timoshenko’s men struck hard towards Krasnograd, attempting to do what the winter offensive had failed to and take the city. The Germans were caught off-balance. Not expecting an attack so soon, Paulus’ units were too spread out to decisively stop the Soviet advance. The German Landsers were only at two-thirds of their combat potential for the most part, and held too much of the front.
Once again, Hitler and the Wehrmacht were bailed out by the Luftwaffe…and the Hungarians. The first arrived forty-eight hours in great numbers to match the VVS, with the Soviet ground forces now desperately exposed to German air attacks. The second came once it was clear that the Soviets had broken through towards Krasnograd, forcing the Germans to deploy the Hungarian Corps as a stopgap at Karlovka and Starovirvika to at least delay the Soviet advance. Just like in Winter, the Hungarians put up a desperate defence, using their outdated tanks to ambush and clear Soviet positions, but under Soviet pressure, finally cracked [2].
They had however bought enough time. They withdrew in a hurry to Poltava, with Soviet troops rushing towards Karlovka and Kernosovka, with the Dniepr in their sights. However, on May 17th, the Germans sprung into action. It was Operation Fredericus. Von Kleist’s Panzer Group smashed Soviet lines around Pokrovsk, driving a wedge in Timoshenko’s rear. That same day, Paulus’ troops advanced south from Kharkov towards Izyum, with the aim of closing the pocket before the Soviets even realized what was happening.
At the Stavka, there was panic. Aleksandr Vasilyevsky immediately called for a withdrawal, which was rejected by Stalin. Timoshenko was adamant that he could take Poltava and that his vanguards had the Dniepr in sight [3]. Backing him up, military commissar Nikita Khruschev added that the Germans could not threaten Kramatorsk or Izyum, and that defeatist reports were exaggerated. Thus, once more, Stalin did not allow a withdrawal. It would not be until May 20th, when the Germans finally reached Izyum, that the picture became apparent for Stalin: his forces had stretched too far, too fast, and were in the process of being punished. A withdrawal was ordered, but it was too late.
The jaws of the German war machine clamped down on the Soviets, tightening the encirclement. Soviet break-out attempts were desperate, mimicking those of the Kiev pocket just a year prior. These efforts, as brave, reckless and suicidal as they were, had a heavy impact on the German defenders, who buckled more than once, only being saved by German air power. It was a complete catastrophe: only one man out of ten managed to reach Soviet lines, with the bulk of ten armies, including the majority of Soviet armor, had been wiped out. The Germans had suffered, but their casualties were overall fairly low [4].
The lessons drawn from the battle were drastically different.
On the one hand, Soviet generals clearly lay the blame on Stalin (though they did not do so aloud, of course), for having organized an operation that was too ambitious, when consolidating their bridgehead could have been a much more realistic objective. Soviet forces had ventured too deep into enemy lines, underestimated the military might of their opponent, failed to keep strategic reserved to counter a German reaction, and finally failed to withdraw when it became clear the situation was out of control. This defeat forced Stalin to put more trust into the Stavka, and be more receiving of the help of his generals. It also underlined the need to collect good intelligence on enemy movements, and devise ways of misleading the Germans as to the direction in which the Soviets would strike.
Everything had not been lost for the Soviets, either. With Stalin willing to shoulder some of the blame, and starting to listen to his generals, there were key lessons to learn from this. The Soviets did show that they could organize large-scale offensives in the Summer, and with enough preparation and strategic planning, could do serious damage to their opponent. Someone had to pay for all of this, however, and it was Semyon Timoshenko. He was transferred to commander of the Murmansk Defence Area, and later would serve as Stavka representative on several fronts. To replace him, Stalin chose the man who gave the Soviets one of their first successes of the war: Mikhail Kirponos [5].
On the German side, the victory in Operation Fredericus only heightened Hitler’s delusion. The German dictator increasingly saw his choices as better than his own generals, and saw that the victory around Kharkov was the sign of the imminent collapse of the Soviets. Thus, he saw with increasing conviction that it was no longer a case of if Case Blue succeeded, but when.
[1] As the saying goes, twice the pride, double the fall.
[2] OTL Hungarian tanks were quite ridiculous in armoured combat, but deadly effective in clearing Soviet positions.
[3] More or less the same reasoning that led to the Second Battle of Kharkov being a disaster OTL.
[4] Second Kharkov ITTL was deadlier for the Soviets than OTL, having lost two more armies, but the Germans also sunk a lot of resources in it. This combined to the fact that Leningrad got a few resources and that XIV Panzer Korps is gone, means that Case Blue won't have the best chances of reaching Stalingrad, let alone cross the Volga...
[5] Kirponos enters the scene again! And with Stalin putting more trust in his generals, having him as the leader of Southwestern Front will give the Germans in the area a very hard time.
And so Leningrad dies. I'm sure that the liberation will be just as bad if not worse.Chapter 57
Eastern Front (Siege of Leningrad)
May - August 1942
Once it became clear that the offensive on the Volkhov had no chance of succeeding, Erwin Rommel sprung back into action. The fall of Leningrad would be the crowning achievement of his Eastern Campaign, and the German general could not wait to plant the Nazi flag on Uritsky Square (Palace Square) from which the Bolshevik Revolution started. Rommel could already see the picture: himself, alongside one of his tanks, posing near a Winter Palace draped with Nazi flags…a pretty sight, of course, but one that the 900,000 Soviet troops in Leningrad were determined not to let happen!
Rommel had to wait, however. Much of the aerial effort had been put at the disposal of the relief of the Demyansk pocket, and whatever reserved were needed in Ukraine, ahead of the first stage of Case Blue. With this in mind, Rommel had to push back his initial date for the final push into Leningrad from May 15th to June 8th. In the meantime, preparations continued at a frenzied pace, and artillery barrages continued to rain hell on the city from the Pulkovo heights. Rommel assured Hitler that he would capture Leningrad “within a month, two at most” and right on time for the planned victory banquet at the Astoria Hotel on August 9th.
In front of Rommel, the situation was dire. The Soviet troops were not only surrounded, but their supplies were dwindling, and the civilian population was beginning to starve. Already, the defeat on the Volkhov had shattered much of the morale, and had led to the sacking of Mikhail Khozin, on June 3rd, for his failure to relieve the troops advancing on the Volkhov. This sacking possibly saved the Soviet general’s life, as he would not be trapped in the city when the Germans finally started to move in. His successor, Leonid Govorov, vowed to Stalin to fight to the death, but when he saw exactly what he was commanding, his confidence suddenly plummeted.
On June 8th, right on time, the troops of Army Group North finally started to tighten the noose around Leningrad, advancing into its suburbs, with the Finns slowly moving in from the north, at a much smaller pace. Operation Nordlicht had just started. Resistance was fierce from the start, but Rommel managed to secure several crossing points on the Neva near Novosaratovka, allowing his forces to better coordinate with the Finns on the north bank. Mannerheim for his part agreed to move his forces southwards up to the Jukki and Poroshkino heights, but stopped after securing the ridges. The reason he gave Rommel was that he faced stubborn Soviet resistance, but the actual reason was twofold. First of all, Mannerheim sought to minimize casualties in what was going to be a fierce urban battle. Secondly, the Finno-Soviet discussions were still ongoing, and the Finnish political leadership did not wish to overly antagonize the Soviets by presenting themselves as too aggressive. Therefore, Rommel’s Panzers and Motorized units had to do much of the work, moving from the Pulkovo heights towards the Kirov district, where the first rough urban fighting started.
In a prelude to the attack on the city itself, the Luftwaffe proceeded with a massive bombing of the city, the largest seen up to that point on the Eastern Front. It was so violent that 70% of the buildings located in the city were damaged or destroyed in some way, leaving thousands homeless. With the city now under attack, Govorov did not even bother with pretences, and declared that every man, woman or child defend the motherland however they could. Most dug trenches, earthworks or fortifications, whilst others worked as nurses, messengers or even soldiers. By June 11th, the Germans had closed in on Kudrovo and Sanniko in the east, with the Kirov district still being the scene of heavy fighting. It was in the Kirov district that the Germans saw how determined Soviet resistance was: captured Soviets included men, women and even children as young as nine years old bearing arms. In his HQ at the Catherine Palace, Rommel’s dreams of a quick victory evaporated [1].
However, the German general knew that supplying the city was now almost impossible, with only the air corridor being a possibility. The VVS did indeed try to drop packages on the city, but only by night, as the Luftwaffe proved itself too much of a nuisance during the day. These drops were not very accurate, but they did help to raise morale in the city.
To Rommel’s shock, the Soviets even managed counter-attacks, aimed at the Pulkovo heights and Kudrovo, to try and dislodge the Germans from the heights and the bank of the Neva. While these attempts were broken by the attackers, they were a testament to the sheer bravery of those who fought at Leningrad during the Summer of 1942. But courage wasn’t enough. On June 24th, the Kirov district was finally cleared, with the first German troops entering the Admiralty district and Ivanovsky. However, some units had begun to get tired. The 227th Infantry Division, most notably, had to be withdrawn from the front and sent into reserve after the losses it incurred during the battle for the Kirov district. The 250th (Azul) Division was sent to replace it, and would have the honor of being the first unit to reach the Obvodny channel on June 29th.
The Soviets did not stay there and watch as Leningrad suffered, however. Stalin ordered an immediate effort along the Volkhov to attempt to relieve the city. General Meretskov, who commanded the Volkhov front, was horrified. His troops had just failed an offensive and some of his units had yet to be replenished. But he also knew that the political imperative was too great. Thus, on June 25th, he launched three armies onto Volkhov in an effort to reach the Neva, and maybe Leningrad. This effort was doomed to failure. Meretskov’s armies would have needed two more months of rest and recompletion, at least, in order to sustain this kind of offensive. Depleted and without air support, the attack struggled. Two bridgeheads were made on the Volkhov, near Starya Ladoga, but the strong support of the Luftwaffe stopped them from being threatening to the German lines.
Meretskov’s offensive had failed, but it did distract some of the reinforcements that had been slated to come bolster the defences of the stricken city. It did not matter much, unfortunately. In the Admiralty district, the Soviet naval infantry stood their ground admirably, fortifying entire houses, making it hell for the Germans to get through. However, by July 1st, the Germans had managed to control most of the southern bank of the Obvodny channel and had reached the Okhta. Mannerheim’s Finns for their part couldn’t stay idle, with their troops entering Primorsky district and taking the Pargolovo heights.
In the meantime, the Germans, needing some kind of morale boost, attacked the Port of Kronstadt. A battalion of Marine Infantry landed on the western side of the island, with the support of the Luftwaffe, which mercilessly pounded the Soviet defenders. On July 4th, the Grand Duke Constantine Fort fell, followed by the Rif Fort on July 5th. However, the assault on the port city was complicated, as here too the Soviet naval infantry fought with all that it had. It would not be until July 19th that the island was declared secure, and even then, some forts still resisted: Count Miliutin Fort fell on August 2nd, after running out of ammunition, with the Zverev Fort falling on August 7th, in the same circumstances. The Pervomayskaya Fort was the last to fall, on August 15th, after running out of food [2].
The Germans would not have the pleasure of capturing the Soviet Navy intact. All vessels had been scuttled after expending their ammunition on the advancing Germans. The Soviet Baltic Fleet had, for all intents and purposes, ceased to exist. Vladimir Tributs, its commander, fought with his men during the fighting in Kronstadt. He fell during one of the last days of the fighting. His body was recovered by the Germans and was buried with full military honors in the garden of the Kronstadt Cathedral.
While the fighting for Kronstadt raged on, Rommel continued his assault into the city proper. His forces secured crossings across the Neva around what is today the Alexander Nevsky Bridge, entering the Smolinskoye District. This was not done without any casualties, however. It was well-known that the Germans did not care about civilian casualties, but several German units took out their frustration on Soviet civilians, indifferently massacring hundreds of civilians in separate killings. In one such occasion, soldiers of the 15th Panzer Division, not wanting to have to clear yet another building, simply set fire to the Smolny Monastery with everyone inside, covering the exits and machine-gunning anyone who ran out. Likewise, after taking the Rauchfuss Hospital, the Germans simply killed off anyone who could not walk [3].
Brutally, Army Group North closed in on its prey. By July 23rd, the Soviets only held the areas north of the Fontanka River, including Vasilyevsky Island and the Petrogradsky district. Mannerheim’s Finns had linked up with the Germans at the Kalinin District, and had taken the Yelagin Palace. It is mostly to them that Soviet soldiers surrendered, though the Finns often just handed the prisoners of war to Germany regardless [4].
On July 24th, Rommel ordered a final assault, after a massive artillery barrage. Tired and without supplies, the Soviet defenders faltered. The Kolomna and Sennoy districts were secured after bitter fighting, allowing Rommel’s troops to take New Holland Island. On July 26th, the first troops landed on the Petrogradsky district and Vasilyevsky Island, with bitter fighting engulfing the Baltic shipyards. The Menshikov Palace, already devastated by the bombings, was completely destroyed as Soviet units held onto it until August 4th. Govorov, feeling the end nearing, went to the front himself, almost forcing his administrative staff to come with him. The presence of their commander galvanized the few troops remaining, allowing them to hold on for a few more days. Andrei Zhdanov, the Chairman of the Russian SFSR and Secretary of the Soviet Communist party, who coordinated the defence of the city with Govorov, was nowhere to be found [5].
August 9th came, and there was no victory celebration at the Astoria hotel, but Govorov was not in a mood to celebrate. The next day, he was killed while defending a barricade near the Stroganov Palace. His death marked the end of all organized resistance in the city, which descended into chaos. Pockets of fighters fought to the bitter end, with the last shots being fired on August 16th.
Rommel had triumphed. Leningrad had fallen, but it was a ruin. On August 12th, as fighting still raged in some small, isolated pockets, Erwin Rommel finally had his photograph. On it, Rommel stood smiling in front of a Panzer IV alongside Ludwig Cruwell. They were on Uritsky Square, with Nazi banners strung atop the Winter Palace. This photograph would be immediately sent to both Goebbels and Hitler, who hastened to spread it as far as possible. What this photograph did not show, however, was that the Winter Palace had been severely damaged by the fighting and the Luftwaffe bombings, and that there was a giant hole on the other side of the palace, which faced the Neva. It also did not show the men of Einsatzsab Rosenberg, present inside the building, who were busy looting the building of anything that could be of value to the Reich, before blowing the Palace to bits [6].
Rommel, for his part, was congratulated by Hitler. He had achieved a massive victory which could free up thousands of troops to reinforce Case Blue, which was not going as fast as hoped. As he left the city, Rommel met with his top commanders, congratulating them on their bravery and courage. He also met with the commander of Einsatzgruppe A, Walter Rauff. To Rauff, Rommel would have said a simple “Good luck”, and then left [7].
Rommel and Hitler then met in Rastenburg, to see how to proceed. Both had been struck by the Finno-Soviet agreement, which had come on August 28th, in the middle of Case Blue. Hitler reassured Rommel that the Finns were not that useful now that Leningrad had been taken, and that it freed up units that were desperately needed to contain the Allied advance in the Balkans and Italy. As long as the nickel deposits in Petsamo were secured, there was no real need for the Finns, who gave security assurances. As for Rommel, he was sent to Sofia, to take command of “Panzer Korps Makedonien”, a unit which would have to defend the area, while waiting for a new counter-offensive that would take Athens and drive the Allies from this part of the continent. Grateful for the command, Rommel still couldn’t help himself but ask: “Mein Fuhrer, what happens to Leningrad now?”
“Leningrad?” Hitler answered, “Let it starve.” [8]
[1] This pretty much mimics the opening stages of the OTL Battle of Stalingrad
[2] The Russian Naval Infantry pretty much mimics the resistance of the Manila Bay forts of OTL.
[3] Needless to say that Rommel's "War without hate" certainly won't hold any type of water ITTL.
[4] Not out of malice, but because the Finns barely had enough food to keep themselves fed, and thus couldn't afford to hold large numbers of Soviet POWs.
[5] More on this later!
[6] Yes, Rommel's reputation ITTL will absolutely definitely not be as stellar as it is OTL. And his reputation in Russia will be in the gutter ITTL, where he will absolutely be regarded as a butcher.
[7] Ironically, Walter Rauff, the inventor of the mobile gas vans, was supposed to join Rommel for the push into Palestine...thankfully this never happened OTL, and he kept to "only" massacring the Tunisian Jews. OTL Rommel and Rauff never met, though Rauff met Rommel's chief of staff. With Stahlecker dead, it was too neat not to include this bit, with Rauff succeeding Stahlecker as head of Einsatzgruppe A and thus meeting Rommel ITTL...but in Leningrad, and not in Africa.
[8] As you'd expect, Leningrad's suffering has only just begun.
Can someone say “Finnish Democratic Republic”, for the Soviets are 100% going to be pissed at them.
Also, I know it is kinda too early for this discussion, but the Dutch East Indies (for the most part) holding has some interesting implications when the time for decolonization occurs as the Japanese occupation, for all its brutality, gave Indonesian nationalists a forum they had previously been unable to achieve prior to it. For all we know, Indonesia’s road to freedom would probably see a more divided archipelago than the Aceh-to-Papua Indonesian Republic of OTL, especially as the Dutch did divide-and-rule to some extent IOTL.
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Probably.
Anyway, frankly I am quite tired to trope that in every WW2 TL if not Axis victory Finland ends either as Soviet puppet or even annexed by Soviet Union. Almost never other options.
From the tidbits being described, I moreso see the Soviet Union and Finland making a peacedeal rather soon and Germany having to begrudgingly accept that fact. It's the minors of WW2 striking back after all, Finland coming out of WW2 having fought the Soviets and exiting the war bigger because of that seems very much in line with the theme as well on a meta-level