Indonesia ATL: The Presidency of Try Sutrisno (1997-)

[GSD310]

16th February 2003:
That Sunday, Jakarta buzzed at the possibility that at the previous day’s meeting, Vice President JB Sumarlin had accepted the President’s offer for a second term as vice president. Sumarlin found himself flocked by reporters as he exited church accompanied by Second Lady Yustina Sudarmi Sumarlin. He only smiled and got in his car.

At Puncak the PNI’s MPR Delegation’s retreat came to an end. To a surprised reaction that broke into cheers, Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri introduced a special guest who was none other than Chairman of Muhammadiyah Amien Rais. Amien spoke at the gathering expressing his faith that at the MPR General Session, there will be a political earthquake and that Megawati will be the cause of it.

17th February 2003:
The President met with Head of BKKBN Sumarjati Arjoso this morning. Bringing the BKKBN’s top officials with her, Sumarjati reported that the BKKBN has achieved the target set in June 2000 of 70% of all fertile married couples having access to family planning information and contraceptives before the end of the term. The President approved of this though he noted that husbands should play more of a role in using contraception.

Interviewed by the press as he arrived at an afternoon event, Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti was asked about what the strengthening of the Rupiah from $1= Rp. 4,125 to $1= Rp. 4,103 over the course of the day meant. Dorodjatun focused on the economics saying that the time for Indonesians to open and expand businesses for Indonesians. But then he acknowledged that with the MPR General Session just days away, the strengthening of the Rupiah had a political sentiment behind it.

“The market is reacting positively to the possibility of another term of Try-Sumarlin”, said Dorodjatun.

18th February 2003:
The President held a joint press conference with Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Albert Hasibuan after their meeting at the Presidential Palace this morning. The two discussed the continuing effort to prepare the transfer of authority over the courts from the executive to the Supreme Court which had been conducted for the last 2.5 years. Hasibuan said that it was a process which has been making progress but, given the complexity, will have to be completed in the next term of government. Hasibuan smiled when asked what would happen to the process should he found himself working with a different president after the MPR General Session and said that this was a matter for the MPR.

In a joint press conference after coming out of a meeting with the President, Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas and Commander of ABRI Wiranto said that the government will not be permitting demonstrations about or related to the United States’ impending attack on Yugoslavia. The reason being that calm and order will be required in the run-up to the MPR General Session.

19th February 2003:
In a morning meeting at the PKPB’s National Headquarters attended by the PKPB’s DPR members, Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto instructed the PKPB’s DPR members to boycott hearings to discuss the passing of the Draft 2003/2004 Budget if the government continues to insist on wanting the passing of the Anti-Terror Bill. Announcing this decision to the press, the Leader of the PKPB in the DPR Akbar Tandjung said that this was the party’s decision but refused to answer what he himself thought about the decision.

Akbar’s day went from bad to worse when he made a joint appearance on RCTI with the Leader of the PKPI Sofyan Lubis to argue the PKPB and the PKPI’s respective positions on the Anti-Terror Bill. The two were an even match in explaining their parties’ position but Akbar never recovered when Sofyan asked “Why can’t you guys play a constructive role and join in passing the bill the way you did with the Manpower Law?”. Akbar would later say the most difficult thing about this ordeal was that he had to argue against a point he agreed with.

20th February 2003:
At the Presidential Palace, the President met with Minister of Manpower and Small Business Fahmi Idris. Fahmi reported the National Wages Council’s recommendation for minimum wage raises across the provinces, the first time since 1999 that the minimum wage has been raised. Wages have been raising naturally as a result of economic growth, the jobs created, and the competition between employees to fill those jobs. The purpose of the minimum wage rises is to increase the wage floor and acknowledge that labor has become more skilled with more graduates from vocational schools. The President approved of this.

Day-to-Day Chairman of the PPP Hamzah Haz arrived at the PPP’s National Headquarters to be crowded around by the press. Hamzah joked that people are taking it for granted that it will be Try-Sumarlin because no official announcement had been made yet. He said that PPP members should not be taken for granted and that “for all we know”, it could be Try-Matori.

21st February 2003:
After a very early flight, the President arrived at Jayapura, Irian Jaya. At the Sentani Airport, he was welcomed by Governor of Irian Jaya Balthasar Kambuaya before travelling with his entourage to Jayapura’s Hamadi Region. Accompanied by Minister of Public Works Rachmat Witoelar, Minister of Transportation Soerjadi Soedirja, Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo, State-Minister of State-Owned Enterprises Cacuk Sudarijanto, and with Kambuaya besides him, the President inaugurated the following:

*The Holtekamp Bridge
*Sentani Airport New Terminal Building
*Wamena Airport New Terminal Building
*Units 1 and 2 of Semen Tonasa’s Jayapura Factory
*The Enarotali-Ilaga-Mulia-Wamena Portion of the Trans-Irian Jaya Road

In his speech, the President said all provinces in Indonesia must and will take part in economic development including Irian Jaya. The President and his entourage then crossed the Holtekamp Bridge and after Friday Prayer at the Baitturahim Great Mosque at Jayapura, he toured Semen Tonasa’s Jayapura Factory expressing hope that this will boost construction in Jayapura and Irian Jaya as well as drive cement prices down.

The President, with Harsudiono Hartas and Kambuaya flanking him, and his entourage had lunch with members of the MRIJ, who were led by its Chairman Frans A. Wospakrik. The lunch was very cordial with Wospakrik acknowledging the work the President has done in particular with securing the divestment of Freeport but also submitting a request for the President to consider dividing Irian Jaya into three provinces.

As he was about to depart back to Jakarta, the President watched an argument break out between Minister of Transmigration Indra Bambang Utoyo and Kambuaya. Indra insisted that there has been consistent report from the Department of Transmigration that Acehnese have exited the province for Irian Jaya. Kambuaya argued that if there has been an influx of Acehnese transmigrants in Irian Jaya, he had not seen them. State Secretary Edi Sudrajat broke up the argument and the President thought nothing of it.

22nd February 2003:
While troops in charge of maintaining security at the 2003 MPR General Session began to take their positions around Jakarta and government billboards with pictures of the MPR’s green-domed building and the writing “Sukseskan Sidang Umum MPR 2003” are appearing all around Jakarta, the President spent his Saturday in a long meeting with Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita. Ginandjar reported about the eventful 24 hours which happened while the President had visited Irian Jaya:

*At the United Nations, a United States and United Kingdom-proposed resolution calling for Yugoslavia to cease its military operations in Montenegro or face a humanitarian intervention was vetoed by Russia, China, and France. France’s resolution represented its stance that UN Peacekeepers should be sent into Montenegro and new presidential elections held in Montenegro under UN supervision. The failure of this resolution means that when the United States and its Coalition of the Willing launches its military attack into Yugoslavia, it will be doing so without both UN and NATO approval.

*Right on the heels of this failure in the UN and with British personnel due to depart to Croatia and Albania this week, the British Parliament held a vote about whether or not it gave approval for the impending operations in Yugoslavia. On the back of the vetoed resolution, popular sentiment being against intervention in Yugoslavia, and Labor’s Gordon Brown publicly expressing his desire to vote against intervention, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom Tony Blair found himself being defeated on the floor of parliament. The defeat came with Brown’s followers voting against military intervention and even with the opposition Conservative Party throwing in its lot with Blair. Thus it was that Blair found himself treating this defeated vote as a vote of no-confidence and stepping down from his post as prime minister. John Prescott is now prime minister until Labor chooses a new leader, most likely Gordon Brown.

The President asked whether the new government will honor the commitment made a few weeks ago to jointly provide military aid to Indonesia with the United States. Ginandjar said that so far there has not been a policy change.

When asked whether this will delay the United States’ plans for Yugoslavia, Ginandjar replied in the negative but that perhaps other members of the coalition might want to increase its contribution to show its support.

*Lastly, the Chinese Communist Party’s Central Committee concluded its 2nd Plenary Session. Among others the meeting approved of General Secretary Luo Gan’s candidacy for the office of President of the People’s Republic of China at the upcoming NPC and Politburo Standing Committee Wu Bangguo’s candidacy for Premier of the People’s Republic of China.

23rd February 2003:
The President half-expected news of a terrorist attack or some kind of a military attack when Edi made an appearance during his family’s Sunday lunch. But once he made his way from the Presidential Palace’s residential quarters to its working quarters, the President was surprised to see that his guests were Minister of Health Azrul Azwar and Head of the BNP2TKI Potsdam Hutasoit.

“Okay, you’re going to have to tell the rest of the cabinet about this”, the President said once the two officials were done telling him the reason why they asked for a meeting.

Amazingly the entire cabinet was assembled in a very short time. With days left until the MPR General Session, ministers were trying to get as much work done as possible as the clock ticked down.

On the President’s invitation the two officials began speaking. Potsdam spoke first about an Indonesian migrant worker returning from Hong Kong with a very bad fever and how the two flight attendants handling her were not feeling well at the conclusion of the flight. The B2PTKI took the migrant worker and the flight attendants to the medical center at the airport, the medical center reported to the Department of Health and that was how the Minister of Health became involved.

“We’ve studied the patients and the symptoms and we’ve also conducted tests”, reported Azrul “This migrant worker and the two flight attendants have tested positive to a virus though we don’t know what.”

“There seems to be a lot of unidentified virus doing the rounds”, weighed in Minister of Tourism Soeyono “The one that’s a big deal in tourism at the moment is a whole busload of tourists from Guangzhou, China visiting Kuala Lumpur. Pretty much everyone in that group is sick and they’ve spread it to the people working at the hotel, people at the tourist attractions, people at the souvenir shop. It’s only the last few days but there’s a little outbreak going.”

“Actually, Mr. Minister of Tourism”, began Azrul “We’re of the opinion that the virus this migrant worker has tested positive for is the same virus as the one in the case you’ve mentioned.”

Soeyono tried to process that.

“My question is, is this virus from Hong Kong or Malaysia?” asked Minister of Legal Affairs Marzuki Darusman “We have to start banning people from coming in overseas or at least quarantining them but we need know where to start.”

“Well, it’s been established that in the case of the busload of tourists that the first one who tested positive was already ill when he departed for Malaysia and our migrant worker said that her employer’s family member just returned from the mainland…” said Azrul.

“This virus is from the People’s Republic of China”, concluded the President as he facepalmed.

The cabinet waited as the President massaged his face with his palm.

“We need to do something. We can’t wait for the Chinese or for anybody to make announcement about whatever this is exactly”, said the President as he pointed to the migrant worker’s test results in front of him “We have the MPR General Session in days and that will already be an ordeal for some of us at this table so let’s not add an epidemic to the mix.”

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A bit of a “Try works” chapter interspersed with the countdown to the MPR Session.

The BNP2TKI has made past appearances before. But for non-Indonesians, this is the migrant workers government agency.

 

[GSD310]

24th February 2003:
Mid-morning saw Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Minister of Legal Affairs Marzuki Darusman, Minister of Transportation Soerjadi Soedirja, Minister of Health Azrul Azwar, and Head of BNP2TKI Potsdam Hutasoit come out of a meeting with President Try Sutrisno. Acting as the spokesperson of the group, Azrul announced that the President has approved of a series of “precautionary steps” to prevent a newly identified virus from coming into Indonesia. The following steps are:

*Indonesians and foreigners alike arriving from Malaysia, the People’s Republic of China, and Hong Kong SAR to be screened for symptoms on arrival.

*The government has issued travel advisories to Malaysia, the People’s Republic of China, and Hong Kong. Travel advisories will be updated as necessary.
*If there are symptoms or the passengers are deemed to be a suspected case, they will be quarantined and isolated in hospitals appointed to them by the Department of Health.
*In addition to immigration cards, there will be a Health Alert Card for arriving passengers to fill in. If they feel unwell in the days after they have arrived, they can take their health alert card and present it to the hospital.
*Passengers arriving at Jakarta, Bali, Medan, Batam, and Ujung Pandang’s International Airports will be prioritized for symptoms screening.
*The list of ports of departure from which Indonesians and foreigners arrivals are screened for symptoms on arrival to be updated as necessary.
*The Government will coordinate with foreign governments in the region and the begin talks with the WHO regarding efforts to handle the virus.

Chairman of the MPR Matori Abdul Djalil is seen inspecting the preparations for the MPR General Session. After touring the building where the MPR General Session would be held, Matori went around to the hotels where the MPR delegates will be staying. After inspecting the last hotel, Matori found himself mobbed by the press at a doorstop. After expressing his satisfaction at preparations and support for the steps against the newly identified virus, Matori was asked about Day-to-day Chairman of the PPP Hamzah Haz’s comments that people should not take it for granted that it will be Try-Sumarlin.

“It could be Try-Sumarlin or Try-Matori or Try-Wismoyo or Try-whoever, that’s correct”, said Matori “The point is whoever the PKPI officially decides will be its presidential and vice presidential candidate, it will be the PPP’s task to give unconditional support. The President and the PKPI has already shown enough commitment to the PKPI-PPP Coalition and now it’s the PPP’s turn to do the same.”

25th February 2003:
State Secretary Edi Sudrajat and Cabinet Secretary Hayono Isman held a joint press conference. Edi announced that the President is reversing his call for the Anti-Terror Bill to be passed into law prior to the MPR General Session saying that it did not want to risk the Draft Budget and that it will be up to the DPR to determine the passing of the Anti-Terror Bill after the MPR General Session. When asked whether the President’s decision had anything to do with Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto claim that the PKPB would boycott DPR meetings and hearings about the Draft Budget, Edi only scoffed bitterly and walked out of the interview.

At the PKPB National Headquarters, Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto looked jubilant as she held a press conference flanked by Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani and Leader of the PKPB in the DPR/Treasurer of the PKPB Akbar Tandjung. Tutut said that she respects what the President had done and said whoever leads this nation must take into account the opinions of the party holding the most seats in the DPR and the majority faith of this country.

While Tutut answered questions about the government’s precautionary measures against the new unidentified virus, Akbar thought to himself that the time for making mental notes is over.

26th February 2003:
The President met with Commander of ABRI Wiranto and the two found themselves talking about various matters.

Wiranto reported that President of the Philippines Joseph Estrada has approved of ABRI’s decision to rotate units attached to the Indonesian Contingent Command in the Philippines to give the new units more experience and allow the old units to return to Indonesia and share their knowledge with ABRI personnel in Indonesia as part of improving ABRI’s military capability. The President approved of this.

Meanwhile the review of the 2002 Joint Military Exercise is ongoing and will be reported to the ABRI National Leadership Meeting which is scheduled for some time after the MPR General Session. The President acknowledged this.

Finally, Wiranto reported that the reorganization of ABRI is nearly complete. The increase of the Army’s Regional Military Commands, the establishment of a third Armada Command and the establishment of a third Air Force Command. Wiranto said that the only thing left to do is to fill the command and staff positions for these new commands at a command shuffle.

“No, General, the only thing left to do is to make sure that we’ll be around for these things”, said the President half jokingly.

27th February 2003:
The DPR’s last day in session before the MPR General Session passed without it discussing, much less passing, the Anti-Terror Bill into law and also without it passing the 2003/2004 Draft Budget. Though decorum was maintained in the DPR’s plenary session as Matori Abdul Djalil banged the session to a close, there was unhappiness among the PKPI ranks that the latter had not been passed.

Vice Chairman of the DPR/Chairman of the PKPI Basofi Sudirman, speaking more in his capacity as the latter expressed his disgust that this was the state of affairs. Basofi said that the government and the PKPI had bid a retreat from insisting on passing the Anti-Terror Bill because the PKPB threatened not to participate in hearings regarding the 2003/2004 Draft Budget and because the government felt that it did not want anything to happen to the Draft Budget. Basofi expressed his disappointment that having gotten its way on the Anti-Terror Bill, the PKPB has also proceeded to obstruct the 2003/2004 Draft Budget.

Speaking in defense of the PKPB, Vice Chairman of the DPR Hartono expressed surprise. He said that the Chairwoman of the PKPB has never said anything about the PKPB helping pass the Draft Budget if the government’s pressure on passing the Anti-Terror Bill is withdrawn. Hartono further said that because the results of the MPR General Session is not known, the Draft Budget should not be passed so that in the event of a new president being elected, the new president can withdraw the Draft Budget from the DPR and revise it accordingly to their needs.

28th February 2003:
The President chaired a cabinet meeting attended by Vice President JB Sumarlin, all cabinet ministers, and all the heads of the agencies.

There was a discussion about the new unidentified virus. Azrul and Soerjadi Soedirja said that there are suspect cases though not new cases and that it has been recommended for those working in airports to wear face masks. Ginandjar said that Singapore, Thailand, Philippines, and Vietnam have begun taking their own precautionary measures after seeing Indonesia taking its precautionary measures. Malaysia, Ginandjar reported, has written a formal complaint through its Ministry of Foreign Affairs expressing displeasure that Malaysia has been placed on Indonesia’s travel advisory.

That was the only formal agenda of the cabinet. In a short ceremony, Edi handed the President a thick document with the writing “Accountability Address for the term 1998-2003 by the President of the Republic Indonesia and Accompanying Appendix” written on it. It contained the speech which the President would deliver to the MPR the next day and a compendium of all the things which the government had achieved in the past 5 years.

“Sometimes it feels like we won't get to this point but we have done it: we are about to complete one whole term of government”, said the President getting teary-eyed “As it is likely that this is the final time this cabinet will gather like this, I want to say that whether you’ve been here the whole way, most of the way, or just a little part of the way, I am thankful to all of you from the bottom of my heart for the service you’ve rendered to the nation.”

1st March 2003:
Most of the time in groups, occasionally arriving by themselves, the delegates of the MPR arrived at the MPR building and took their seats; chatting away and nodding at new arrivals who they recognized. Slowly the numbers built up until the dignitaries, guests, and the members of the press agreed that that what was sitting there looked like a 1000-strong supreme constitutional entity.

Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri arrived accompanied the PNI Delegates who could not believe that they were going to be sitting there given that some of them were dissidents and activists. They all walked into the MPR Building at the same time because, it was later said, they wanted solidarity and equal status with each other. Megawati looked serious; wondering where the road that had begun when Soeharto had ordered her party headquarters to be forcibly taken over would lead.

Contrary to Megawati, Tutut Soeharto arrived by herself and after all of the PKPB delegation had taken their seats. Tutut walked purposefully down the aisle towards her seat, occasionally nodding faces that she recognized. A small applause broke out Tutut and Megawati made eye contact with each other. Tutut greeted Megawati while Megawati stood up to return the greeting. Tutut then took her seat with her delegation, relieved that what she had been waiting for is about to begin.

Then all MPR delegates were asked to stand up and it was the President’s turn to make his entrance. There was applause, enthusiastic ones from the PKPI and PPP delegates, polite ones from all the other candidates. The President walked into the building with Matori walking beside him. Behind them, Sumarlin walked in accompanied by Vice Chairmen of the MPR Hartono, Basofi Sudirman, Nyoman Suwisma, Alex Litaay, Mario Carrascalao and Edwin Soeryadjaya. With everybody still standing up including the dignitaries that just made their entrance, the national anthem was played. Then everyone sat as Matori made his speech about the meaning of the MPR Session that is about to be opened.

From where he sat, the President could see where Megawati was sitting and where Tutut was sitting though it was Tutut that he spent more time looking at.

This is what it’s come down to. Let’s settle this once and for all, Tutut.

“With the grace of almighty God and in the presence of all the Indonesian people”, said Matori as he lifted his gavel and brought his speech to a close “I declare the 2003 MPR General Session open!”

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[GSD310]

1st March 2003:
“Honorable Delegates, we now move on to the first item on our agenda, the Accountability Address for the term 1998-2003 which will be delivered by the President of the Republic of Indonesia”, announced Chairman of the MPR Matori Abdul Djalil “I invite you now, Mr. President to deliver that address.”

President Try Sutrisno stood up from his seat and walked over to the lectern followed by his two aides-de-camps. To hide the fact that he was nervous, the President looked at the ceiling as his aides-de-camp put his speech in the lectern.

The President put on his glasses and then stepped forward into the lectern, the two aides de camp standing behind him.

“Bismillahirohmanirohim,
Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.

Mr. Chairman,
Vice Chairmen,
Honorable Delegates of the MPR,
Distinguished Guests,
Fellow Indonesians wherever you may be.

Let us first and foremost give our deepest thanks to Almighty God for it is by His will and grace that not only are we given health but that we, as a nation, are given the opportunity to witness the 2003 MPR General Session which the Chairman has just opened.

That the MPR is once again in session is something that we should all be thankful for. For the MPR itself, it means that the MPR is fulfilling its constitutional mandate of meeting at least once every five years in the nation’s capital so that it can exercise the sovereignty of the people. For our nation as a whole, it means that we are on the eve of completing another cycle in our nation’s political life.

It is not only the MPR that has come today to fufill its constitutional mandate. As President of the Republic of Indonesia, I am reminded when I open the 1945 Constitution and read its elucidation that “The President is appointed by the Assembly, and is subservient and accountable to the Assembly”. It is with this in mind, Honorable Delegates, that I come before you today with mere days left until my term of office expires to deliver my accountability address.

This will be the second accountability address that I am delivering to you. I delivered my first one exactly five years ago at the 1998 MPR General Session but I delivered that address for the most part on President Soeharto’s behalf, having succeeded into this office with three months left in that term of government.

This accountability address I am delivering to you will cover the current term of government which began when I was inaugurated at the 1998 MPR General Session.

Overcoming the Asian Financial Crisis:
Honorable Delegates,

Our current journey as a nation is inseparable from economic development. As a nation we have chosen to undertake economic development for the last three and a half decades out of a realization that independence will be for nothing if we do not improve the living standards of our people. And even though with the benefit of these three and a half decades of economic development, we are now able to assert ourselves in foreign policy and build our military, economic development and indeed our economy is still a matter of vital importance.

Indeed the first priority of the Government once this term had gotten under way was to address an economic crisis; the Asian Financial Crisis. This crisis, which first struck currencies in the region including ours had spread to become an economic crisis by March 1998. If left unchecked or not managed properly, it could not only threaten to undo the progress which we have made over the three decades of economic development.

In the first three months of my presidency, we had already begun taking steps to fulfill the conditions set down by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and restore confidence to the market by delivering a budget with a surplus of 1% of GDP, committing to the establishment of the Indonesian Banking Restructuring Agency (IBRA), and revoking the National Car status from an automobile manufacturer which was clearly importing from South Korea and sticking their label on the imported cars.

In the new term we built upon that. We abolished the Clove Marketing and Buffer Agency (BPPC), we cut subsidies to fuel and electricity, we passed the Anti-Bankruptcy and Anti-Monopoly laws, we abolished the requirement for state banks to donate 2.5% of its net profits to certain foundations. We also passed amendments to the Banking Law requiring banks to become more compliant with existing corporate governance regulations and indeed, we also settled with priavate banks which has received Bank Indonesia’s Liquidity Assistance (BLBI) to repay back the assistance.

By taking these steps we restore confidence to the market, stabilize and even reverse the value in decline of our currency, and allow for stability so economic activity can be carried on again.

By restoring confidence in the market and regaining its trust, we were also able to secure leeway from the IMF so that the we can take steps more relevant to the population at large. In May 1998 the Government enacted a stimulus package aimed at kickstarting economic activity most through among others infrastructure development, construction of junior high school buildings, construction of apartment towers, and repairs of ABRI housing. all the while accelerating labor-intensive rural projects with low import contents.

We were also able to take steps such as placing a rice subsidy in poverty-stricken areas, make permanent school supplementary meals, as well as distribute food, clothing, and sanitary kits at places of worship to the poor gathered there.

We also were able, even though this was originally marked for cessation by the IMF, to retain the IPTN and our other strategic industries.

Honorable Delegates,

All these policies and steps were taken not against any specific individual, institutional or political interests. They were taken in the national interests. As I said in my first address to the nation in December 1997, my first since taking office “We are all in this together”. And this means that all must play their part and part ways special favors and privileges if it means that the economy will recover from the crisis.

And having absorbed the impact and limit the damage of the Asian Financial Crisis through the steps we have taken, we did recover. Lay-offs in manufacturing peaked in the first quarter of 1998 then declined steadily until the middle of 1999 when the numbers of those recruited into manufacturing jobs exceeded those being laid off. By the end of 1999, production was rapidly increasing and consumption was strengthening that I felt confident enough that we no longer needed IMF aid. I officially declared the Asian Financial Crisis to be over in Indonesia when I delivered my speech on the eve of our Independence Day in 2000 but in reality it was over months before that.

We were the second in Asia to recover from the Asian Financial Crisis after South Korea and the first in Southeast Asia…”

There was applause from a majority of the MPR Delegates at this as the President took a sip of water.

“…to have done so. We should be proud but most importantly, we should be thankful.

Macroeconomics:
Mr. Chairman,

Having overcome the Asian Financial Crisis, our nation has gone on to record strong numbers. Our economy has registered levels of growth of on average over 9% per annum in 2000/2001, 2001/2002, and 2002/2003 fiscal years. Meanwhile post-crisis levels of inflation is around 5% over the 2000/2001, 2001/2002 and 2002/2003 fiscal years.

We have gotten such levels of economic growth as a result of strong consumption as people begin to earn income again and regain their confidence to spend money, the confidence of investors both domestic and foreign on the potential of our economy, as well as the Government’s investment in infrastructure to facilitate economic activity. While inflationary pressures have emerged as a result of the strong consumption demand generated by economic growth, the Government has been able to moderate it through monetary policy, through infrastructure helping to decrease the costs of transporting goods and services, and through confidence in our economy being reflected in the strength of our currency.

Our Gross Domestic Product is now slightly larger than that of Russia’s but still smaller than Australia’s and we are the largest economy in Southeast Asia. Beyond our region, our economy has now been grouped with that of Brazil’s, Russia’s, China’s and India’s as prominent emerging economy power.

Making Economic Policy:
To manage our economy, the Government continues to use familiar tools of economic policy.

We continue to use our national development planning model. We are at present about to complete the fourth year of the Seventh Five-Year Development Plan which is scheduled to be completed in the next term of government on 1st April 2004. At present, work to formulate the Eighth Five-Year Development Plan has also begun though its finalization and implementation will fall to the government of the next term.

At the annual rather than five yearly timeframe, the Government has continued to fulfill its constitutional responsibility of submitting Draft Budgets for the DPR’s approval; these budgets representing the priorities that the Government has determined for a certain year. The Government has continued to deliver budgets that seek to fund the Government’s agenda while being fiscally responsible with a slight surplus each year.

Mindful of the length and breadth of its agenda, the Government has placed emphasis on collecting more revenue. In 2001, the length of time for making Taxpayer Numbers Card has been capped at 2 days and new tax offices have been constructed in existing growth centers to better collect tax. If on 1st January 1998 we had 1.26 million registered taxpayers, I can report that as of 1st January 2003 we now have 3.75 million registered taxpayers, effectively tripling the number of taxpayers. We thank all members of the public who are taking advantage of these facilities to fulfill their obligations.

The Government has instituted standard operating procedures and a code of ethics for both the Directorate General of Taxation and the Directorate General of Customs and Excise to improve services in these two government agencies.

In addition to the Department of Finance to which the two aforementioned agencies belong to and the Department of Economics and National Development Planning, the Government also has Bank Indonesia at its disposal as far as making economic policy is concerned. Law no. 13 of 1968 regarding the Central Bank mandates two duties for Bank Indonesia: regulate, guard, and preserve the stability of the Rupiah’s value as well as to stimulate production and development as well as creating employment opportunities so that the people’s living standards can be improved.

On the stability of the Rupiah, we can say that it had a turbulent ride. From $1= Rp. 2,400 prior to the Asian Financial Crisis, it reached its lowest level at around $1= Rp. 4,800 at the 1998 MPR Session. But Alhamdullilah, that was as low as it got for the Rupiah. Much as our economy, our currency got stronger as the market gave it its vote of confidence. And much as our economy got out of the Asian Financial Crisis, our currency stabilized in the range of $1= Rp. 4,000-Rp. 4,100 throughout most of the current term.

By and large, the Bank Indonesia was part of the collective effort to restore confidence in our economy, and by extension in our currency. Given that our currency was floated in August 1997 and subject to market mechanism, it can be said that excepting an interest rate rise in July 2002 to stem a decline in the value of the Rupiah post-election, Bank Indonesia took little direct steps to intervene with the value of the Rupiah.

Where Bank Indonesia played its part in stabilizing the Rupiah was the role that it played to restore confidence in our banking sector. It played a leading role in amending the Banking Law to mandate that banks comply with existing regulations regarding good corporate governance and legal lending limits.

But Bank Indonesia played its largest role in formulating as well as enforcing the Government’s settlement with the private banking sector in September 1998. With this settlement, it was agreed that all BLBI assistance would cease at the end of the 1998/1999 fiscal year, the banks which has received BLBI assistance would begin repaying that assistance in installments over a period of five years at the end of each calendar year, and the Government would provide monitoring as the private banks improve their capital adequacy ratios.

A virtuous cycle developed. Because the Government came to this agreement the market continued to restore its confidence in the Indonesian economy, conditions in the economy including in the banking sector improved as result of this increased confidence, because conditions in the banking sector improved, banks were able to both begin improving their capital adequacy ratio whilst at the same time repaying their BLBI assistance.

As of today, I can announce that of the banks which has received BLBI assistance, a large majority have not only repaid their assistance, they have completed the repayment of their BLBI assistance. And those which have not completed their repayments are due to complete it at the end of the current financial year. At the same time a large majority of these same banks have now reached the pre-crisis capital adequacy ratio of 8%. The banking sector, much like the economy, has also recovered.”

There was an applause, most notably from the PKPI delegates at this last announcement.

“A healthier banking sector has allowed Bank Indonesia to focus on its other legally mandated role of stimulating production and development. As part of the January 2002 Policy Package, state banks have been instructed to give lenient credit and financing conditions for economic activity deemed to be a priority such as the manufacturing of electronic and automotive components, smelters of certain minerals, and sago plantations.

Beyond the aforementioned tools of economic policies, the Government has also resorted to policy packages in July 1998, March 1999, July 1999, March 2000, April 2001, and January 2002 to further encourage economic growth.

The journey is never smooth; the world economic slowdown in 2001, the 9/11 terrorist attacks and commodity prices are slowly rising, being driven by the demands of emerging economic powers such as ourselves. How we handle these developments will determine whether these developments are crises and opportunities.

On balance however, the Government will complete its current term with an economy that is stronger than at the beginning of the term.”

---
Okay. I’m not sure how many parts this will take but here we go…

If there’s one thing I learned about the Asian Financial Crisis in Indonesia based on doing this TL, I’d say that when things got bad, it got bad really quickly. You’re still at $1= Rp.3,700 at the end of November 1997 and then it was $1= Rp. 17,000 at the end of January 1998. I got lucky there was a gap for me have the POD in November 1997 (Ie. Soeharto’s exhaustion or minor stroke in OTL becomes his death ITTL) otherwise Try would have a more difficult time.

 

[GSD310]

“Feeding the People:
Mr. Chairman,

It is a cliché to say that our nation is an agrarian nation. But that is indeed the case with most of our population, even with the level of economic development that we are at, still making their livelihood in the agricultural sector.

During the Asian Financial Crisis, agriculture acted as a shock absorber for when those living in our cities became unemployed, some returned to their village and got employment there as they rode out the crisis. Even more than a shock absorber, agriculture did its part in supporting the economy even when the economy was still in crisis. As the value of the Rupiah declined, our agricultural commodities became cheaper and our exports from this sector spiked. We have much to be thankful for from this sector during the crisis.

With the Asian Financial Crisis over, the Government’s main priority in agriculture feeding our people. Feeding our people is a matter of fulfilling a basic need and fulfilling this basic need is unavoidably linked with rice production.

Over the course of the current term, and even with the El Nino phenomenon at the beginning of it, has increased steadily from 49 million tonnes in 1997 to 58.7 million tonnes in 2002. At the same time our rice imports has fluctuated. It was 1.8 million tonnes in 1999, 900 million tonnes in 2000, 1.2 million tonnes in 2001, and 1.6 million tonnes in 2002. Such numbers indicate to us that while production has increased, consumption of rice has followed suit and has even been in excess of its production. This increased rice consumption can be attributed to Indonesians having more disposable income and being able to consume more rice. Everyone…”

There was murmuring from the PKPB’s MPR Delegates and someone was heard to have muttered loudly enough “failed at rice”. At this audible muttering, the PKPI’s MPR Delegates grew restless as they glared at their PKPB counterparts. From the PKPI’s section of the MPR, someone was heard to scoff “Blind loyalty to rice, just like blind loyalty to Soeharto…” and now it was the PKPB Delegates’ turn to stare dangerously at their PKPI counterparts. The President closed his eyes in response to the chatter.

“The President will be heard in silence as he delivers his Accountability Address”, said Chairman of the MPR Matori Abdul Djalil “Let’s all be worthy of being called Honourable Delegates here…”

The MPR Building quietened down.

"Kepada Saudara Presiden, kami persilahkan kembali..." Matori said to the President as the latter open his eyes and continued.

“Everyone is consuming rice from people living in huts in the most isolated villages to those eating at luxury restaurants in the capital. At the same time, however, the question needs to be asked whether we can continue on this path with rice.

The answer the Government has attempted to provide is to diversify staple food consumption in our country. For this purpose we did not need to reinvent the wheel. There are regions in our country where the staple food of choice is sago but where, in the past, it is the production and consumption of rice that has been prioritized.

Taking effect in 2002, the Government has begun to prioritize the production, distribution, and consumption of sago over rice in the provinces of Maluku, East Nusa Tenggara, and Irian Jaya. We have also established a PTPN unit which will focus on sago. Overall however, it will require more time for us to see the results of this path we have embarked on with sago.

It is not only in staple foods where the Goverment has decided to be more active in diversifying food consumption. As our people become affluent, not only will they consume more rice but they are looking for more things on their plate whether that be meat, fish, eggs, milik, fruits, and vegetables. Though enterprising member of our society have identified this opportunity, the Government is looking to encourage more people in this direction and we have identified animal husbandry as a priority sector to be given lenient credit conditions in our January 2002 Policy Package.

I believe that rice has a vital place in our nation and in our society and will continue to be so. While we have abolished monopolies on the import of soybeans and have deregulated the trade of orange, cashew nuts, and vanilla, we have retained existing tariffs on rice and the import of rice continues to be controlled by Bulog.

But I equally believe that the Government must take the next necessary steps in agriculture policy by diversifying the production of staple foods and encouraging the production of more kinds of food. In turn taking such steps will involve tilting the balance of the Government’s focus and priority away from rice.

Strong Industry, Strong Nation:

Honorable Delegates,

The industrial sector of the economy also went through tough times during the Asian Financial Crisis. While the handicraft and furniture industries prospered from our exports becoming cheaper, our manufacturing industries struggled as domestic consumption weakened and production lessened leading to mass lay-offs especially in 1998. The corner was turned in 1999 as lay-offs decreased and factories began employing and sometimes re-employing the same employees they had laid off earlier. By 2000, factories were functioning at near-full capacity again as domestic consumption recovered and 2001 and 2002 saw manufacturers open new factories and plants so that they can expand production.

The Government’s role in industrial policy is manifold. There are occasions where the Government provided stimulus for activity in the industrial sector. When the economy had not recovered, we lowered tariffs and import duties for such things as spare parts for cars and buses, fishing boats and heavy equipment. When our economy was in a better condition, the Government lowered tariffs on textile industry-related machinery and abolished luxury taxes on certain electronics and consumer goods to encourage consumption of our industrial goods and thereby encourage production.

On other occasions, the Government’s role is to provide guidance to the industrial sector so that our industrial sector becomes even more stronger. Our automotive and electronics industry has had great years, that much is not in doubt. But we are now encouraging those in manufacturing, both domestic and foreign alike, to take up opportunities in the automotive and electronics components industries. Not only are these opportunities that manufacturers should not miss out on, it will mean that we will be importing less automotive and electronics components from abroad.

On yet still other occasions, the Government has led from the front. Among national projects inaugurated throughout the course of the term are cement factories to support our construction industry and fertilizer factories to support our agricultural industry while among those still in the pipeline are a bauxite smelter in West Kalimantan and a steel plant in South Kalimantan.

Of course, when talking about industry, we cannot neglect to mention our strategic industries. The Government has revitalized and made our strategic industries more competitive by phasing out subsidies in 2000. Standing before this lectern, I can point to some achievements: Pindad rifles being standard weaponry in all of our Army battalions and being exported abroad to Sri Lanka as well as the IPTN’s N-250 aircraft receiving its FAA certification in 2002 and receiving orders both domestically and overseas…”

There was applause from the PKPI’s MPR delegates at this last piece of news. Television cameras zoomed in on BJ Habibie nodding his approval as he sat with the MPR’s Regional Delegates representing South Sulawesi.

“Our industry is strong and becoming stronger and this is a reflection of the fact that our nation is strong and becoming stronger.

Investment and Infrastructure:

Mr. Chairman,

The strength of our economy is not reliant on agriculture and industry alone but also by the economic activity that goes on within it. The Government’s role in this regard is to use its capacity to make policy to encourage economic activity.

In domestic investment, our aim is to encourage economic activity not only in Jakarta but across all of Indonesia. We therefore focused on already established domestic investors and encouraging them to expand. In 2000, we established a tax holiday program for domestic investors: 1 year tax holiday for expansion within Java and Bali, 2 years for expansion to Sumatra, 3 years for expansion to Kalimantan, Sulawesi, and the Nusa Tenggara islands, 4 years for Irian Jaya, Maluku, and East Timor. For this tax holiday program we prioritized food and beverages as well as hotels.

The results have been encouraging and I would like to mention two success stories. The Santika Hotel chain is set to have its hotels in half of the nation’s provincial capitals by 2005 or 2006 while the Solaria Restaurant Chain, which has 10 outlets in 1998, has expanded to 40 outlets since 2000 including outlets in Ujung Pandang. The construction of these hotels and outlets generates economic activity, when these hotels and outlets carry on with their core business they generate economic activity, and by being successful businesses, these hotels and outlets will generate further economic activity and this is good for the region it’s in and for the nation as a whole.

Another area where we have eased barriers is in domestic investment is in the airline industry. Beginning in 1999, companies owning a minimum of two aircrafts whose flight worthiness has been certified will be permitted to establish an airline, choose what routes it wants to fly in, and decide what price they want to sell their tickets so long as it is within a floor and ceiling set by the government. This has also helped generate economic activity as new low-cost airlines are established, as tourists look to explore other parts of Indonesia and businessmen see to do business outside their region can travel easier.

In addition to our size as a market, we have augmented our attractiveness to foreign investors through the steps we have taken in economic policy to get out of the Asian Financial Crisis and by maintaining political stability.

Mr. Chairman and Honorable Delegates,

One way the Government can encourage and facilitate economic activity which then generates economic growth is through the development of infrastructure. When I assumed the presidency, a considerable amount of our infrastructure projects were suspended or delayed due to the Asian Financial Crisis. As conditions stabilized and began to improve, the Government began ordering for certain infrastructure projects to be carried out before declaring that all of the infrastructure projects declared to be suspended or delayed in 1997 should proceed again in September 2000.

To further encourage interest in infrastructure development, the Government is offering interested parties to invest in infrastructure development in public-private partnership. And to better plan and coordinate infrastructure development, the Government formed the Infrastructure Planning Committee in 2001.

With each toll road, electricity generator, dam or airport we complete, we are giving the means for economic activity to be facilitated and economic growth to be generated. Our Trans-Java Toll Road is not yet complete but watch how factories in Central Java are able to quickly deliver their goods to Jakarta or how someone from Jakarta can depart early and be in Semarang by mid-morning for their business meeting and conclude a deal to set up a factory or an outlet. The tourists, whether from Jakarta or Singapore, that you now see crowding around at Toba Lake can be attributed to the Silangit International Airport which was completed there in early 2001.

As I inaugurate these projects, I feel that there is something deeper at work. They represent a visible and tangible sign of our nation’s efforts as it walks down the road of national development. And while the road is long and there are those further down it than we are, we march down this road at an increasingly brisk pace and want to give those already further down this road a good chase.

Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

As Indonesia goes down the road of national development, we have to utilize whatever means we have at our disposal, not least our natural resources…”

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In OTL Soeharto is on record as saying that his big achievement while in office was achieving rice self-sufficiency (https://www.hmsoeharto.id/2015/04/petani-indonesia-mendapat-kehormatan.html) and if you happen to bump into someone who sees Soeharto favorably, they will inevitably also bust out the “rice self-sufficiency” achievement. For this TL, the theme of the “Try Regime” as far as policy is concerned is that it seeks to build and improve on Soeharto’s policies. In agriculture, he’s not saying that the emphasis on rice is wrong, he’s saying that the government has other things to attend to in agriculture as well.

Of course if you’re from the PKPB you’ll think that Try is departing from Soeharto and that’s why they were getting restless.

I think Habibie’s strategic industries, in particular the IPTN, got a crappy deal when Indonesia signed on with the IMF and it took a while for them to get back on their feet. ITTL, the strategic industries continue on but are required to be more efficient and be less subsidized. I don’t know how obvious it is in the main TL, but ITTL Try has his own spin on things as far strategic industries are concerned. Where Habibie favors the IPTN, Try favors Pindad.

I’ve never really intended it but it always feels to me that there’s less concentration of development in Jakarta (probably still a lot but at least not as much as in OTL) and the visible sign of this are things like restaurants, shops and hotels originating in Jakarta becoming available in the provinces at an earlier date than OTL.

 

[GSD310]

“The Sights and Sites of Indonesia: Tourism
Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

As Indonesia goes down the road of national development, we have to utilize whatever means we have at our disposal, not least our natural resources. The most visible of our national resources are the beautiful sights and sites all around Indonesia that are worth visiting. Endowed by God, supplemented by the mark left behind by the kingdoms and cultures of our archipelago, these are the resources that make up our tourism industry.

That we have remained politically stable while our exchange rate with the US Dollar weakened during the Asian Financial Crisis has meant that Indonesia has become both a safe and a cheaper place to travel to and visit. While 1998 was a year of struggle and survival for the other sectors in the economy, our tourism sector boomed with foreign tourists keeping our hotels afloat. The Government utilized tourism’s good fortune by establishing Tourism Site Payment Points at the nation’s various tourism sites so that any entrance fees are collected on an official basis and turned into government revenue. The Government also took measures to simplify and delegate procedures for the establishment of budget hotels especially close to tourist attractions.

When the Asian Financial Crisis was finished, the Government took steps to build our tourism industry by identifying provinces other than Bali with strong potential for tourism. Over the current term, we have identified Lombok, Yogyakarta, and North Sumatra and have prioritized infrastructure, marketing, and other tourism-related steps in the direction of these three provinces. To further encourage tourism across the other provinces, however, the Department Tourism has worked together with the provincial governments in the last 12 months to identify tourist attractions in each province and begin working to promote these regional tourist attractions.

We registered strong numbers for tourism from both domestic and foreign tourists in the present term. Our economic recovery combined with improved infrastructure meant that our domestic tourists have more disposable income and has the means to reach tourist attractions while our stability has meant we remain an attractive destination for foreign tourists.

Fuelling The Economy:
Mr. Chairman,

While some natural resources function to attract domestic and foreign visitors alike to it, other natural resources function to provide the very fuel and electricity that keeps our economy going and moving. In the current term, it has been the Government’s goal that energy policy is directed not only towards supporting the economy but also towards serving the goals of national development.

This is manifested in 1998, 1999, and 2002 when the Government has cut fuel subsidies. We took these steps so that the price of Indonesian fuel begins to approach the market price of fuel and more importantly, because the funds would be better utilized for building infrastructure which, by improving accessibility, will off-set the adjustment of fuel prices by lowering transportation costs.

This is also manifested in the completion of various electricity-related infrastructure, both public and private alike, across the nation. The most prominent of these are the electricity generators, second only to toll roads in terms of our most visible signs of progress in infrastructure development over the last 5 years. Less visible but no less important is the progress we have made in extending electricity to rural and isolated areas so that it is all but certain that 100% of our villages will be electrified by the end of Repelita VII in 2004…”

There was applause, in particular from the PKPI’s MPR Delegates.

“Honorable Delegates,

Energy policy is not only about taking proactive steps to strengthen our energy sector but also about realizing that challenges and opportunities are two sides of the same coin. Our primary challenge in the energy sector is that our ageing oil fields combined with the demands of our economy has meant that our oil production can no longer keep up with our oil consumption. By the end of 2002, our nation has thus become a net oil importer…”

There were murmurings, some from the PKPB’s delegates but also some from the PNI’s delegates but these murmurings slowly disappeared when Chairman of the MPR Matori Abdul Djalil glared at the MPR delegates and as Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto and Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri held their hand up calling for silence.

“But the challenge of becoming a net oil importer, presents with it the opportunity to attract new investors in to explore and exploit new oil fields, oil wells, and oil reserves. Pertamina has concluded a contract with Exxon to develop the Cepu Block, it can start producing oil within two years though this will be on the basis of an early production facility rather than a full production one, and I am sure that Cepu will be the first of many, provided that the Government can continue to provide a good environment for investment.

Another challenge that we are facing are commodity prices which is predicted rise in the coming years driven by the demands of emerging economic powers most notably Brazil, Russia, India, the People’s Republic of China and ourselves. So much for the challenge. The opportunity lies in the fact that we are commodity producers ourselves. This is why the Government has taken the step this past January of signing an agreement with India where we will seek to prioritize India as a destination of coal exports and India will reciprocate that by according priority to our coal for importing.

Our coal producers have done well domestically in the last few years as electricity generators and factories are completed and have ordered for coal to fuel their production, now they embark on the challenge of providing supply for a foreign market. And where in the past and present we have exported oil and liquid natural gas to markets of tens and, in Japan’s case, of a hundred million, we will in the future be exporting to a market of a billion.”

Some applause are heard from the PKPI and PPP sections of the MPR building.

“What is most important in energy policy, as in any policy as it relates to our natural resources, is that the benefits of said resources flow to the nation and its people as much as possible. This why in 1998, the Government successfully renegotiated the PLN’s agreement with Independent Power Producers so that the PLN is not purchasing electricity from the IPP at excessive price. This is why in 1999, the Government abolished Perta and Permindo and directed Pertamina to take over directly all exporting and importing of oil. We believe that there is no need for middlemen in the exporting and importing of oil as this is inefficient and wasteful.

In 2002, the Government obtained PT. Freeport Indonesia’s compliance in divesting its shares to the Republic of Indonesia beginning in the 2003/2004 fiscal year in addition to amending rates of royalty and the construction of smelter in East Java. The Government has also taken steps to make sure that not only will the Central Government increase its share in Freeport, but also that some of these divested shares will be directed towards Irian Jaya’s Provincial Government, where Freeport has its mines.

In taking these steps, the Government has not targeted certain individuals or certain corporations or certain countries. The Government’s primary consideration has been the nation and its people and making sure that as much of the benefits of our national resources flow in their direction.

Managing The World’s Lungs:
Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

The wealth of our national resources are everywhere and everywhere it needs to be managed. Our forests, for example, are also an important natural resource to be utilized for national development. The challenge here, as with other natural resources, is that it can be beneficial to the many rather than the few. This is why in September 2000, the Government has decided to place ceilings on the number of hectares forest concessionaires can obtain as well as enacting a Resources Royalty Provision.

As time wore on, however, the Government came to the opinion that the main obstacle to making sure that our forests benefit the many rather than the few is not the matter the maximum amount of hectares a forest concessionaire can have but the matter of compliance with existing forestry laws and regulation. There is simply not enough time in the world for the Government to go after every case of illegal logging, smuggling, illegal sawmilling, and other failures to comply with existing forestry laws and regulations. In 1999 the Government established a Forest Police Force responsible to the Department of Forestry and Environment rather than as a unit of the Police allocated for forestry purposes but we quickly realized that something extensive was more required.

The Government therefore took the step of putting in place a 12 month amnesty period for our forest concessionaires to ensure compliance with existing laws and regulations. Our aim was not to punish or to look for mistakes and we were willing to work with those who showed goodwill. Indeed, when this amnesty period was about to run out in July 2002, the Government worked together who disclosed various non-compliance in their operations to formulate a timeframe and a timetable within which they can become compliant.

The Very Ground We Step On:
Mr. Chairman,

The land itself another natural resource that could be utilized and the currency with which Indonesians can begin utilizing this national resource is the land certificate. Throughout the course of the term the BPN has continued to streamline processes for the issuing of land certificates and in 2001, successfully computerized the BPN at both the national and regional level.

In 2002, we also began prioritizing issuing land certificates for land owners in rural areas such as farmers so that they can be more certain of the status of their land as they develop their land, for transmigrants as a way to support the transmigration program, and for land owners in East Timor as only East Timor ID card holders can own land there.

Not Forgetting Our Maritime Heritage:

Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

We have spoken of natural resources that exists on land, in the land, and the land itself and yet we must not forget that we are also a maritime nation. “My ancestor was a sailor” said one children's song in this country. In 1998, while the Government reorganized and merged other government departments so that we can save on costs, the only new government department that was created was the Department of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries. Such was the emphasis the Government wanted to make on Maritime Affairs and Fisheries.

Throughout the course of this term, we took steps to begin realizing various aspects of our maritime affairs and fisheries policy. We ordered and procured patrol boats, we began catching illegal fishing vessels, we mandated that all fishing vessels must have a Vessel Monitoring System on board, we encouraged fish as an alternative source of nutrition to help with our program of diversifying sources of food, and we opened the first modern fish market in Jakarta.

More importantly, the Government secured recognition from the International Maritime Organization for its proposed archipelagic sealanes in 1998. It was not until 2002 however, when the Government considered that we had better means to enforce these regulations, that we began to disseminate the existence of these archipelagic sealanes and to begin lobbying for its recognition. International recognition of Indonesia’s archipelagic sealanes will be an important step in Indonesia’s assertion of sovereignty. It will mean that international aircrafts and vessels will agree to certain rules and regulations when they are travelling in Indonesian waters.

Much as I would like this address to be about the positive things which the Government, I would be remiss if I did not report that maritime affairs has provided us with a lesson about what happens if our nation fails to utilize all of its resources. In 1998, the Government fulfilled the commitment it made with the Malaysian Government in 1997 to refer the dispute over the Sipadan and Ligitan Islands to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). In December 2002, the ICJ ruled that sovereignty over Sipadan and Ligitan Islands belonged to Malaysia because Malaysia has shown “effective administration” over the two islands by building infrastructure such as a lighthouse and a reserve for the birds which has its habitats there.

This shows that if we do not manage or utilize our natural resources properly, we might one day find ourselves that others will lay claim to it and have those claims legitimized by virtue having not taken prior notice of our natural resources.”

---
All right so it’s a natural resources-themed part of the speech here. All of the things mentioned here were mentioned in the main TL so there’s little to no “accountability speech-exclusive” here.

I suppose you can say that the theme of Try’s natural resources policy is to “clean up”. Make sure Freeport respects its terms of agreement, make sure forest concessionaires comply with rules and regulations etc.

Great time ITTL if you’re in coal or wanting to get into coal. ITTL Adaro and Bayan will be a lot bigger than their OTL self.

The reasoning for ICJ handing Malaysia Sipadan and Ligitan is the same as OTL.

 

[GSD310]

“Trading To Our Advantage:
Mr. Chairman,

In addition to mobilizing our economic potential and utilizing our natural resources, we also take advantage of the trade with the rest of the world as we walk on our journey to become an economic power.

A portion of our trade with the world generate earnings and revenue for us as well as access markets both new and existing; these being our exports. We are still encouraging our oil and gas exports, with 3 export-oriented oil refineries in construction on top of our existing Exor I at Balongan. However, over the course the term the Government has continued existing policy of focusing non-oil and gas exports. Our agricultural commodities, manufactured goods, handicrafts, and our tourism sector have continued to do their part to draw foreign currency in our direction. Our strategic industries are also blooming and we have found ourselves exporting assault rifles, aircrafts, and train carriages.

To further strengthen our non-oil and gas exports, the Government has adopted the policy of encouraging the export of fast-moving consumer goods (FMCG); food and products that are consumed by the masses in their daily lives. The Government has directed the export of Indonesian FMCGs to developing markets not only because of their affordability but also in a bid to diversify our export markets. While we have sent FMCGs to close neighbors such as Papua New Guinea, we have directed the majority of our FMCG exports to our African markets such as Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania, and Ethiopia with a view to using these nations, most notably Nigeria, as launching pads to other markets in Africa. Africa is a large market and will become more lucrative as it becomes more economically prosperous in the future…”

The camera panned to Minister of Trade Anthony Salim who in his role as an MPR Delegate sat with the non-partisan Groups Delegate. His desk was strewn with merchandise which he lifted to the camera to see; Indomie instant noodles, Mayora biscuits, Wings detergent, Teh Botol tea, Kopiko coffee candy. There was good-natured laughter all around.

“That’s our salesman, by the way”, the President said as he broke from his speech and pointed to Anthony as the chamber applauded. Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri was seen politely applauding as she looked in Anthony’s direction.

It was a moment of brevity but the President turned back to his speech when the laughter died down.

“A portion of our trade with the world help us to grow our economic potential when there are requirements that could not be met domestically; these being our imports. As our nation grows and it becomes one of the foremost emerging markets, it requires commodities as it seeks to expand. Throughout the course of the term, we have lowered tariffs on heavy equipment and spare parts of cars and boats to help encourage the construction and transportation sectors. We have signed agreements to import cotton from Uzbekistan for our textile industry, phosphate from Togo to manufacture fertilizer and asphalt from Trinidad and Tobago to help construct the Trans-Irian Jaya Road.

It is my firm believe that so long as we continue to become more productive, so long as we continue to use these imports for productive purposes and so long as we we continue to improve the structure of our industry, such as for example making sure that we not only manufacture more electronics but also manufacture more electronics components for our manufacturing industry, we do not have to fear or avoid imports.

It is in this spirit of trade that the Government has successfully pushed and gained agreement from our fellow ASEAN members for the resumption of the implementation of AFTA. As agreed in the 2002 ASEAN Summit, the implementation of AFTA which was disrupted by the Asian Financial Crisis will resume again on 1st January 2004. Our strong currency relative to the currency of other Southeast Asian nations as well as our manufacturing’s performance means that Indonesian-produced exports such as motorcycles would benefit even more if it arrived in Southeast Asian markets such as the Philippines and Vietnam with little to no tariffs. At the same time, in our bid to diversify food consumption, imports of fruit from Thailand will become cheaper with lower tariffs.

In other words, resuming AFTA is a course of action that will benefit our nation and regardless of the results of the MPR General Session, a course of action that will continue.

The Last But Not Least of Our Resources:
Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

When we speak of the journey of national development the resources mobilized for that purpose, we must never forget that the Indonesian people itself is a resource to conduct national development. The skills, energy, and effort of the Indonesian people are an important resource for our nation. But the Indonesian people are more than just a resource for national development, they are also a reason for our national development. That they are able to be employed, make an income, and see their living standards rise are reasons why we must continue on this road of national development.

The main agenda which we have been able to complete in the area of manpower has been the passing of the Manpower Law. With this legislation, the Government is seeking to give workers and employees working conditions that will make their workplace a conducive place for them to become productive both for themselves and for those around them. The Government is also seeking, with this legislation, to create an industrial system that will provide more certainty for businesses and investors to invest and play their part to drive our nation’s economic growth. This is why the emphasis of the industrial relations system in this Manpower Law is on bipartism and tripartism instead of unionism…”

There were mutterings among the ranks of the PNI delegates sitting in the MPR which were drowned out by the PKPI and the PKPB delegates jointly applauding what the President was saying. The PKPI and PKPB MPR delegates abruptly stopped applauding when they realized who they were applauding with, causing the rest of the MPR delegates to laugh.

“It has taken a long time for this legislation to be passed. Again I appeal to those here, that regardless of the results of the MPR General Session, I hope that its implementation will go ahead as planned…”

The President took a sip of water as the camera panned to Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto. She kept a poker face while in the row behind her but some seats away, PKPB delegates Theo Sambuaga and Fuad Bawazier were having a debate amongst themselves.

“Well if they’re good policies, I don’t see why it shouldn’t be continued”, whispered Theo.

“But the Manpower Law and then AFTA, pretty soon we’re just continuing President Try’s policies”, whispered Fuad Bawazier “We might as well as just support his re-election.”

Akbar Tandjung sat in front of Theo and Fuad and turned around to stare at them. Theo and Fuad decided to keep quiet as Akbar turned back around to watch the President look for the point he had stopped reading when taking a drink.

“The Government have also taken steps for those more inclined to work for themselves and create employment. In 2000, the self-employed, freelancers, and home businesses are made exempt from making Company Registration Receipt while in 2001, the Government has delegated authority for the approval of limited liability status to the regional offices of the Department of Legal Affairs instead of requiring applicants to come to Jakarta. There is no reason for the State to get in the way of those wanting to work for themselves and help create employment for their fellow countrymen.

Mr. Chairman,

Not only the mobilization of our human resources but its distribution is also important. The Government has continued the transmigration program though this term has not been without its own set of challenges. During the height of the Asian Financial Crisis in 1998, first in June and then during that year’s mudik period, the Department of Transmigration provided free transportation for the unemployed wanting to go home to rural areas where they might find better prospects of employment but are unable to afford the costs.

As the economy recovered, we continue to build upon our transmigration policy. In 1999, the Government placed a priority on transmigrants wanting to open a business at their destination so that they can help create employment at their new destination. In 2002, we made transmigrants one of three priority groups in obtaining a land certificate. All the while the Government has continued to build new transmigration settlements in Sumatra and Kalimantan.”

---
Apologies. OTL has kept me busy.

Every once in a while in Indonesia, there’s always a special feature on the news that says “Indonesian FMCG X becoming popular in country Y”. I always find that interesting because it seems like there is a market and there is demand for these products. The only unfortunate thing is that there has never been, at least as far as I know, a government-led effort to promote these products. It’s more the case that FMCG companies go off on their own and establish themselves in Africa.

The consequences of a stronger currency than OTL: can build more infrastructure, build more factories, buy more weapons but in all likelihood, exports will be more expensive.

I daresay AFTA is something Try and Sumarlin can easily agree on. Try wants to use it as a show of Indonesian leadership in the region, Sumarlin’s a member of the Berkeley Mafia and not an economic nationalist.

I wonder if anyone has followed this TL long enough to remember the policy where in ITTL 1998, if you’re unemployed but can’t afford the transportation costs to go back to your village, the Department of Transmigration gives you a free ride? Basically the logic of this is that Try and his government doesn’t want too many unemployed people hanging around in the cities for fear of potential unrest.

I’m looking at wrapping up the accountability address in 3 chapters. Basically, all the social stuff (education, health, religion, housing etc.) will be in the next one, so that one will be quite long. Then there’ll be a chapter on foreign policy and defense. Then the final one should be domestic stuff, elections, relations with the regional governments.

Bear with me with regards to the accountability address. It does tend to be long. The record was 3.5 hours when Suharto delivered his accountability address in 1978 (https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...suharto+93+pages&pg=PA224&printsec=frontcover)

 

[GSD310]

“The Welfare and Well-Being of the Indonesian People:
Mr. Chairman, Honorable Delegates of the MPR, and fellow Indonesians,

This Nation and this Government does not pursue economic growth for its own sake, we do not try to attract investment for its own sake nor do we build infrastructure for its own sake. The reason for all this is for the sake of improving the welfare and wellbeing of the Indonesian people. If we do not generate economic growth, we will not have the resources to build such things as our classrooms and our hospitals.

One important area related to the people’s welfare is that of education. The Government’s main agenda in the area of education is realizing the Compulsory 9 Years Education Program initiated in 1994. After a slight dip in the participation rate for those in junior high schools as a result of the Asian Financial Crisis, the Government has spared no effort ensuring that our junior high school-aged children are in a classroom and studying.

We are committed to achieving Compulsory 9 Years Education by the end of Repelita VII. This is why we have enacted, as of the 2002/2003 financial year, the Presidential Instruction on Junior High Schools. There are two components to this. First, we have accelerated the construction of junior high school buildings comprising of three classrooms, a science laboratory, and a library. Second, we have given financial assistance to assist with the operational costs to existing junior high schools so that parents are not burdened with extra costs. In 2002, we also mandated that five years elapse before the list of textbooks for primary and secondary level of education is revised or changed. Once again we operate on the principle that parents who have already committed to sending their children to school should not be burdened with extras costs.

In addition to pursuing the goal of Compulsory 9 Years Education, the Government has also set for itself the additional goal of making kindergarten compulsory. For this purpose, the Government has since 2001 also begun constructing an extra classroom at existing State Elementary Schools that could be used by kindegarteners and allocated more funding for visual aids and other equipment. When it comes to education, we must give our children as good a headstart as possible and we do that by making kindergarten accessible to all, not just those who can afford it.

Another priority in education policy the Government has focused on this term is vocational education. Throughout the term the Government has opened new vocational schools in addition to successfully refurbishing and expanding existing vocational schools so that it has the capacity to take on more students and offer additional courses. To better equip our vocational students, we have also begun offering English language courses so that they can become more competitive and be recruited in an internationally-oriented workforce or work overseas.

Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

The Government continues to make improvements to our health system. Throughout the course of the present term, the Government has not constructed any new Community Health Centers (Puskesmas) to the 7,106 we already have. Instead our focus since the beginning of Repelita VII in 1999 has been to construct second floors for our Puskesmas which we can then fill with extra beds for patients as well as extra health services, effectively converting our Puskesmas into mini-hospitals. To date, there are over 4,800 Puskesmas where work is either ongoing or has been completed.

We continue to encourage the participation of the private sector in improving and enhancing our health system both through the establishment of private clinics and hospitals as well as factories processing and producing pharmaceutical goods. Meanwhile, the Government continues to improve its capacity to make health and health-related policies. Throughout the term, the Government approved the creation of a Food and Drugs Supervision Agency (BPOM) and a Directorate General of Medical Equipment at the Department of Health.

In addition to the physical developments that is being undertaken to our health system, the Government also took important steps to improve the health profession. In 2000, we passed the Medicinal Practice Law which mandated that doctors and dentists to have a Registration License Letter and a Practice License. More importantly, as a result of this legislation, the Government has formed an Indonesian Medicinal Council (KKI) whose responsibility it is is to provide oversight over the medical profession.

Related to health and a continuing national priority is family planning. On this front, the BKKBN has achieved a three year target set in 2000 that by the end of the term 70% of all fertile married couples will have family planning information and contraceptives.

Mr. Chairman,

Education and health are the largest and most visible areas related to the people’s welfare but there are others as well.

In housing, we have sought not only to stimulate the construction sector during the Asian Financial Crisis but to provide the people with a basic need. Through the stimulus package we initiated in May 1998, we have constructed 50 towers of social housing apartments and refurbished 80,000 existing homes. On top of this, we are fulfilling the target set out in Repelita VII of building 450,000 houses and at 410,000 houses, on track to exceed this target before the completion of Repelita VII.

We seek to protect those who are vulnerable and at risk of becoming vulnerable. We initiated a campaign to build awareness of domestic violence against women in 1999 and built upon that by passing the Abolition of Domestic Violence Law. The law gives the Government authority to take action such as issue restraining orders against abusers and provide counselling for those who are abused. We have also passed a Protection of Children Law.

The Government also paid attention to the welfare of the elderly and the disabled. With the former, we passed a Welfare of the Elderly Law in 1998 and with the latter we already have a Disability Law passed by the past Government. With both we began taking steps to provide special facilities such as initiating identification cards that is eligible for life for those over 65 and making it compulsory for buildings to have wheelchair facilities to facilitate both the elderly and disabled.

Our nation being susceptible to disaster, in 2000 the Government consolidated our disaster management which hitherto is handled on a non-structural and coordinative basis into a formal organization by forming the National Disaster Management Agency (BNPB). The BNPB is now in a consolidation and capacity-building face so that it can fulfill its functions.

Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

The overarching goal of the Government as far as the people’s welfare is concerned is the establishment of a National Social Insurance System. This system will include the existing Social Security scheme which we are encouraging all workplaces to have for their employees. This system will also also include the establishment of a National Health Insurance System and preparations for this, whether technically, administratively and otherwise, are still ongoing.

Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

The welfare of the Indonesian people should not only be measured by the educational, health, and other social services and facilities that are available to them. It should also be measured by how the Government has facilitated the people to practice their religion.

In the past 5 years, the Government and the DPR has passed 3 important legislations in the area of religion. In 1999, the Hajj Law was passed which regulated the way Hajj pilgrimage is to be managed for those of the Islamic faith as well as mandating that the Ummah Endowment Fund be subjected to audit by the BPKP. Two years later, in 2001 the Government and the DPR has passed the Zakat Law and the Waqf Law. The former regulates the management of zakat funds, drawn from Muslims as they fulfill their religious obligations to donate alms. The latter regulates processes by which Muslims can make charitable endowments.

During this term, it is not only the majority which is now free to practice their faith. In 2001, the Government has once again recognized Confucianism’s existence as a religion in Indonesia and thereby reversing a decision made by the past government. From 2002 onwards, the Government has also begun to recognize the Lunar New Year as a National Holiday in our calendar.”

---
No sign of disapproval from PKPB. Don't think they want to disagree with the construction of schools and social housing.

The pattern for the Compulsory Education is that it has always taken 10 years to complete. The Compulsory 6-year education was launched in 1984 and completed in 1994 so I’m just having Try following that pattern with the Compulsory 9-Year Education program being launched in 1984 and scheduled to be completed in 1994.

For the non-Indonesians, a Puskesmas is a state-run clinic.

The National Social Insurance System will be ITTL’s BPJS Kesehatan and BPJS Ketenagakerjaan.

The ITTL BNPB comes into existence 8 years before its OTL counterpart.

Next up: Foreign Affairs and Defense. Have a happy harpitnas/long weekend for those in Indonesia.

 

[GSD310]

“International Stature:
Fellow Indonesians,

What we have achieved economically and what we have achieved by undertaking national development, does not only make it possible for us to look after the welfare and well-being of our fellow citizens. It also makes us better able to make our voice heard to the world and for the world, in turn, to better hear what we are saying.

The international situation in the last few years had developed into something that experts are still debating about: are we in a New Cold War between the United States and Russia or are we now in a multipolar world where nations such as France, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, China, and India are aspiring and seeking to become the “poles” in such a world. After 11th September 2001, the world also became a more complicated place with the 9/11 terrorist attacks in New York, Washington DC, and Chicago.

In this international environment, the Government continues to adhere to the principles of our tried and tested free and active foreign policy. Indonesia continues to be active in such forums as ASEAN, APEC, and NAM while also deepening our participation in the G-15, beginning to take a serious part of the IORA and being invited to the first unofficial BRICI Summit scheduled for May 2003 in Rio De Janeiro, Brazil. We have attracted investment from the developed world while intensifying trade from the developing world.

Ultimately however, what we are freely and actively pursuing in our free and active foreign policy are our interests. This is best represented by the Government’s success in securing a 10-year moratorium on the repayment of debt in 2001 from the West whilst at the same time being receiving a $1 billion credit to purchase weapons from Russia.

In foreign policy, Indonesia’s priority remains our immediate region of Southeast Asia and ASEAN, the organization we have helped build and foster for 35 years. In the present international climate, it is the Government’s stance that ASEAN must seek its own path, a path that will be beneficial to the interests of its member states. But in order to that, ASEAN members must not allow themselves to be turned into the proxies of powers seeking to increase their influence in Southeast Asia.

From 2000 onwards, the Government began promoting the idea that the best source of national security for Southeast Asian nations is from Southeast Asia itself by working together and coordinating our stance together on the major issues of international affairs. There are nations in our region for which this idea of ours has struck a chord, there are nations that are still doubt about and there are nations which have outright rejected our idea.

These differences of opinion is fine and Indonesia accepts this as part of the discussion and debate in the region. We accept it because we are not a hegemon seeking to impose our will on the region nor are we aspiring to be one. In playing a more assertive role over the past few years in the region, the Government is mindful that when it comes to matters regarding Southeast Asia, the best way forward is together and collectively, with the combined strength of all ASEAN members moving as one rather than one nation forcing its will on the others.

What has not been up for discussion and debate has been the fact that there are powers seeking to actively interfere in Southeast Asian affairs. In 2001, this power tried to establish a party leadership in Vietnam friendly to it though the resilience of the Vietnamese was once again not to be underestimated. In 2002, more successfully, this power supported a coup d’etat against the rightful government in Myanmar.

Our policy as regards the People’s Republic of China is that it must be checked and prevented from gaining undue influence in the region. If the People’s Republic of China truly respects ASEAN and Southeast Asia, it must respectfully engage the region in dialogue instead of seeking to infiltrate ASEAN through the cultivation and installation of governments that adopt a friendly stance towards it. It is for this reason that in the aftermath of the 2002 Myanmarian Coup, the Government has decided to welcome the presence of Lt. Gen. Shwe Mann, his men, and their families…”

Applause from the MPR’s PKPI Delegates as the camera pans to Shwe Mann who was sitting in the audience.

“If the Government has not taken this step then we would not have been observing to ASEAN’s commitment to Southeast Asia being a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality. We would not have been observing ASEAN’s commitment that Southeast Asia will be “free from any form or manner of interference by outside Powers”. The Government did not take this step out of bravado, the Government took this step because Indonesia is committed to ASEAN.

Indonesia’s commitment to ASEAN was why we lobbied for the resumption of the implementation of AFTA. This was a commitment agreed to in 1992 by ASEAN Members and which was suspended in 1998 so as to allow member states to focus on their own economic recovery. At the 2002 ASEAN Summit, Indonesia threw its support behind the resumption of AFTA and ASEAN Member States agreed that AFTA will resume again on 1st January 2004.”

From his seat with the MPR’s Group Delegates, Ginandjar Kartasasmita watched on as the PKPI Delegates erupted into applause again.

“Another matter in foreign policy where the Government took a decisive stance is as relates the aftermath of the 9/11 Terrorist Attacks. On this matter, the Government’s stance is very clear, that the Government is firmly against terrorism perpetrated by religious extremists and is willing to take action against those intending to express their religion extremism through terrorism.

The Government took this stance not because it is anti-Islamic but precisely because it is very aware of Indonesia’s place in the Islamic world. We do not have the Two Holy Mosques but we do have the largest Islamic population in the world and based on this fact, the Government has determined that the perpetrators of 9/11 and their sympathizers cannot be allowed to get away with claiming that they speak for all Muslims. I have said it before and I will say again now, if someone commits a crime in your name and you do not like it, it’s not enough for you to say that you do not approve. You have to also take action against those very same people.

It is for this reason that we conducted operations against Jemaah Islamiyah in August 2002 and why we have sent a contingent of ABRI soldiers to the Philippines to help fight insurgents there in December 2001. We have a role to play in this matter and we will continue to play it.

Defense and Security:
Mr. Chairman,

The level of national development we have achieved has not only made it possible for the Government to look after the well-being of the nation and to have stature in international affairs, it has also made it possible for us to strengthen our military capability.

Indeed, other than the various infrastructure projects which we have completed, the next most visible sign of the progress the Government is making are in the weapons systems that has been procured and being delivered to Indonesia. From the outset, I wish to state to Indonesians and to other nations around the world, that Indonesia does not have aggressive intentions. Indonesia merely wishes to have a level of defense spending commensurate with its international stature, its current level of economic development, and, bearing in mind that Indonesia’s defense spending as a percentage of its GDP is still low when compared with other Southeast Asian nations, at a level nearer to that the defense spending of other Southeast Asian nations.

Let me also reiterate that our defense budget and defense spending is conditional on the nation’s economic performance and on prevailing economic conditions. It will never get in the way of our other national development priorities. During the Asian Financial Crisis between 1997 and 1999 and during the world economic downturn in 2001, the Government limited procurement; accelerating again when it has become clear that the economic situation was conducive.”

The camera panned to Vice President JB Sumarlin sitting in his seat and nodding in agreement to what was being said.

“In addition to the procurement of various weapons systems for the four branches of ABRI, the Government also strengthened ABRI’s capacity by expanding it. At this very moment that I am standing in front of you, the Army’s Kostrad now has a 3rd Infantry Division and this division is already operational. Meanwhile, the expansion of the Army’s Regional Military Commands from 10 to 15, the expansion of the Navy’s Fleet Commands from 2 to 3, and the expansion of the Air Force’s Operation Commands from 2 to 3 only awaits final approval. Meanwhile, expansions of the Air Force’s Korpaskhas, the Navy’s Marine Corps, and the Police’s Brimob are further down the pipeline.”

There was applause, this time from the ABRI Delegates’ section. Sitting in the front row of the ABRI Delegates, Wiranto’s stoic expression failed to hide his pride at the work that had been done while behind him, the cameras captured Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono looking skeptical.

“The Government also sought to strengthen ABRI by testing it. In December 2002, ABRI held its first Joint Military Exercise since 1996. The aim of this exercise was to test ABRI’s capability to conduct joint operations and especially both jungle and urban warfare. I acknowledge that this exercise did not go smoothly and as the constitutional Supreme Commander of ABRI, I take responsibility for it. As we speak, a review of the Joint Military Exercise and the improvements that could be enacted, is being formulated.

Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

As regards the security situation in this country over the course of the present term, I can report to the MPR that the overall security situation has been conducive. The Government’s successful management of the Asian Financial Crisis as well as excellent economic conditions has meant that the adverse situations which had caused social unrest in other nations experienced do not exist. Notable exceptions to this were the July 1998 riots in Dili when Pro-Secessionists and Pro-Integration crowds clashed and rioted as well as in January 1999 in Ambon when there were clashes between locals and transmigrants. In both of these situations, the situation was handled and kept under control by ABRI personnel.

We continue to reorganize our security apparatus so that they can better conduct their duties. One such case is the Government’s reorganization of BAKIN so that it now has provincial offices and so that it can better gather intelligence.

Ideological Matters:
Mr. Chairman,

In the area of ideology, the Government’s fundamental stance is clear: we are for Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. And we have continued the P4 Training Program conducted by the BP-7 which disseminates knowledge of our ideology to members of society. In 2000, we streamlined the P4 Training Program with the Lemhanas’ National Vigilance Training so that all P4 Training participants can have a more complete ideological dissemination without having to go through a similar process twice to get their certification.

On a more practical level, the Government continues to maintain vigilance against Pancasila’s ideological enemies. The first of these ideological enemies was clear, it tried to overthrow the Government and replace Pancasila with its own class-based ideological beliefs in 1965. We overcame it and we banned it in 1966 though we remain vigilant. This is what we in Indonesia refer to as the Extreme Left, what the world recognizes as Marxism-Leninism.

But we also have a second ideological enemy. It also seeks to overthrow the Government and replace Pancasila with its own ideological beliefs of establishing a state on the basis of religion. This is what the world would eventually recognize as religious extremism in the aftermath of 9/11 but something which we in Indonesia recognize as the Extreme Right.

And even before 9/11, the Extreme Right reared its ugly head. In February 2000, the then-Chairman of the BP-7 was assassinated and the assassin was identified as a member of Jemaah Islamiyah. This caused us become more vigilant against the Extreme Right and in January 2001, the Government conducted Operation Sledgehammer which resulted in the arrests of individuals with links to Jemaah Islamiyah and Al Qaeda.

After 9/11, we intensified our campaign against the Extreme Right. In September 2001, we managed to dispose of a Jemaah Islamiyah operative and found evidence on his laptop that there were plans to conduct terrorist attacks on 20 churches in December 2000. Finally in August 2002, we conducted a simultaneous operations against more Jemaah Islamiyah operatives, shooting some dead, arresting others, and then declaring Jemaah Islamiyah as a banned organization.

In a certain way, the Extreme Right is a more cunning opponent than the Extreme Left. It hides behind something that a majority of Indonesians hold dear: their faith. But we must have the courage to take a decisive stand. I myself adhere to Sharia Law as a Muslim but if Sharia Law becomes a political matter and people want to establish an Islamic State, I will not let that stand. There is no such thing a state based on religion in Indonesia.”

---
For the sections on foreign affairs and defense, I didn’t go in detail about various agreements and various weapons that are procured because I thought people would be familiar with. Instead, I focused on Try’s philosophical approaches to, respectively, a key aspect of his foreign policy and defense policy.

For foreign policy, I focused on Try’s attitude towards China and how he needs the other SE Asian nations’ help to stand up to China. For defense, I focused on how he wants to increase defense spending but won’t let it get to the point that it disturbs the economy.

Most of the expansion of ABRI being mentioned here brings forward OTL’s expansion of the TNI by nearly 15 years.

Ditto the expansion of BAKIN to having offices in the provinces is something that only happens in OTL in 2010s.

Try uses New Order terminology here to describe Pancasila’s ideological opponents: Extreme Left for communism and Extreme Right for those wanting to establish an Islamic State.

The final few lines of this chapter is based on OTL Try’s comments in this video:

 

[GSD310]

“Pancasila Democracy:
Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

Underpinning all that has been achieved above in various areas is the political system which this nation has held firm to for the last 36 years and which it will continue to hold in the future: Pancasila Democracy. Much as our national economy, Pancasila Democracy has faced its own tests in recent times. And each time, Pancasila Democracy had withstood the tests and proven its worth as our political system.

In November 1997, it was tested when an Indonesian President died in office. It proved its worth when no power vacuum developed, when no pretenders to power emerged, and the Vice President was immediately sworn into office so that he can assume office as president as determined by the constitution.

In March 1998, it was tested when for the first time at an MPR General Session there were four contenders for the presidency including the incumbent. It proved its worth when whilst Pancasila Democracy is predicated on consultations to reach consensus, it was able to accommodate three rounds of voting to determine who would be the president at the 1998 MPR General Session. And the present 2003 MPR General Session looks set yet again to have multiple contenders for the presidency…”

There was good-natured laughter at this comment as the camera focused on Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri who was enjoying a quite chuckle.

“Through these developments, the Government has not imposed its will on events; instead letting these events play themselves out. When in June 2000, Golkar split into the PKPI and the PKPB and dissolved itself, the Government allowed Golkar DPR Members to choose whether they will sit as part of the PKPI or the PKPB until a new DPR could be sworn in after the election. The Government also did not get in the way when the PDI decided to merge with the PKPB.

Instead, the Government has sought to continue making improvements to our existing political system. We passed the Political Parties Law which made it possible for new political parties to be formed and indeed, in the 2002 Elections three of the four participants were new political parties: the PKPI, the PKPB, and the PNI. Regarding the elections itself, elections are now overseen and managed by an independent election commission in the KPU with an independent chairman rather than this position being held on an ex officio basis by the Minister of Home Affairs.

A State Being Based On The Law In Addition to Pancasila:
Mr. Chairman,

Co-existing with and within Pancasila Democracy is the rule of law. Indeed, the 1945 Constitution has mandated that our state is a state based on the law.

Intimately related with the law is our judicial system. In December 2000, the DPR passed amendments to the Judicial Authority Law which mandates the Government to begin handing over its authority over the General Courts, the Commercial Courts, the Religious Courts, and the Military Courts to the Supreme Court. That process has begun and is underway as we speak and when it is said and done, our judiciary and our courts will be independent from the Executive.

The law, however, is not only some vague idea to be discussed by people in robes. It is something of practical value which facilitates the creativity of the people. In March 2001, we passed the Plant Varieties Law, the Industrial Design Law, and the Trade Secrets Law to guarantee protection of intellectual property.

At the same time the law is something that can be used to restore the rights of those who have lost it in the past. Also in March 2001, the Government revoked decrees such as the ban on speaking Mandarin and writing Chinese characters as well as the requirement for Indonesians of Chinese descent to have a Republic of Indonesia Proof of Citizenship Letter (SBKRI). There are a lot of tribes and ethnicities in this Republic and no citizen of ours should suffer discrimination, official or otherwise, on account of tribe and ethnicity.

Most importantly, the law is something that needs to be enforced with all Indonesians standing equally before the law. When one Indonesian was found guilty of defrauding Bulog in a landswap deal, he had to pay the fine and is now serving a prison sentence of 5 years without any questions or any reservations and regardless of his background.”

The camera focused on Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto trying to distract herself from this last part by chatting with PKPB MPR Delegate Prabowo Subianto.

“The Government realizes that when it comes to the law, a lot more can still be done but this is a good start.

Information:
Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

Freedom of the press continues to be guaranteed within the framework of Pancasila Democracy; this being Freedom With Responsibility. Throughout the course of the term, in the area of Information, there has been no need to take any repressive action against the press excepting the closing down of publications related to the Extreme Right in January 2001. For television networks, the Government has given licenses for new private television networks and relaxed editorial guidelines for existing private television networks while maintaining the requirement that private television networks continue to broadcast the TVRI’s Dunia Dalam Berita program at 9 PM.

Meanwhile, the Government has continued to modernize the means that it has to disseminate information. In 1998, television commercials are now permitted on the TVRI so that it can also raise its own funds. We increased broadcasting hours for both the TVRI and the TVRI’s Second Programme Channel in 2001 and then followed it up in August 2002 by launching TVRI International. Since 2000, the Government has also utilized the TVRI as the place to showcase films made by Indonesian Filmmakers in front of the Indonesian audience.

The Government also seeks to improve the people’s access to information; the highlight of its telecommunications policy and one of its major infrastructure projects is the Nusantara 21 project which seeks to make internet accessible in the entire archipelago.

Civil Service Reforms:
Mr. Chairman,

In the area of civil service reform, one major reform the Government has achieved was to ban civil servants from becoming a member of a political party and mandating retirement from the civil service should a civil servant wish to participate in practical politics.

More importantly, however, the Government is seeking to improve the services being provided by the civil service. Throughout the course of the term, civil service on whole has improved though this improvement and how much things has actually improved has varied on a department-by-department or an agency-by-agency basis. For this reason, the Government has completed a Public Service Bill which will seek to make it mandatory for departments and agencies to establish service standards and provide services up to the standards that has been established.”

The President took a sip of water from the glass in front of him.

“Balancing The Unitary State and Regional Aspirations:
Honorable Delegates of the MPR,

Pancasila Democracy is not only about elections and parties, not only about the law and information, and not only about the civil service. It is also about the relationship between the Central Government and the Regional Government. The Government’s fundamental stance when it comes to relations between the Central Government and the Regional Government is clear: this is a unitary state and the Central Government holds authority over all other levels of government. To this end, we have amended the Regional Government Law to state that the President has the authority to appoint governors and the Minister of Home Affairs has the authority to appoint regents and mayors.

At the same time, the Central Government recognizes that to conduct economic development more effectively as well as the aspirations of the regions, certain aspects of Central-Regional Relations needed to be amended. In May 1999, we held a Regional Autonomy Conference which decided that the regional governments will be given more autonomy on the basis of deconcentration, meaning that authority will be delegated to the provincial, regency, and municipal governments and subject to performance review by the Central Government. Regional Governments have also been given more share of the revenue especially as regards to natural resources.

What has caused even greater pride for this Government is the fact that it has given Special Region Status to Irian Jaya and East Timor making it 5 Special Regions in Indonesia: Aceh, Jakarta, Yogyakarta, Irian Jaya, and East Timor. All 5 provinces have also been equipped with laws which outlines the features which make it a special region. I belive that the steps the Central Government took has been well-received for we have not had any organizations or movements seeking to violently secede and break away from our Republic.

Mr. Chairman, Honorable Delegates of the MPR, and Fellow Indonesians,

Such are the decisions and the steps and the initiatives which this current Government has taken, from the moment I took the oath of office on 11th March 1998 to the moment that I stepped onto this podium to deliver this Accountability Address. Through it all, I would like to say on behalf of the Vice President, the ministers, the heads of the agencies, our officers in ABRI that it has been a honor and a privilege to serve this nation.

I wish this MPR General Session well as it conducts its constitutional duties.

I hereby submit this Accountability Address to the MPR.

Thank you very much,

Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.”

President Try Sutrisno took off his reading glasses and handed it to his aide-de-camp, Col. Budiman. Meanwhile the entire MPR building had risen up to given him a standing applause. The PKPI and the PPP Delegates led the applause and cheers while the ABRI Delegates were more subdued. The Regional Delegates and the Group Delegates applauded politely while the PKPB and the PNI Delegates only joined in the standing applause because it would look like bad taste if they did not participate.

The President walked from the podium and stopped in front of the MPR Leadership’s desk. Here he took a big red velvet box from his other aide-de-camp on duty, Col. (Navy) Marsetio containing a copy of the Accountability Address and its Appendices and handed it to Chairman of the MPR Matori Abdul Djalil. There was more applause as the President shook hands with Matori and the Vice Chairmen of the MPR.

The President returned to his seat and took another drink to relieve his throat which had become dry from reading.

“Well, I’ve accounted for the previous 5 years”, he thought to himself “Now let’s see if I can get another 5 years.”

---

I think when it comes to writing the political stuff, I definitely did not want Try to do a “Habibie” which was pretty much to change everything and change it as quickly as possible. Instead I wanted Try to adopt an approach where he’s making changes to some things but the basic structure of what Soeharto has set up remains. Something that is freer than the New Order but still quite far from Reformasi.

For sure that while some part of the political system has changed, the attention given to reforming it is probably nowhere near the attention to economic and social development as well as to the defense spending.

It’s pretty much a “Yes, but” situation. Multiple presidential candidates but no direct presidential elections, the press gets more freedom but the structure with which to control the press still remains (The “Freedom With Responsibility” approach to the press is straight out of the OTL Orba control of the press manual here), the regions get more revenue and autonomy but they have to remain obedient to the Central Government.

I must say that the most blatant thing Orba has done to ensure a Golkar victory is to have the Minister of Home Affairs be the Chairman of the Election Commission. That's a conflict of interest waiting to happen considering the Minister of Home Affairs is a senior member of the government and will usually be deployed to campaign for Golkar.

Tutut pretending not to listen here as Try speaks about Tommy Soeharto going to prison. No running away and disappearing for Tommy as in OTL, of course.

 

[GSD310]

1st March 2003:
Once President Try Sutrisno had departed for the Presidential Palace and after break, the 2003 MPR General Session got under way again in the afternoon. The first order of business was housekeeping with the MPR Delegates being organized into the two commissions. Commission A will focus on the Accountability Address and its related matters while Commission B will focus on matters related the resolutions the MPR was preparing. Once the commissions were formed and had had their first meetings to agree on what would be on the agenda, that was it for the first day of the MPR Session.

As she arrived back at Grand Hyatt Hotel where the PKPB’s MPR Delegates were staying, the cameras and reporters surrounded Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto. She initially smiled, laughed and looked thoughtful when asked how she felt going into the MPR General Session.

“Well, I come better prepared than I did last time”, replied Tutut “Last time I was novice, this time I have the experience of having led a political party to an election victory.”

---
Across the road at the President Hotel where the PNI’s MPR Delegates were staying, much was made of the hotel’s name being a good sign. Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri only smiled saying that the PNI had to make its own luck.
---
Much of the attention as the first day of the MPR General Session wrapped up was focused on the Group Delegates and the Regional Delegates. The Group Delegates returned to the Hotel Borobudur and proceeded to go behind closed doors to have a meeting attended by all of its delegates. The same went with the Regional Delegates once they returned to Shangri-La Hotel.

Unlike 4 political parties and ABRI, the Group and Regional Delegates were more a collection of individuals rather than a group representing a certain organization and the meetings were seen as a way to establish a common ground on how to best approach the MPR General Session.

2nd March 2003:
The MPR was in full flow today. Commission A spent until lunchtime talking about the various delegations’ reaction to the President’s Accountability Address. The Group Delegates, represented by Garibaldi Thohir, acknowledged “significant improvements” over the last 5 years but refused to say anything explicitly positive or negative about the President. Representing the Regional Delegates, Lefrand Sondakh from North Sulawesi, spoke that development is still largely java-centric but that “admittedly”, development has become more equitable.

The ABRI Delegates’ response was read by Romulo Simbolon which focused on the defense and military aspect saying that ABRI needed to be and will be more professional in the future. The PPP’s response was read out by Uray Faisal Hamid. The PPP noticeably focused on things that still needed to be improved upon though it was remarked that they sounded like they did not want to pay a compliment to the President.

The PNI deployed Andi Arief and he read that while the PNI “agrees” with the divestment of Freeport shares as well as Tommy Soeharto’s sentencing/prison sentence, the PNI believes that the current political system was in need of an overhaul. Nevertheless, the PNI declares its acceptance, though with reservations, of the President’s Accountability Address.

Then came the clash the everyone was waiting for. First, Soeyono represented the PKPI. He spoke at length though the PKPI’s conclusion was beyond doubt: that the PKPI wholeheartedly accepts the Accountability Address and wholeheartedly supports the President’s re-election. This was followed by the PKPB’s Yusril Ihza Mahendra listing the various “failings of the current government” before wrapping things up with the following conclusion:

“I believe that when the MPR votes on whether or not to accept the President’s Accountability Address, such a vote should be deemed as a vote of confidence or no confidence depending on the result” said Yusril “And in the event that the President’s Accountability Address is not accepted, it should be treated as a vote of no confidence and the President should not be allowed to renominate for office.”

That got the PKPI MPR Delegates riled up and yelling at Yusril.

Away from Commission A’s rowdy environment, Commission B’s meeting was calm and business-like though it was not without its own complications. Commission B’s purview were the resolutions the MPR was preparing and that included the Proposed Amendment to the MPR Resolution Regarding Procedures for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President which regulated how the Presidential and Vice Presidential Election was to be conducted. When it came time to discuss this proposed resolution, Vice Chairman of the MPR Mario Carrascalao, who presided over Commission B, reported a proposal related to this draft resolution it at length. He said that when the MPR’s Standing Committee was preparing the MPR General Session, this was a proposal which had originated with the PNI Delegation and that given its contents, this was something best approved by the MPR General Session rather than approved immediately by the MPR Standing Committee.

Speaking on behalf of the PNI Delegation when Comission B’s meeting broke up, Sidarto Danusubroto, confirmed that the draft resolution had originated with the PNI in a bid to make “things more democratic”.

Not far from where Sidarto was speaking, Megawati’s husband Taufiq Kiemas was seen arguing with Chairman of the PNI’s MPR Delegation Sutjipto.

“My wife has a long shot, I get that”, said Taufiq “But this is how that long shot is going to play out if she’s going to be the next president.”

“I’m just asking whether this will play well with our crowd”, insisted Sutjipto.

“And I’m asking whether they want to win or they want to continue to watch from the sidelines”, countered Taufiq.

---
Using the MPR’s Media Room, Chairman of the Group Delegates Nurcholish Madjid held a press conference. He was accompanied by fellow Group Delegates Members Bomer Pasaribu, Aburizal Bakrie, Sahal Mahfudh, Parni Hadi, and Sri Edi Swasono.

Nurcholish said in his speech that the members of the Group Delegates are present in the MPR General Session to represent a component of Indonesian life. He used himself and those who were with him as examples saying that they represented Islamic intellectuals, the only recognized trade union in Indonesia, the chamber of commerce of industry, Islamic clerics, journalists as well as the organization of cooperatives.

Speaking of the meeting attended by the Group Delegates’ last night, Nurcholish said that an “overwhelming majority” of those present expressed their continuing desire to carry out “The Petition of Thirty Five” which was signed last year and remain above the partisanship that is already on display and will continue to be on display in the following days.

In practical terms, Nurcholish said, this means that the Group Delegates will abstain in any vote involving the President’s Accountability Address or in any vote relating to the Presidential Election itself. At the same time, Nurcholish said that the MPR must “strongly consider” accepting the amendment being proposed by the PNI.

Finally, Nurcholish said that he realizes that the Group Delegates is not a political party and what he is stating does not constitute a party line but is more like a “general consensus” within the mainstream of the Group Delegates.

---
The afternoon session of the MPR General Session carried on from the morning session. The PKPI and the PKPB continued their battle in Commission A. On behalf of the PKPI, Hayono Isman criticized the notion of there being a vote of no confidence saying that such notions belonged to a parliamentary democracy not Pancasila Democracy. On behalf of the PKPB, Fuad Bawazier said that if “the failure is clear and obvious then President Try should not only lose the presidency, he should not be allowed to nominate in the first place”. Once again this caused an uproar in Commission A.

In Commission B, there was a consensus by the other delegates that the PNI’s proposed amendment on the way the Presidential and Vice Presidential Election to be conducted needed to be further studied.

---
When all the dinner plates were taken out it was time for President Try Sutrisno to hold his meeting at the Presidential Palace. Assembled in front of him were a group of PKPI MPR Delegates: Harsudiono Hartas, Edi Sudrajat, Soeyono, Marzuki Darusman, Oka Mahendra, and Indra Bambang Utoyo. The meeting discussed the day’s two MPR Commissions’ meeting.

There was outrage around the table when the discussion was about Commission A’s meeting, the consensus being that this was an unabashed attempt at making sure that the President “doesn’t even make it to the start line”.

“If it does come down to a vote and said vote will be considered to be a vote of confidence” said the President “Then we’ll need all hands on deck and that means making sure we have all of the PPP’s votes.”

“And yet the one thing we’re most certain about going into the MPR General Session is that we can’t rely on getting all of the PPP’s votes, Mr. President”, said Soeyono.

“Matori needs to do something to get them in order” asked Edi, mentioning the Chairman of the MPR who also happened to be the Chairman of the PPP.

“Matori’s too busy doing “Chairman of the MPR” stuff and it probably won’t do him much good to look partisan during the General Session”, retorted Harsudiono “That’s why on a practical level, he needed to appoint someone as the PPP’s Day-To-Day Chairman in addition to give a reason for Hamzah to behave.”

“Except Hamzah’s not behaving”, countered Edi.

When it came time to discuss Commission B’s meeting, a copy of the Proposed Amendment to the MPR Resolution Regarding Procedures for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President was produced and the President read it over. Maybe because his future was on the line, President’s eyes began to glaze over. He continued reading but stopped just as he got to the part about how if the none of the two presidential candidates has a majority of votes in the MPR after three rounds, new candidates for the presidency would have to be nominated.

“Someone needs to explain to me what’s being proposed here in a language I can understand”, said the President.

There was quiet in the room before Marzuki took up the challenge.

“The current MPR Resolution Regarding the Procedures for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President, which was first passed in 1973, which was then amended and then used in 1998 when you won against Habibie, Tutut, and Harmoko, states that if there were two candidates or if the election has come down to the final two candidates, whoever gets the most votes is elected president without there being a need for a majority”, explained Marzuki.

The President looked at him blankly.

“In 1998, Mr. President, you won against Habibie in the final round of voting with 503 votes to his 497”, continued Marzuki “But if for some reason, you didn’t get 503. Suppose there were 4 abstentions and the result was 499 votes for you, 497 votes for him, and 4 abstentions, you would still be elected.”

“On the other hand, Mr. President”, added Oka “You could not claim that you were elected based on a majority of votes in the MPR and this is where this proposed amendment comes in; what this proposed amendment wants to do is that in the event of there being two candidates, a candidate must have 50% of the votes + 1 to be declared elected, that’s 501 votes.”

“That’s only fair, right?” asked the President

“Fair, Mr. President, but makes it more imperative for us to look around outside of the PKPI, PPP, and ABRI delegations for votes”, replied Harsudiono.

“Can’t we just try to block this proposition?” asked Edi.

“We’ll look like we’re trying to sneak the President into re-election if we even show a hint of interest in blocking this, Mr. State Secretary”, explained Soeyono.

There was silence in the room.

“What does the PKPB think about this?” asked the President.

---
“This makes things complicated”, raged Chairman of the PKPB’s MPR Delegation Prabowo Subianto “If we try to get in the way, we’ll look like we’re trying to get you elected without a majority.”

“Calm down, calm down” Tutut said “There must be some other way.”

Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani, Treasurer of the PKPB Akbar Tandjung along with MPR Delegates Yusril Ihza Mahendra, Theo Sambuaga, Bambang Trihatmodjo, and Subijakto Tjakrawerdaya watched on.

“Suppose we forget about how things will look like and just work together with the PKPI on this. They’ll be interested in this if they want to give Try a better shot at being re-elected” asked ZA Maulani “The PPP and ABRI will vote for the PKPI, our combined total will be enough to kill this proposal even if the Regional Delegates and the Group Delegates want to vote in favor of it.”

“But they’re certain to ask us to withdraw what we proposed earlier in the day about the vote on the Accountability Address being a vote of confidence or no confidence”, said Akbar.

Tutut took some time thinking about it and then she shook her head.

“That won’t do”, said Tutut “Keep maintaining that the vote on the Accountability Address will double as a vote of confidence as we have agreed.”

---
The thing to note is that in OTL, MPR General Session was a formality. Soeharto's Accountability Address would be readily accepted and in the presidential elections, he would be elected unanimously by virtue of being the sole candidate.

An OTL example of the Accountability Address functioning as a vote of confidence came when Habibie delivered his Accountability Address in 1999 to the MPR where said speech was then rejected and then in response, Habibie decided to withdraw his candidacy as president paving the way for Wahid to come to power. Further back in the past, Sukarno infamously made two accountability addresses to explain his actions post-G30S and had both rejected and this played a part in him being removed from power.

The whole "if there is only two presidential candidates and none obtains more than half the votes, then the one with the most votes is declared the winner" is true. Check out article 16 of this MPR Resolution (https://www.hukumonline.com/pusatda...f0/ketetapan-mpr-nomor-ii-mpr-1973-tahun-1973). Note that ITTL, this Resolution has already been amended in 1998 to accommodate the four-way between Try, Habibie, Tutut, and Harmoko (Anybody remember that?) though the rule that in a contest between two candidates, someone can be declared a winner without gaining more than half the votes is still in play. That the PNI is the one to push for this amendment will be important.

 

[GSD310]

3rd March 2003:
The 2003 MPR General Session’s third day got underway and there were a lot of lobbying around the place. The PNI designated a special delegation headed by Laksamana Sukardi to go around to the other delegations to gather support for the Proposed Amendment to the MPR Resolution Regarding Procedures for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President. The initial reactions was favorable with both the Regional Delegates and the Group Delegates responding positively.

The ABRI Delegation “noted” the PNI’s proposed amendment but said that it will move in concert with with the PKPI. The PPP on the other hand seemed divided with some delegates being more receptive of the proposed amendment than the others.

The meeting with the PKPI did not go well. PKPI MPR Delegate Bobby Suhardiman changed the focus of the meeting to whether or not the PKPI’s “acceptance, with reservations” of the President’s Accountability Address would translate to a vote. This change of topic was not received well by the PNI Delegation which treated it as an insult and said that “The Try Regime” was not all that enlightened when compared to the “Soeharto Regime”. The meeting ended without a result.

---
In a television interview, PKPB MPR Delegate Yusril Ihza Mahendra said that while it is true that the Indonesian system of government is not a parliamentary system, a rejection of the President’s Accountability Address would show that a majority in the MPR does not approve of the President.

On the question of the PNI’s Proposed Amendment to the MPR Resolution Regarding Procedures for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President, Yusril demurred. Saying that the matter is on the verge of being discussed.

---
At the MPR Building, the PKPB’s offices were swarmed by journalists and cameras as Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri, accompanied by the Secretary of the PNI Sutjipto, arrived for a working lunch with Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto, who was accompanied by Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani.

“The proposed amendment the PNI is putting forward to the MPR General Session is an important one and I have decided to make the case for this personally to Mbak Tutut”, explained Megawati to the press.

Though both women were cordial with each other, the meeting ran into a stalemate. Once Megawati made the case for the PNI’s proposed amendment, Tutut replied that she was willing to throw the PKPB’s support behind the amendment if the PNI would vote to reject the President’s Accountability Address the next day. Almost immediately Megawati said that she could not agree to the offer. Tutut and Megawati remained cordial but knew that their meeting was finished.

---
The PKPI MPR Delegation’s Co-Secretaries Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and Siswono Yudohusodo met with Chairman of the PPP’s MPR Delegation Zarkasih Nur and Secretary of the PPP’s MPR Delegation Yusuf Rizal Tjokroaminoto. The PKPI members in the meeting asked the PPP members if their vote could be relied on whether for the Accountability Address or, for that matter, the presidential vote.

Zarkasih said that the PPP can deliver most but not all of its votes for the President’s cause with Hamzah Haz supporters and Muhammadiyah members in the PPP still holding out. He said he needed more time to maximize the votes the PPP can mobilize. Sarwono replied that the problem was that the vote on the Accountability Address is scheduled for tomorrow morning and that the President was “increasingly upset” with Hamzah.

---
Speaking on a television interview, Megawati expressed her disappointment that both the PKPI and the PKPB had not “Reacted positively” to the proposed amendment that had been offered. She realizes that both the PKPI and the PKPB has an interest in making sure that their respective presidential candidates are elected in the easiest manner but that this was very disappointing.

Though both the PKPI and the PKPB were quick to make their rebuttals, Megawati looked sympathetic in the news coverage of the MPR General Session that afternoon.

---
As the third day of the MPR Session wrapped up and the delegates began returning to their respective hotels to have their respective Islamic New Year banquets, the Group Delegates commandeered a room in the MPR Building and stayed behind to have a meeting.

---
Chairman of the MPR Matori Abdul Djalil returned to Mandarin Oriental where the PPP’s MPR Delegation was staying.

It was evening when Matori put on his Chairman of the PPP hat and retreated into a room in the hotel’s business center. He was joined by Day-to-Day Chairman of the PPP Hamzah Haz, Zarkasih Nur, and Yusuf Rizal Tjokroaminoto. Not long after that Zarkasih and Yusuf left, having conveyed the results of their meeting that day with Sarwono and Siswono along with the comment that the President was “increasingly upset” with Hamzah.

Then loud angry voices emanated from the room and it was clear that Matori and Hamzah were having an argument. By and large the argument was inaudible but two sentences were said loud enough that it was audible for the PPP members trying to eavesdrop; “WHY ARE WE STILL HAVING THIS CONVERSATION? WE ALREADY AGREED TO SUPPORT HIS RE-ELECTION!” which sounded like something Matori would say and “HE NEEDS OUR VOTES, NOT THE OTHER WAY AROUND AND WE NEED TO START ACTING LIKE IT!” which sounded like what Hamzah would say.

---
In a press conference held at the MPR Building, Chairman of the Group Delegates Nurcholish Madjid expressed his disappointment at the day’s developments where both the PKPB and the PKPI “have tended to reject” the PNI’s proposed amendment. Nurcholish said that given that the vote on this matter will be held tomorrow, it was the Group Delegates’ hope that the political parties, but most notably the PKPB and the PKPI, can state their stance on the issue. In the event that there is not enough votes to past the amendment due to lack of support from the political parties, the Group Delegates will vote with the PNI on its amendment.

When asked about whether the Group Delegates will also take part in the vote on the President’s Accountability Address, Nurcholish answered in the negative. He said that the Group Delegates have agreed that the vote on the Accountability Address is a partisan matter whereas the PNI’s proposed amendment seeks to “strengthen the existing political system”.

---
“Are these guys serious?” asked President Try Sutrisno as he watched the television “They want to make a virtue out of sitting out on the important votes but intervening whenever they feel like it? And by the way, they want to claim to being non-partisan, it doesn’t get anymore partisan than a proposed amendment put forward the Partai Nasional Indonesia.”

“They’re supposed to be the non-partisans, the neutrals, the non-aligned”, said State Secretary Edi Sudrajat “Whatever they want to call themselves, they’re already doing things that are giving the PNI a lift. Let’s not provoke them and give them anymore reason to favor the PNI.”

4th March 2003:
In the morning, prior to the MPR Delegates’ departure to the MPR Building, the Chairman of the PKPI MPR Delegation Harsudiono Hartas and Edi Sudrajat arrived at the Shangrila Hotel where the Regional Delegates were staying. There they met with the Chairman of the Regional Delegates Ryaas Rasyid and Secretary of the Regional Delegates Manuel Kaisiepo.

“The Regional Delegates will vote unanimously in favor of the President’s Accountability Address”, said Ryaas “What the President has done for the regions in terms of giving it autonomy over the past 5 years is a significant step forward and even those inclined to vote towards Tutut among our delegates will show their support for the Accountability Address as a signal that they don’t want to see these policies reversed if Tutut were to win.”

“We’ll take whatever vote that comes our way for whatever reason”, replied Harsudiono.

“Oh don’t thank us just yet”, replied Ryaas “Our condition for this unanimous vote is simple: we want the PKPI, the PPP, and ABRI to support the PNI’s proposed amendment.”

---
The television screen shows Harsudiono and Edi walking out of Shangrila and getting into a car to head to the Presidential Palace to consult the President.

Tutut watched all this with an amused look on her face while ZA Maulani and Prabowo laughed at what they were seeing on the screen, the one laughing the loudest being Vice Chairman of the MPR Hartono.

“I feel sorry for them”, said Hartono “You shouldn’t make them run around like that.”

“I guess we’ve already had enough fun”, replied Tutut “But it’s not like we haven’t achieved anything worthwhile.”

Tutut pointed to a pile of newspapers. Among the various MPR-related headlines on the front page there were invariably headlines about “Matori vs. Hamzah”, “Matori and Hamzah Allegedly Arguing Behind Closed Doors”, “Who’s Right: Matori Questioning Hamzah’s Commitment To Supporting President Try, Hamzah Telling Matori That President Try Shouldn’t Take The PPP For Granted” and “Tutut Push For Accountability Address Inevitably Exposes PPP Divisions”.

---

“So the Regional Delegates will vote with us on the Accountability Address but they want us to support the PNI’s proposed amendment?” asked the President when he met with Harsudiono and Edi not long thereafter.

“That’s right, Mr. President”, said Harsudiono “That’s already more than enough to secure acceptance of the Accountability Address.”

The President was silent.

“Something wrong, Mr. President?” asked Harsudiono.

“It’s just this PNI amendment to the rules about electing the president and vice president…it might not be obvious yet what it is but there’ll be something in it that will benefit the Chairwoman of the PNI”, said the President.

“That goes without saying, Mr. President”, replied Edi “On the other hand, we don’t want the vote on the Accountability Address to fail. Whichever way this proposal benefits Megawati, we’ll have to take it as it comes. We need you on the starting line line if you’re to have any chance at being re-elected.”

“All right then, we’ll take what the Regional Delegates has offered”, said the President.

---
The entire 1000 delegates of the MPR gathered once again for a plenary session. The PPP delegates looked sheepish as they arrived to the MPR Building to faced awkward questions from the press about whether Matori and Hamzah had been involved in a loud argument the previous night. Hamzah laughed it off while Matori said that his focus was on guiding the MPR through the two votes ahead.

The first item on the agenda, Matori declared, will be the vote on the Accountability Address. Before he could get very far however, Chairman of the PKPB’s MPR Delegation Prabowo Subianto interrupted proceedings.

“Mr. Chairman”, Prabowo said “We in the PKPB wish to withdraw our statement some 48 hours ago that the vote on the President’s Accountability Address will constitute either a vote of confidence or a vote of no confidence on the current government…”

There was applause from the PKPB delegates while the PKPI delegates did not know how to react.

“In fact, Mr. Chairman, we would like the question of the President’s Accountability Address be resolved through consensus; that this honorable assembly unanimously accepts the President’s Accountability Address.”

Matori went around the delegations and gave them time to speak in response to what was proposed. Bambang Wiyogo from the Group Delegates said that Group Delegates will join if the MPR reaches consensus on this while Prince Paku Alam IX from the Regional Delegates also expressed the Regional Delegates’ agreement. The PNI’s Laksamana Sukardi repeated the line that the PNI’s acceptance of the President’s Accountability Address is an acceptance with reservations.

For the PKPI, Sofyan Lubis strongly expressed approval while the PPP’s Bachtiar Chamsyah and ABRI’s Agustadi Sasongko joined the PPP and ABRI’s respective sentiments with that of the PKPI.

“What the hell’s their game?” asked Edi to Harsudiono as they glanced in the direction of Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto “Why make a big deal about Try’s speech being accepted or not being a vote of confidence and then they just back off like that?”

Tutut saw Edi and Harsudiono staring at her and gave a friendly nod and smile in the two’s direction. Edi and Harsudiono responded by continuing to glare. Tutut then turned away from Edi to the PPP delegates, to where Hamzah Haz was looking glumly at Matori presiding over proceedings. Harsudiono followed Tutut’s gaze to the PPP delegates and suddenly realized what was happening.

“Their game is to push us into counting votes before we’re ready”, Harsudiono replied “And in the process expose that all is not well with the PPP. Where Golkar broke into two, the PPP became united and that was due to Matori and Hamzah’s hard work. But now here we are, just a few days away before the Presidential Elections, with the PPP unable to hide its internal division.”

“And Hamzah being someone they are positively predisposed to in the PPP”, said Edi.

Edi was interrupted by Matori reading out the question.

“The question put to the assembly is whether or not the assembly accepts President’s Accountability Address which was delivered at the MPR’s Opening Session”, stated Matori “All those in favor?”

“SETUJUUU….!!!” replied the MPR Delegates.

“I declare the President’s Accountability Address to be unanimously accepted by the MPR”, said Matori as he banged the gavel and the MPR gave its applause.

---
A short recess followed during which time Harsudiono, accompanied by Zarkasih Nur and Chairman of the ABRI Delegation Djamari Chaniago, took the opportunity to go up to the Chairman and Vice Chairmen’s table to talk about something.

Watching all this from her seat, Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri tensed up. But her husband Taufiq Kiemas pointed to Vice Chairman of the MPR Alex Litaay who represented the PNI and was listening in to the conversation. Alex Litaay looked up at Megawati and Taufiq and winked.

When the short recess was over, Matori reopened the session and said that the next item on the agenda will be the Proposed Amendment to the MPR Resolution Regarding Procedures for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President.

“This proposed amendment originated with the PNI and over the last few days, both the Regional Delegates and Group Delegates have expressed their support for it. Now the PKPI, the PPP, and the ABRI Delegations have also stated their support the PNI’s proposed amendment”, declared Matori “That leaves the PKPB Delegation. What will its stance be on this matter?”

All eyes now turned Tutut and she in turn looked to Prabowo and nodded for him to stand up.

“Mr. Chairman, on behalf of the PKPB, I would like announce our party’s support for the PNI’s proposed amendment to the resolution about nominating and electing the president and vice president and for this amendment to be agreed to by consensus”, announced Prabowo.

“So be it”, said Matori “Now that all the delegations have declared their support, the question I am now putting on the assembly is this: does it agree with the PNI’s Proposed Amendment to the MPR Resolution Regarding Procedures for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President? All those in favor?”

“SETUJUUUU!!!” replied the MPR Delegates.

“I declare the proposed amendment to be unanimously accepted”, declared Matori as he banged the gavel.

Tutut joined the MPR in applauding the acceptance of the amendment but she was talking to Prabowo who was sitting beside her.

“There is something in this that will be advantageous to Mbak Mega”, said Tutut “It was her party that suggested it.”

“We’ll uncover how this will benefit her as we go along, Mbakyu”, replied Prabowo “For the moment, let’s just accept two things: first, that you were always going to have two opponents: President Try and Megawati and second, until the time comes to vote for your election to the presidency, we should not reveal how many votes we have.”

The PNI delegates celebrated the acceptance of their proposed amendment. Megawati looked emotional as her husband Taufiq Kiemas hugged her.

“Now the way is open for you”, Taufiq said to his wife “Now the way is open.”

By lunchtime the day’s agenda had been completed, including the signing of the First MPR Resolution of 2003 Regarding the President’s Accountability Address and the Second MPR Resolution of 2003 Regarding the Second Amendment to the Second MPR Resolution of 1971 Regarding the Processes for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President. The expectation would be that the two agendas would require a vote but this had not happened.

With all the day’s business done, Matori went on to the closing remarks.

“Honorable Delegates, I will now declare this session closed”, he said “We will meet again on the 7th March . The agenda for that session will be the Presidential Election. Please make sure that your candidates are ready and that everything is in order.”

---
When the session broke up, the press went after Hamzah. He laughed off questions about whether he and Matori had an argument but confirmed that he had had a healthy exchange of opinions before he disappeared into the PPP Bus.

---
As the MPR Delegates departed the MPR Building or are waiting for their bus to arrive or fill up or depart, Treasurer of the PKPB Akbar Tandjung made his way to the PKPB’s office in the DPR/MPR Building. Aside from the cleaning service, Akbar found Tutut and Prabowo waiting for him. Tutut continued to be wary of what the MPR had agreed to by approving the PNI’s proposed amendment but was energized by the sight of the PPP’s internal divisions.

“I thought that they had put aside whatever differences they had so that they could keep the PPP together while Golkar split into two”, said Prabowo.

“It turns out there’s still cracks in the PPP, and by definition in President Try’s coalition. We have to take advantage of that”, said Tutut “I want you, Bang Akbar, to approach Hamzah Haz and bring him and his supporters over to us.”

“Very well, Madam Chairwoman”, replied Akbar.

Akbar got the sense that Tutut and Prabowo wanted to linger a little longer and wanting to get on with his job, he said his farewells. But as he turned around to open the door, the door opened and there was Governor of Lemhanas Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono looking shocked to see him there. Akbar turned to Tutut and Prabowo and they looked at Akbar as though he should not have seen Yudhoyono arrive.

“Bang Akbar, you know Lt. Gen. Susilo Bambang Yudhyono, right?” asked Prabowo trying to act cool about it “Governor of Lemhanas though like everybody else it seems, an MPR Delegate for these few days.”

Akbar did not stick around for long, he noticed that Yudhoyono did not seem comfortable seeing him there.

---
At a meeting room in Hotel Indonesia, a small meeting was held attended by Harsudiono Hartas, Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, Siswono Yudohusodo. Basofi Sudirman attended the meeting in both his capacities as Vice Chairman of the MPR and Chairman of the PKPI. Leader of the PKPI in the DPR Sofyan Lubis and Secretary of the PKPI Joyokusumo were there as well.

There were two folders on the table and Harsudiono lifted both. The first folder contained administrative documents for the President’s nomination and the second contained administrative documents for Vice President JB Sumarlin’s nomination. Harsudiono said that everything was in order administratively, now the question is how will the PKPI move ahead in the next few days.

“The PKPI has 215 votes”, Harsudiono said “ABRI has 113 votes…the PPP has 110. 438 votes.”

“Theoretically 438 votes…” Sarwono said “We don’t know how much the PPP can commit at this stage.”

“How is Matori handling this?” asked Siswono to Basofi.

“He’s stressed out that he might not deliver all of the PPP to the President though he’s trying to keep above the fray as best as possible as Chairman of the MPR”, replied Basofi “I feel sorry for the guy but I’ve got to keep the party line because we know what Hamzah Haz is after in exchange for his unconditional support for the President.”

“It’s just that the danger here with the PPP being exposed as divided in an MPR General Session…the PKPB’s probably has someone assigned to get Hamzah to bring his supporters over to Tutut”, said Sarwono.

“We’d best better get moving and get more votes for the President, then”, said Harsudiono.

---
The chapter is a reference to how the PPP stayed united instead of breaking into two like Golkar ITTL

Matori and Hamzah has a bitter relationship that began in OTL and continued ITTL. At the 1994 PPP National Congress, Matori nominated for the chairmanship, thought he could count on Hamzah’s support but Hamzah did not support him. https://pcinu-mesir.tripod.com/ilmiah/pusaka/ispustaka/buku12/bab01_00.htm

ITTL, Matori and Hamzah contested the chairmanship at the 1999 PPP Congress and made peace with each other to keep the PPP united. But there continues to be tension between the two.

I made Matori into a Try ally ITTL because in OTL he was on the record as calling for Soeharto not to nominate for re-election in 1998 and allow Try to nominate as president https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...ori+try+sutrisno&pg=PA143&printsec=frontcover

 

[GSD310]

5th March 2003:
Chairman of Muhammadiyah Amien Rais, who is spending the MPR General Session as an MPR Delegate, was interviewed this morning about how the MPR General Session has played out. Amien said that he had to give kudos to the Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto for exposing divisions in the PPP’s camp which could now be exploited upon. When asked what he thought about it given that there are Muhammadiyah members participating in the MPR Session as PPP Delegates, Amien repeated the claim he made in November that all components of the nation must become free agents at the MPR General Session.

Amien laughed when asked if his aim was still to take on President Soeharto and his family. He said that overcoming Soeharto and his family was still very much his aim but that being part of President Try Sutrisno’s government was not the only way to achieve that.

---
Chairman of the PKPI’s MPR Delegation Harsudiono Hartas, Co-Secretaries of the PKPI’s MPR Delegation Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and Siswono Yudohusodo, Chairman of the PPP’s MPR delegation Zarkasih Nur, Secretary of the PPP’s MPR Delegation, and Hamzah Haz had a meeting in the morning. They held the meeting at Harsudiono’s room to avoid attracting attention.

The meeting was blunt. Harsudiono asked what was preventing Hamzah from committing to the President’s re-election, Hamzah countered that it was because the likely candidate the PKPI would like the PPP to support for the vice presidency was Vice President JB Sumarlin. Harsudiono countered that they were not discussing the vice presidency but the presidency and that the PPP, including Hamzah has committed to supporting the President’s re-election.

“But everything’s linked together”, said Hamzah “I wish good health and fortune to President Try but if something was to happen to him then Vice President Sumarlin would succeed him, right? I’m just wondering whether the nation is ready for that…and you can’t tell me there’s a 0% chance these things will not happen.”

Sarwono tried a different tack. Sumarlin was the vice presidential candidate that united everyone in the PKPI. If that was to change, it could cause internal division.

“I’m familiar with internal divisions in a political party, so I understand your position”, replied Hamzah “What if to avoid potential divisions, we do away with the idea that the vice president will be from the PKPI and have the vice president from the PPP instead?”

The meeting ended without a result and with all the participants looking outside the window at the camera crew gathering in front of Grand Hyatt.

---
At the Grand Hyatt where they were staying, all but one of the PKPB’s 230-strong MPR Delegation gathered at the ballroom. When it had been confirmed that all but one are in the room, a small delegation comprising of Chairman of the PKPB’s MPR Delegation Prabowo Subianto, Secretary of the PKPB’s MPR Delegation Subijakto Tjakrawerdaya, Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani and Treasurer of the PKPB Akbar Tandjung left the room.

There were cheers when the four men returned escorting Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto. Tutut waved and shook hands with those present before taking a seat in a chair close to a microphone.

A ceremony then followed and then Prabowo took the stage to make a speech. In firey fashion, Prabowo highlighted the achievements of the three decades under Soeharto and how the current government has “uneccessarily risked all that has been gained over the last three decades in the past five years”.

“Wanting to restore our beloved Republic to the correct path initiated and undertaken by President Soeharto, we at the Partai Karya Pembangunan Bangsa hereby and officially asks our Chairwoman, Madam Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana if she would be willing to be nominated for the office the President of the Republic of Indonesia?”

Tutut now stood up from her chair as the microphone was repositioned so she could speak into it.

“I hereby officially accept the PKPB’s nomination for the office of the President of the Republic of Indonesia.” Tutut said as the room went into pandemonium.

---
The Regional Delegates concluded a meeting at Shangri-La Hotel where they were staying and a press conference was held featuring Chairman of the Regional Delegates Ryaas Rasyid flanked by the members of the Regional Delegates.

Ryaas began by welcoming the MPR’s decision to adopt the PNI’s Proposed Amendment to the MPR Resolution Regarding Procedures for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President. He said that this will make all presidential votes held by the MPR even more democratic and give a strong mandate for whoever is elected by president.

At the same time, the Regional Delegates expresses its regret that the vote on the President’s Accountability Address was no longer necessary. Ryaas said that it was the Regional Delegates’ wish to be able to show support for a term of government that had made great progress in the areas of regional autonomy and of the regions earning more revenue from the natural resources. Pre-empting questions, Ryaas said that such a show of support would only apply for the President’s Accountability Address and that the presidential elections was “another matter entirely”.

“The Regional Delegates just want to be able to register this vote to show that the regions approved of these policies and that, whatever the results of the MPR General Session and whoever will be the president after the MPR General Session, there will be no return, reversion or restoration of past policies regarding the relationship between the Central Government and the Regional Governments.”

---
At the MPR Building, the PKPB, represented by Prabowo and Subijakto Tjakrawerdaya, submitted all of the administrative documents related to Tutut’s nomination as president to the MPR. Prabowo faced questions from the press, including about the Regional Delegates’ statement.

In a tone that was perhaps too dismissive, Prabowo said that if the Regional Delegates had an issue with a particular matter, it should have brought it up. Now the there was nothing the Regional Delegates could do about it. Prabowo also reminded the Regional Delegates that being a unitary state, whatever policies the Central Government commits itself to, even a new Central Government, the provinces and the regencies and municipalities must follow suit.

---
The PKPI sniffed an opportunity. Speaking at a hastily organized press conference, Harsudiono Hartas expresses his empathy at the Regional Delegates’ sentiments. Harsudiono said that in his work as Minister of Home Affairs over the last 5 years, he would say that his most proudest work has been in regards to facilitating deconcentration, allowing the provinces to retain more of revenue from natural resources, and passing laws related to the Special Regions.

At the same time, Soeyono and Hayono Isman were dispatched by the PKPI to the Regional Delegates’ Hotel where they would spend the next few hours.

The first to emerge and front the press was Ryaas Rasyid. Ryaas said that he is announcing that he will remain impartial on the presidential elections. His announcement that morning was just to convey the aspirations of those in the Regional Delegates. At the same time, Ryaas said that there are members of the Regional Delegates about to throw their support behind one of the presidential candidates.

Then it was the turn of delegates from the Regional Delegates to appear in front of the press accompanied by Soeyono and Hayono Isman. These were Dahlan Iskan (East Java), Prince Paku Alam IX (Yogyakarta), Biem Benyamin (Jakarta), Nyoman Rudana (Bali), Lefran Sondakh (North Sulawesi), Irman Gusman (West Sumatra), and Frans Wospakrik (Irian Jaya). Dahlan acted as the spokesperson of the group, announcing that the 7 are declaring their support for President Try Sutrisno. The President sat with them.

Dahlan said, to everyone else’s laughter that he had been the President’s man in the Regional Delegates and that efforts has been underway since November to gather support from the Regional Delegates for the President’s re-election. It was only when the MPR Session got underway when all the Regional Delegates are gathered in Jakarta that “the real lobbying” can happen.

Frans Wospakrik, who is also concurrently Chairman of the Irian Jaya People’s Assembly, the advisory body established as part of Irian Jaya becoming a Special Region, said that the failure of the Regional Delegates to get the opportunity to vote in support of the President’s Accountability Address along with the fact that the “big fuss” about the Accountability Address turning out to be just a political stunt by the PKPB has helped to trigger this flow of support towards the President.

“The Regional Delegates want to be able to show our support for the President’s policies over the last 5 years for the simple reason that regardless of who emerges as president at the end of the MPR Session, we don’t want the policies related to Central Government-Regional Government relations to be reversed” said Dahlan “Since we couldn’t show our support for the policies over the last 5 years in the vote on the Accountability Address, there are those among the Regional Delegates who would like to do the next best thing and that is to support the re-election of Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno as President of the Republic of Indonesia and Prof. Dr. JB Sumarlin as Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia.”

When asked how many of the Regional Delegates are going to vote for the President, Dahlan smiled and said that the lobbying for votes is ongoing but that given the support for the sentiments which he had outlined, he expected at least ¼ to 1/3 of the Regional Delegates.

---
In the aftermath of Dahlan’s announcement, the political buzz in Jakarta intensified.

The PPP used the news to try bringing its MPR delegates which are still not wholehearted. At the MPR Building overseeing the voting booths for the presidential vote being set up, Chairman of the MPR Matori Abdul Djalil spoke in his capacity as Chairman of the PPP. He said that all of the PPP’s MPR Delegates should “get with the program”. Otherwise, if the Regional Delegates’ Group of 7, as Dahlan’s group was becoming known as, manages to get enough votes from the Regional Delegates to deliver victory for the President, the PPP would be left behind.

On RCTI’s nightly news, the PKPI’s Siswono Yudohusodo and the PNI’s Fadjroel Rachman joined the broadcast to answer questions about this development. Siswono was cautiously optimistic saying that the exact number of Regional Delegates which would vote for the President is not yet known but given that it had a membership of 135, a ¼ to 1/3 of the delegation meant 30 to 45 votes; which would be a solid bloc of votes to have.

Fadjroel responded by going into a tirade about “human rights abuses” which had happened in the regions and which should not be forgotten. He pointed in particular to the military operations conducted in Aceh in the 1990s and to the Santa Cruz Incident in 1991 and the “intimate involvement” of the current President in said events. He appealed in particular to the Regional Delegates from Aceh and East Timor not to join in the move to re-elect the President. That got Siswono to jump into the President’s defense saying that the “old policies” in Aceh and East Timor no longer applies and has been changed. Fadjroel would not accept this argument and he and Siswono’s joint appearance turned into an argument with Fadjroel constantly saying “Never forget Aceh! Never forget Santa Cruz!”

Meanwhile, during the evening Tutut was seen hosting Regional Delegates Hasan Basri Durin (West Sumatra), Francisco Kalbuadi Lay (East Timor), Amelia Ahmad Yani (Central Java), and Zainuddin MZ (Jakarta). Speaking to the cameras, Tutut said that she is having a chat with friends from the Regional Delegates.

---
It was evening when President Try Sutrisno welcomed Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita to his office. Ginandjar brought with him an invitation from President of France Alain Juppe. France will be chairing the G-8 Summit this year and has invited Indonesia to attend. The President took the invitation and read it, wondering whether he should give a response now or leave it until after the MPR has elected a president to give a response.

He looked up and was about to say something when he saw Ginandjar watching the television screen showing Siswono and Fadjroel’s on-screen skirmish and Tutut’s photo-op with Regional Delegates who are friendly to her.

“Well, you sure have got them doing backflips, Mr. President”, Ginandjar remarked “They’re worried that you’re going to get all the votes you need already.”

The President looked at Ginandjar and remembered. Like all of his ministers, Ginandjar was also an MPR Delegate though Ginandjar was a part of the Group Delegates rather than the PKPI Delegation.

“What do you think of my chances?” asked the President.

“Well, what can I say, Mr. President”, replied Ginandjar “Being Minister of Foreign Affairs hasn’t left me much time to…”

“Please…don’t insult me with your spiel about not following domestic politics because you're too busy with foreign affairs”, the President interrupted.

Ginandjar chuckled.

“Let's face it, you're still not sure how many votes Dahlan Iskan's going to get you from the Regional Delegates”, Ginandjar replied “Meanwhile the PPP is leaking votes and there's two things causing it; Hamzah Haz is the first but I’m sure you know that already, the second source of lost votes will be from the PPP’s Muhammadiyah members…From what I've heard, Amien Rais has already given verbal instructions that they are not to vote for you.”

The President smiled at that last piece of news, he had expected that this was what his relationship with Amien Rais would come down to.

“You need a solid bloc of guaranteed votes and I can do that”, Ginandjar continued “I control some of the votes in the Regional Delegates and in the Group Delegates.”

“Just like last time, huh?” the President asked “You think you’ll be the one to carry me over the line.”

Ginandjar smiled a smile that said that this would be the case.

“But I suppose this will not be a free lunch” asked the President.

Ginandjar’s smile grew even wider.

“I have been your minister for nearly 4 years and both you and I as well as everyone can see that we have formed a strong partnership in foreign policy” began Ginandjar.

The President nodded his head in acknowledgment.

“Now, if we can form a strong partnership in foreign policy, what’s not to say that we can form a strong partnership across all the policy areas”, continued Ginandjar.

The President thought about what he had just heard and his eyes narrowed when he figured out what Ginandjar meant.

“You want the vice presidency”, the President said “You’ll support me, you’ll get me over the line, but you want to be vice president.”

There was now an expression of pure joy on Ginandjar’s face, the President meanwhile tried to keep a poker face.

“Well, that’s not such bad idea”, began the President “But the only way this could work would be if the Vice President has confirmed to me that he is not willing to run for a second term.”

“Of course, Mr. President”, replied Ginandjar “But that could be arranged, right?”

The President only replied with polite smile that made Ginandjar realized that he had no intention of arranging such a thing.

“I see”, said Ginandjar “You’re determined to retain Professor Sumarlin as vice president.”

The President continued to give Ginandjar a polite smile.

“Well, I respect your decision on that, Mr. President, I really do”, replied Ginandjar matter-of-factly before turning to matters not related to the MPR General Session.

Now it was the President’s turn to be surprised. He expected more resistance than that. He expected Ginandjar to say that he could be useful. He did not expect Ginandjar to roll over so easily...unless of course Ginandjar has his own reasons...

When Ginandjar left, the President told State Secretary Edi Sudrajat what had transpired.

“Yeah, this is what I’m waiting for”, Edi replied “One thing’s for sure, you will see Ginandjar’s true colors before this MPR Session is out.”

---
The Regional Delegates are MPR Delegates which represents a Province. There’s between 5-8 Regional Delegates per Province. All up there’s 135 Regional Delegates.

The reference to Aceh and Santa Cruz Incident are of course references to OTL where Try was Commander of ABRI.

In ITTL, Ginandjar directed the votes he controls to Try at the 1998 MPR General Session and helps Try get re-elected as president. Wonder if anyone has continued following this TL to remember that when it was originally posted?

 

[GSD310]

6th March 2003:
The Presidential Palace played host to a joint delegation comprising of MPR Delegates from the PKPI, the PPP, and the Regional Delegates. The PKPI delegation were represented by Chairman Harsudiono Hartas, Co-Secretaries Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and Siswono Yudohusodo, Marzuki Darusman, Wismoyo Arismunandar, Soeyono, Meutia Hatta, Hamengkubuwono X, and Sofyan Lubis.

The PPP delegation were represented by Chairman Zarkasih Nur, Secretary Yusuf Rizal Tjokroaminoto, Rusnain Yahya, Khofifah Indar Parawansa, and Bachtiar Chamsyah.

Meanwhile, the Regional Delegates were represented by the Group of 7 who had declared their support the previous night; Dahlan Iskan (East Java), Prince Paku Alam IX (Yogyakarta), Biem Benyamin (Jakarta), Nyoman Rudana (Bali), Lefran Sondakh (North Sulawesi), Irman Gusman (West Sumatra), and Frans Wospakrik (Irian Jaya).

President Try Sutrisno sat solemnly in his chair as Harsudiono stood up and gave a quick overview of what has been achieved in the last 5 years before going on to the purpose of the joint delegation’s visit.

“It is based on the realization that the achievements of the present term of government across all areas can be further built upon and that continuing on the present course requires continuity that we at the Partai Karya Pembangunan Indonesia, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, and elements of the Regional Delegates hereby officially asks you, Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno, the President of the Republic of Indonesia currently holding office, for your willingness to be nominated for another term as President of the Republic of Indonesia?”

The President stood up to give his answer.

“I am willing to be nominated and I accept your nomination”, the President replied.

The televised event ended with the President and his guests shaking hands and disappearing behind closed doors. The untelevised event, however, was no less interesting with the President assembling a war council with his guests.

After thanking the Group of 7 for joining his rank of supporters, the President said that the focus now should be getting as many votes from the Regional Delegates as possible. To this end, the President said the PKPI should give its assistance and that PKPI Delegates who are DPR members and governors should lobby uncommitted Regional Delegates.

The President then turned to the PPP Delegation.

“If I thought the PKPI could do things by itself, I would not have entered into a coalition with you and Hamzah Haz is right, I do need your votes”, said the President “But I don’t know how else I can show you that I’m committed to this coalition. Your chairman is now the Chairman of the DPR/MPR, I already gave you an extra seat in the cabinet reshuffle last year when I didn’t have to, is it now not the PPP’s turn to show its commitment to this coalition? Especially when the Coalition Agreement states that the PPP will be committed to my continuing leadership over this nation.”

Zarkasih said that the PPP will be having a final delegation meeting that night and that his words will be conveyed to the PPP delegation.

The President then asked all those present whether they are aware of Amien Rais verbally saying that Muhammadiyah members in the MPR should not cast their vote for him. Irman Gusman, a Muhammadiyah member, confirmed that this was the case. Somewhat sheepishly, Bachtiar Chamsyah also confirmed that this was happening in the PPP saying that PPP’s Muhammadiyah members are also aware of Amien’s instruction and that they are a potential second source of lost votes from the PPP. Harsudiono ended the discussion on the matter by saying that Hajriyanto Thohari, the PKPI delegate of Muhammadiyah background, is already on the case.

The final issue which the President and the three delegations discussed was the vice presidency. Harsudiono brought it up saying that whilst the president and vice president are elected separately in the MPR Session, perhaps the President might indicate his preference for the office of vice president so that there is “unity of purpose” among the President’s supporters about who will be the candidate for the vice president. There was some joking around that the Regional Delegates jumped the gun when Dahlan Iskan mentioned who will be vice president but all then looked to the President for an answer to the question.

“I’ll only mention and explicitly mention the name in the event of my re-election”, the President said “But for the moment, I’ll only mention the criteria for my preferred choice as vice president: he is an incumbent, he has proven experience in various government positions and finally he is recognized nationally and internationally for his expertise in economics.”

“Can we announce this criteria to the public, Mr. President?” asked Harsudiono.

“Go right ahead”, replied the President.

---
At the same time that the President was receiving his guests, Tutut Soeharto was seen paying a visit to the Chairman of the Group Delegates Nurcholish Madjid at Hotel Borobudur. The two met for an hour and then invited the cameras in for a joint press conference though the attention was overwhelmingly on Tutut.

Tutut said that she came to talk to an admired statesman and says that the Group Delegates’ planned stance of abstention in the Presidential Election as part of the process of Pancasila Democracy agreeing that some must remain impartial given that there are organizations and groups that must work together with the government and the president regardless of who the MPR elects.

“Is this meeting about making sure the Group Delegates stayed above the fray now that a part of the Regional Delegates has committed to voting for President Try?” asked a foreign journalist.

“Well, it’s about acknowledging what the Group Delegates has committed itself to”, Tutut replied sharply in an annoyed tone before allowing Nurcholish to speak.

“The Group Delegates consists of the representatives of business organizations, mass organizations, religious organizations, social organizations, of various walks of life. As agreed a few days ago, there’s an overwhelming majority in the Group Delegates that want to continue to remain nonpartisan and not take part in the presidential vote”, said Nurcholish “At the end of the day, however, I cannot stop the members of the Group Delegates from staying above the fray, from getting into the fray, voting for President Try or Mbak Tutut or Mbak Mega. At the end of the day we’re not a party with a fixed party line, each Group Delegate must decide for themselves what’s best for the group they are representing.”

---
At the MPR Building, Harsudiono Hartas, Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, and Siswono Yudohusodo look happy with themselves having submitted the President’s nomination papers to the MPR. Harsudiono was asked whether the President has all the votes yet to be re-elected.

“We’re not taking anything for granted when it comes to getting the President re-elected”, replied Harsudiono.

----
At the Sari Pan Pacific Hotel where the ABRI Delegation was staying, the Chairman of ABRI Delegation Djamari Chaniago was asked by the press why ABRI did not join the PKPI-PPP-Regional Delegates Joint Delegation to officially request the President to accept their nomination. Djamari said that ABRI’s coalition with the PKPI and the PPP is only in the sense that the President is the constitutional Supreme Commander of ABRI and that thus, ABRI will be constitutionally obliged to support the President at the presidential elections.
---

Lunch brought the spotlight to the Vice Presidential Palace. Emerging outside of the said palace with Vice President JB Sumarlin between them were the Regional Delegates’ BJ Habibie (South Sulawesi) and Minister of Trade Anthony Salim; the latter’s ministerial status and his non-membership of the PKPI giving him a seat among the Group Delegates.

There were a lot of questions directed at Sumarlin about whether or not the vice presidential criteria outlined by the President referred to him. Sumarlin only repeated his favorite line that “my fate is tied to that of President Try’s”. Habibie and Anthony, on the other hand, were enthusiastically giving their endorsements to Sumarlin and pledging to get others in the Regional Delegates and Group Delegates to give their vote for the President and for Sumarlin.

The press had a field day with the photo-op, calling it the Berkeley Mafia making peace with Habibienomics and the Indonesian-Chinese business community.

---
It was late afternoon when Chairman of the MPR Matori Abdul Djalil emerged from the MPR Building accompanied by Vice Chairmen of the MPR Hartono, Basofi Sudirman, Nyoman Suwisma, Alex Litaay, Mario Carrascalao, and Edwin Soeryadjaya. Matori only said mischieveously that they were going on a field trip before disappearing into his car.

With police outriders opening the way in front of them, the cars bearing the chairman and the vice chairmen of the MPR made their way from the MPR Building at Senayan to the leafy Menteng with its mansions and pulled up at Cendana Street. There, they shook hands with Tutut and went into the house togther.

In the living room there was a table with chairs set up on one side and a chair set up on the other. Tutut sat on the single chair while Matori and the vice chairmen sat on the other. There was a microphone on the table and a script, cameras covered their every move.

Matori then began a short and simple ceremony, announcing to all that this was a verification ceremony. In quick succession, Matori confirmed whether Tutut accepted the PKPB’s nomination, whether in the event of election she would adhere to the PKPB’s Draft GBHN which would then be adopted by the GBHN, and according to what faith will she read her oath of office in the event of election.

Tutut looked stoic as she gave the necessary responses though there was a glint in her eye that suggested she “had been waiting for this moment for a long time”.

There was a photo-op, handshakes and then Matori and the vice chairmen were on their way. With police outriders once again opening the way in front of them, they arrived at the Presidential Palace where they were welcomed by the President.

In the more spacious interior of the Presidential Palace, the President sat on one side of the table with Matori and the vice chairmen in the other. Matori repeated the same questions as he did to Tutut. The President looked calm but determined as he gave his responses saying among others that he would like to be sworn in according to the Islamic faith if he was re-elected. People agreed that the President looked ready to defend all that he had done over the last 5 years.

---
While Matori did these things, the battle to gain votes raged on.

The PKPI and the Regional Delegates’ Group of 7 heeded the President’s advice to lobby the support of the Regional Delegates. The entirety of the East Java, Bali, East Nusa Tenggara, and North Sulawesi Regional Delegations declared themselves for the President.

But the PKPB was bent on making it a fight. Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani was leveraging his South Kalimantan origin to bring over not only the Regional Delegates from South Kalimantan but from the other Kalimantan provinces over to Tutut’s camp.

There were pats on the back for Akbar Tandjung when he returned to Tutut’s camp and announced that Hamzah Haz was going to vote for Tutut and bring his supporters along with him. At the same time, Akbar found himself ignored on how to best get the Regional Delegates’ votes for Tutut. The Chairwoman herself, to not say anything of those around her, had resisted Akbar’s idea that Tutut committed herself to not reversing the President’s policies on the regional governments.

“What they’re worried about is that when you’re elected, their cut of natural resources revenues will decrease and they’ll get less autonomy. If you would only just make an assurance that this will not happen, this will neutralize the issue and slow the momentum of the Regional Delegates’ switch to the President”, pleaded Akbar.

To Akbar’s disgust, the PKPB chose to make an appeal on the basis of religion when the President’s criteria for vice president was seen to be pointing to Sumarlin. On this basis, the PKPB began to collect Regional Delegates votes from the more “devout” provinces.

Meanwhile, at the Group Delegates’ Hotel, there was a frenzy of activity. The late afternoon saw Abdurrahman Wahid (representing the Nahdlatul Ulama), Sofyan Wanandi (representing the Indonesian Businessmen’s Association), Saiful Sulun (representing retired military officers), Merdias Almatsier (representing the Indonesian Doctors Association), and Nasrudin Sumintapura (representing the Indonesian Economic Scholars Association) declare themselves for the re-election of both the President and the Vice President.

“Whether you want to look at things from a partisan or non-partisan perspective, the Government has had a successful 5 years *nose twitch*”, explained Wahid in his press conference “So I don’t see any reason why they shouldn’t get another 5 years *nose twitch*”.

---

“Mr. Chairman, you’ve verified the candidacies of President Try and Mbak Tutut, what about the candidacy of Megawati Soekarnoputri?” asked one of the reporters to Matori at the press conference in the MPR Building when the latter returned there.

“Well for me to verify a candidacy, there has to be a candidacy in the first place and the candidacy of Mbak Mega is a matter for the PNI”, explained Matori “The only thing I can do is give assurances that until the MPR begins to presidential vote, the PNI can still submit Mbak Mega’s candidacy when they’re ready or when she’s ready, at which point I can verify it.”

Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri watched the press conference in her room. She looked at the folder containing all of the administrative documents required for her candidacy as president to be made official and breathed deeply.

---
Matori’s activities ended at the Mandarin Oriental where the PPP’s MPR Delegates were staying where, in his capacity as Chairman of the PPP, he chaired a meeting of the PPP’s MPR Delegates after Isha Prayer. Already missing at the beginning of the meeting was a portion of the PPP’s delegates who had a Muhammadiyah background.

The meeting had not gone on for 15 minutes when Hamzah Haz, followed by his supporters emerged from the meeting room where they were immediately without him. Hamzah only said that he had just handed in his resignation as Day-to-Day Chairman of the PPP saying that the only reason this position had been given to him was “tie his hands” and that as a result, he had not been free to pursue what he considers to be more important matters. When asked who he will vote for in the presidential elections, Hamzah only said that it was private matter.

Nearly another hour passed and this time Zarkasih Nur came out to face the press. Zarkasih first announced that he had been appointed the new Day-to-Day Chairman of the PPP both to replace Hamzah and to act on behalf of Matori as the latter will continue to be busy with his role as Chairman of the MPR. Zarkasih then read a second announcement urging all the PPP’s MPR delegates to honor the PPP’s pledge in the PKPI-PPP Coalition Agreement to ensure the President’s “continuing status as the leader of our nation”. The matter of the vice presidency, concluded Zarkasih, is a matter which the PPP has no concern or interest in and that the PPP will support “whoever” the President names as his preferred vice presidential candidate.

Trying to avoid the press and looking exhausted even as he continued to hide it with a smile, Matori told everyone to get some sleep. It will be an early start tomorrow at 7 AM so that the voting and vote-counting could be done by Friday Prayer.

“Do you suppose we will know who will be president by Friday Prayer tomorrow?” asked a journalist.

“Wallahu’alam”, replied Matori.

---
There was a large convenience store that bordered on becoming a supermarket at the Bunderan HI MRT Station. It was here that Sarwono Kusumaatmadja went the night before the MPR assembled to conduct the presidential election. He stood browsing the shelf as another person wearing a jacket and a cap arrived browsing the opposite shelf. The two stood facing different directions.

“Can’t miss your nose even with all the disguise”, Sarwono said “What I’m curious about is why you’ve contacted me and ask me to come here at this hour of night?”

“Because I like to think we were close enough that you’d still want to talk”, came the reply “And also because you’re high-ranking enough in your camp that you can deliver my message directly to President Try.”

“What message do you want me to bring to the President?” asked Sarwono.

“Hamzah Haz’ price for joining our side was the chairmanship of the BPK”, the person replied “All the talk about how he doesn’t want Sumarlin to be vice president again is just for show. Actually, he just wants a position that will give him the same stature as Matori. And given his extensive experience examining draft budgets as a DPR member, he felt that the chairmanship of the BPK would be suitable for him because he would be in charge of auditing government expenditure.”

“So?” asked Sarwono “What do you want the President to do with this information?”

“Match the offer before he publicly declares himself for the Chairwoman tomorrow morning and before the Chairwoman publicly acknowledges that the chairmanship of the BPK will be Hamzah’s if she wins”, the person again replied “You’ll find that he won’t be as anti-Sumarlin as his religious rhetoric makes him out to be. If he doesn’t switch back to you, at the very least, he will delay his public declaration of support and annoy the Chairwoman.”

Sarwono thought about it for a moment.

“One problem: we’re on different sides now”, replied Sarwono “How do I know that what you’re saying can be trusted?”

The person chuckled.

“If you don’t trust me now, that’s okay”, he said “But I think I will be deserving the benefit of the doubt when things play out exactly as I have told you if the President doesn’t match the Chairwoman’s offer for Hamzah Haz.”

Normally one to make wiseass quips, Sarwono was silent.

“Why are you doing this?” asked Sarwono.

The air conditioner in the convenience store wasn’t working properly and the person Sarwono was talking to was beginning to sweat profusely in his jacket and cap. Sarwono watched as the person took off his cap and begin to use it as a makeshift fan.

“Because quite frankly, I think I’ve chosen the wrong side”, replied Akbar Tandjung.

---
If any on the Indonesians on here have ever managed to catch the Soeharto-era MPR Session, the “ritual” of the nominating political parties asking if they can nominate and having the candidate accept and then having the candidate’s candidacy being verified by the Chairman of the MPR is straight out of that though with slide adjustments. For one thing, during Soeharto’s regime, this stuff only only happens to Soeharto because he was the only presidential candidate.

I hope the concept of Regional Delegates and Group Delegates are coming across well to the non-Indonesian reader (for the Indonesian readers, I hope you paid attention in PPKN hahahaha). I think the idea that the political parties and ABRI are represented in the MPR is something pretty straightforward to process but these two groupings are something different. It’s something that is explicitly mentioned in the old 1945 Constitution saying that the MPR consists of DPR members as well as delegates representing the regions and groups.

The Group Delegates are supposed to represent a Group or in Indonesia, a Golongan. Basically a Golongan is “a walk of life”. Businesses, unions, people in the arts, veterans, the press, youth groups, women’s association, religious groups, social organizations in Indonesia are grouped together is considered a “Group” and the Group Delegates are supposed to represent this grouping.

In OTL, when Sarwono was the Secretary of Golkar (1983-1988), Akbar was the Deputy Secretary.

All righty, the next chapter will have the Presidential Elections in it. Has Try gotten enough votes to be re-elected? Has Tutut gotten enough to be elected? How will Megawati do against her two rivals?

 

[GSD310]

7th March 2003:
Even before the MPR General Session got underway again, it was already providing its share of highlights. The PPP’s Hamzah Haz arrived and, surrounded by his supporters, officially declared that his vote and his supporters vote would not be in favor of President Try Sutrisno. Instead, he and supporters would be directing their votes to Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto. It was a good thing that Hamzah was surrounded by his supporters for he quickly found himself in a yelling match with Treasurer of the PPP Rozy Munir with the latter threatening to turn violent. When Hamzah and his followers took their seats with the PPP, they asked for some security guards to stand close by.

When Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri arrived, she only just smiled enigmatically when asked when will she be nominated by the PNI as candidate for president and have that candidacy verified by the MPR.

Meanwhile, Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto did not depart from Grand Hyatt with all of the other PKPB Delegates. She departed from Cendana Street. The TPI, the television channel which she owned, showed footage of her bowing her head and being hugged by various uncles and aunts, the siblings and relatives of Soeharto and Madam Tien Soeharto, as she made her way out of the house. She hugged her husband Indra Rukmana as well as her children before departing.

With the escort of a police outrider, she arrived not long thereafter at the MPR Building. She did not answer much questions, only saying enough to express approval that Hamzah Haz was going to direct his and his supporters’ vote her way.

At the Presidential Palace, the President watched proceedings accompanied by Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo and OCDS Sugeng Subroto.

It was 8 AM precisely when Chairman of the MPR Matori Abdul Djalil accompanied by Vice Chairmen of the MPR Hartono, Basofi Sudirman, Nyoman Suwisma, Alex Litaay, Mario Carrascalao, and Edwin Soeryadjaya entered the MPR Building and all the doors are closed. The National Anthem was played with all 1000 MPR Delegates sitting down once the music has finished.

Dutifully, Matori banged the gavel to declare the session open and made a short speech to introduce the agenda that morning: the Presidential Elections.

“Thus far, the MPR has received and verified two presidential candidacies”, Matori announced “The first is Mrs. Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana who was nominated by the PKPB…”

Tutut smiled, nodded her head and waved when the PKPB delegates around her cheered.

“The second candidate is Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno, who has been nominated by the PKPI, the PPP, and elements of the Regional Delegates”, Matori continued as the PKPI delegates cheered.

There was silence as Matori paused.

“The question I am now putting forward to the MPR is: are there any further candidates for the office of the President of the Republic of Indonesia?” asked Matori “As I promised yesterday, should there be any other candidates, their candidacies can be submitted now, I will verify it and they will be able to participate and contest the presidency.”

All eyes in the building now turned to the Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri. Megawati seemed oblivious to the attention on her and was chatting with Chairman of the PNI’s MPR Delegation Sutjipto, who was struggling ignore the MPR turning its eyes on Megawati.

“Candidacies…are there further candidates for the office of President of the Republic of Indonesia?” asked Matori.

Matori and the other Vice Chairmen of the MPR looked at Alex Litaay who represented the PNI and sat among them. Litaay looked like a man who had his mind resolutely on doing something though he did not seem to be enjoying doing it.

“You’re not serious are you?” asked Basofi with disbelief “What’s this game you’re playing?”

“What do you think your chairwoman is doing?” asked Hartono impatiently “You survived your headquarters being taken from you by force, you survived being locked out of the political system. All that so she can avoid the fight when it actually happens.”

Matori saw Litaay continuing to ignore the question and then took a deep breath.

“One final time, are there any further candidates for the office of President of the Republic of Indonesia?” asked Matori lifting up his gavel.

Megawati continued to chat with Sutjipto…

There was a loud bang of the gavel and all of the MPR Delegates as well as the members of the press gathered there shook with surprise, their attention having been so focused on Megawati.

“I declare nominations closed and there will be no further candidates”, announced Matori.

From the PKPI’s section, Edi Sudrajat looked at Megawati and the PNI’s section.

“What is she trying to do?” asked Edi.

“We’ll think about that later, right now we’ve got to get Try re-elected”, replied Chairman of the PKPI MPR Delegation Harsudiono Hartas who was sitting next to him.

“We therefore have two candidates for the office of President of the Republic of Indonesia: Mrs. Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana and Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno”, announced Matori “A secret ballot will thus be required…I instruct the KPU to begin conducting the balloting and vote-counting process.”

Thus it was that one by one, each of the MPR’s 1000 delegates was called up so that they could cast their vote. At the corner of the MPR’s Plenary Hall a booth was set up for each respective MPR Delegate to cast their votes and a ballot box was set up for the respective MPR Delegate to cast their ballot before returning to their seat.

The atmosphere in the MPR Building among the MPR Delegates as this process got underway was, according to one observer, schizophrenic. The initial universal reaction when Matori had officially declared all candidacies close was one of shock that Megawati had decided to sit the contest out.

But shock had quickly changed to anticipation when there was a realization that Try and Tutut would now contest the presidency. After 5 years and a few months which had seen Try unexpectedly hold on the presidency, which had seen Tutut become Chairwoman of Golkar and be a thorn in Try’s side, and which had seen their maneuverings leading to Golkar breaking into two before dissolving, Soeharto’s Constitutional and Biological Successors were finally going to settle their score.

The only time this sense of anticipation was broken was when it came the turn for the PNI delegates to be called up to vote. The room became silent when it was Megawati’s turn to vote. But certainly she was out of the picture now…

For the PKPI and the PKPB delegates, anticipation quickly gave way to anxiety as they pondered the possibilities. Somewhere in the middle of the voting process, a wave of excitement swept through the PKPI Delegates. With Megawati out of the picture, their beloved leader and current president might just have more of an opportunity to be re-elected. While the PKPI became excited, the PKPB became anxious. They worried that Megawati not participating in the presidential elections would be to their opponent’s advantage and that Megawati had struck a deal with the President. Ultimately, there was one way to find out.

When all the MPR Delegates had voted, Matori instructed Chairman of the KPU HBL Mantiri to bring the ballot box to a table placed front and center where all of the MPR Delegates could see them. A whiteboard was set up close to it for the KPU to record the votes.

At Matori’s invitation, scrutineers from each of the delegations walked up to take their positions so they could act as witnesses to the vote. Sri Edi Swasono represented the Group Delegates while Liliek Hendrajaya (West Java) stepped forward for the Regional Delegates. ABRI sent Tri Tamtomo, Mahfud MD represented the PPP, and Marsillam Simanjuntak represented the PNI. Finally the PKPB sent Feisal Tanjung while, not to be outdone, the PKPI sent Wismoyo Arismunandar.

“You may start counting the votes”, Matori instructed the KPU officials.

The ballot box was opened and one by one the ballots were lifted out and the name written on it read out. The PKPI would cheer when the President’s name was called out while the PKPB would cheer when it was Tutut’s name.

But there was a third “name” being called out then votes being counted. The “abstains” were piling up, not enough to overtake the votes of the real presidential contenders, but enough for scattered frustrated groans to begins to be heard when another “abstain” vote was called out.

As the MPR moved deeper into the count, it was the PKPI that grew breathless. The President’s votes were in the lead, with Tutut’s giving chase and the “abstains” slowly piling up. A series of votes for the President got the PKPI to begin cheering hopefully each time his name was mentioned, but then…

“There are no more votes to be counted”, the counter declared.

---
The President remained quiet at the scene unfolding on his television, he only stood up from the sofa where he and his two friends had sat. He ruffled through some piles of paper on his desk. Remembering something he had read a few days prior.

he continued reading but stopped just as he got to the part about how if none of the two presidential candidates has a majority of votes in the MPR after three rounds, new candidates for the presidency would have to be nominated…

---
There was silence in the MPR room as the official counters began to tally the votes and plenty other unofficial counters both among the MPR Delegates and the press were doing the same.

“What happens now, Mas Yusril?” asked Tutut, turning to the legal expert in his entourage.

At the PKPB section, PKPB MPR Delegate Yusril Ihza Mahendra was bent over his copy of the Second MPR Resolution of 2003 Regarding the Second Amendment to the Second MPR Resolution of 1973 Regarding the Processes for Nominating and Electing the President and Vice President which was passed a few days prior. He wiped a nervous sweat.

“If the President does not get a majority of the votes, then both you and him will contest the presidency in a second round of voting”, Yusril explained.

“Then we’d best better get ready for that round of voting then”, said Tutut looking determined.

Chairman of the PKPB’s MPR Delegation Prabowo Subianto however, did not look satisfied. Yusril looked nervous…too nervous.

“What if no one gets a majority in this second round of voting?” Prabowo prodded.

“Then we go into a third round of voting, should that be proven to be necessary”, Yusril answered.

“And then what happens if no one still gets a majority?” Prabowo asked again.

---
At the PKPI’s section, there was a small huddle too. Marzuki Darusman and Oka Mahendra, who were the legal experts was explaining to Harsudiono Hartas, Edi Sudrajat, and Co-Secretaries of the PKPI Delegation Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and Siswono Yudohusodo.

“What do you mean we have to find another presidential candidate?” asked Edi “The whole idea of us being here is so that we can nominate him.”

“That’s what it says here, Mr. State Secretary”, explained Marzuki “If after three rounds of voting, there’s still no presidential candidate with a majority of MPR votes, there has to new presidential candidates and there will be another vote held.”

“So we have three shots to get President Try re-elected?” asked Siswono.

Harsudiono tapped Siswono’s arm and pointed in the direction of the Chairman of the MPR.

---
“Honorable Delegates, Honorable Delegates, may I have your attention, please?” Matori said to the microphone “The votes has been counted, it has been reviewed by the scrutineers and now I am ready to announce it to you.”

There was silence in the room.

“With 438 votes, Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno”, read out Matori “With 374 votes, Mrs. Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana.”

There were murmurings around the MPR Building and Matori waited for these to die down.

“There are 188 abstentions”, announced Matori to scattered groans from the MPR delegates.

Matori looked around at the MPR building and waited for the noise to calm down.

“As there is no majority, another round of voting to elect the President of the Republic of Indonesia will be required”, Matori announced “I have determined that this second round of voting will be held tomorrow morning, 8th March 2003. Until such time, the MPR will be in recess. As there is no further business, I declare the MPR to be in recess until tomorrow…”

---
“Make that two, we have two more shots at getting the President re-elected”, Sarwono said “We just used up one shot just now.”

Edi massaged his head as he tried to figure out what was happening.

“My question is this: how come we didn’t see this coming?” Edi said “Nobody read the fine print? Where did we go wrong?”

“Everyone was way too focused on the articles saying that a presidential candidate has to win a majority to be considered elected”, explained Marzuki “We thought that was the big fuss the PNI was kicking. But that wasn’t the case, it turned out to be something else. But maybe there’s something deliberate in the way the PNI is doing these things.”

“So, you’re saying the PNI played a trick on us?” asked Edi.

“Well to be frank, they just played another trick on everybody here today by the Chairwoman of the PNI not nominating for the presidency”, Marzuki replied.

---
“What do you mean Mbak Mega not nominating is a trick?” asked Tutut.

“Three rounds of voting…if there’s still no candidates with a majority, new candidates will have to be nominated”, Yusril replied.

“Yes, I understand that”, Tutut replied.

“However, the Chairwoman of the PNI was never part of this vote”, Yusril continued “If the President, Megawati, and yourself go through three rounds of voting without there being a majority, then not only do the PKPB and the PKPI have to find a new presidential candidate to nominate, but the PNI does as well.”

“My question is, is it only the PKPB and the PKPI that has to find a new presidential candidate if there’s still no winner after three rounds of voting?” piped in Akbar Tandjung.

“No, the MPR Resolution doesn’t specify which MPR delegations have to find a new presidential candidate”, replied Yusril “It means if there’s no presidential candidate that gets a majority, nominations will be reopened again so that presidential candidates can be nominated and that includes for the PNI.”

“Unbelievable”, said Prabowo shaking his head after spending some seconds thinking through the possibilities.

“Yes”, continued Yusril “And because the Chairwoman of the PNI had not participated in the presidential elections as yet, she will qualify as a new candidate and will still be able to run.”

---

Megawati basked in her husband Taufiq Kiemas’ hug and handshakes from stalwarts like Sutjipto, Laksamana Sukardi, Kwik Kian Gie, and Jacob Nuwa Wea. They have stuck with her from the PDI days and if all turns out well in the next few days…the next few hours…

Megawati looked at Tutut being surrounded by her inner circle. Tutut seemed to feel Megawati’s eyes on her and shot a glance in the latter’s direction. Megawati smiled and stood up as she began to leave the MPR building.

Have you figured it out yet, Tutut? Make no mistake, I will take my shot at becoming the President of the Republic of Indonesia. But when I do take my it… both you and the President would have taken each other out of the equation.

---
Well, that’s Megawati’s game for you…

Please refer to Chapter 228 for Try actually reading the scenario that Megawati was going for but being too confused by all the legal language.

The whole concept of three rounds of voting and then new candidates would be required to be nominated for the MPR to vote on is based on articles 16-19 of this MPR Resolution https://www.hukumonline.com/pusatda...3c/ketetapan-mpr-nomor-vi-mpr-1999-tahun-1999

I think Megawati’s “story arc”, if you want to call it that, is such that after the 27th July Incident, it’s hard to avoid a situation where she doesn’t have her eyes set on the presidency. For this TL’s purposes, I’ve been aiming for Try vs. Tutut for the longest time ever but things look out of place if Megawati’s not in there somehow participating or taking either Try or Tutut’s side. It’s like whatever happens, Megawati is bound to have her shot at the presidency.

 

[GSD310]

7th March 2003:
Without a decision as to who will be president for the next 5 years, Indonesia took a break from politics for Friday Prayer. But when Friday Prayer was finished, politics was back on the agenda.

Television networks were filled with analysis about what happened that day, most notably Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri’s decision not take part in the presidential elections at least for the moment. The PNI MPR Delegates the networks managed to interview proved coy about whether or not Megawati’s intention was for President Try Sutrisno and Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto to take each other out before entering the race. Instead of a definite response, the PNI delegates would ask why the same scrutiny was not being directed at most of the Group Delegates which had clearly abstained and not taken sides.

More frustratingly, at least for the President’s supporters, was the PPP’s Hamzah Haz appearing on television calling on the PPP delegates to “Not let their votes be taken for granted”.

---
At the Presidential Palace, President Try Sutrisno held a lunch meeting attended by the Chairman of the PKPI’s MPR Delegation Harsudiono Hartas, Co-Secretaries of the PKPI’s MPR Delegation Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and Siswono Yudohusodo, Chairman of the PPP’s MPR Delegation Zarkasih Nur, Secretary of the PPP’s MPR Delegation Yusuf Rizal Tjokroaminoto as well as the Regional Delegates’ Dahlan Iskan and Irman Gusman. Edi Sudrajat also sat in on the meeting.

Harsudiono said that 438 votes was the amount of votes he expected to get if the PKPI, ABRI, and all of the PPP voted for the President and how, even with Hamzah Haz and his supporters voting for Tutut, he expected more votes because a portion of the Regional Delegates were on board. That provoked an argument between the PPP and Regional Delegates in the room. Irman Gusman implied that the PPP lost a lot more votes than expected to which Zarkasih replied that maybe it’s the Regional Delegates that did not deliver as many votes as they promised.

Trying to calm things down, the President said that what’s more important now is to look for the necessary votes rather than fight over lost ones. He asked Dahlan if there are still any more votes that could be collected from among the Regional Delegates.

“We’ll try but would like to tell you we already have 65 names committed to voting for you, Mr. President, including in this morning’s vote” replied Dahlan “Considering the other two groups after votes in the Regional Delegates as well, there’s probably not a lot more votes we can dig around in.”

Edi guessed that these two groups going after votes in the Regional Delegates were Tutut’s and Megawati’s. Irman said the second group is not Megawati’s but is going after Regional Delegates with business background. Siswono confirmed this, saying that Regional Delegate Fadel Muhammad (Central Sulawesi) is the one actively trying to look for votes.

“On whose behalf?” asked the President.

“Well, Fadel is a Ginandjar Boy”, replied Siswono “What Pak Irman is saying confirms that Ginandjar is gathering votes, though for what purpose I don’t know yet.”

The other information Irman conveyed to the meeting was that Amien Rais’ instructions to Muhammadiyah members spread throughout the MPR is to abstain however many rounds of voting will occur. Zarkasih confirmed this is the case and that in addition to the “Hamzah votes”, there were PPP delegates voting along Amien’s lines though not all. The President nodded in understanding and asked Zarkasih to make sure that whatever PPP votes are left will remain secure for the next round/s of voting.

The meeting ended not long after that, with the President, Harsudiono, and Edi retreating again inside the President’s office to continue their own meeting.

“Is Amien Rais in league with Megawati?” asked the President.

“We don’t know that, Mr. President”, Harsudiono replied “At the very least he doesn’t want you to win.”

“I wouldn’t worry if I were you, Mr. President”, said Edi “The time has come for the likes of Amien and Ginandjar to show their true colours…it’s all just a matter of time.”

Meanwhile, the others used the walk outside of the Presidential Palace to have their own discussion. Dahlan told Zarkasih that he did not believe the PPP lost that many votes when Hamzah switched over to Tutut, Zarkasih meanwhile said that he believed the Regional Delegates have more than delivered on the votes they promised.

“Unless some internal breakdown has occurred, the PKPI is unanimously behind President Try”, said Dahlan “That leaves one more grouping where our coalition is leaking votes…”

“I agree with you but we can’t say anything openly to President Try unless we have evidence”, countered Sarwono “If we don’t have evidence, the fastest way to get smacked in the back of the head and called smartass civilians.”

---
Commander of ABRI Wiranto, Deputy Commander of ABRI Chappy Hakim, Army Chief of Staff TB Hasanuddin, Navy Chief of Staff Djoko Sumaryono, Air Force Chief of Staff Ali Munsiri Rappe, and Chief of Police Ansyaad Mbai were seen visiting ABRI troops who have been keeping Jakarta secure as the MPR General Session goes on.

“Security is conducive and must remain so whatever the result of the MPR General Session and whoever is elected president”, said Wiranto the press gathered around him.

Wiranto and his entourage was then seen at the Gatot Subroto Army Hospital to visit Chief of ABRI Intelligence Agency Amirul Isnaeni who had just checked in because he was ill.

---
There was a lot of buzz at the Borobodur Hotel where the Group Delegates were staying. A car arrived in front of the lobby and emerging out of it was none other than Tutut Soeharto. She was accompanied by Chairman of the PKPB’s MPR Delegation Prabowo Subianto and Akbar Tandjung. She only said cheerfully that she was having afternoon tea at the hotel’s Bogor Café.

The three PKPB members were not having tea by themselves. They were joined by Adiwarsita Adinegoro (Association of Indonesian Forest Businesses), Gunadharma Hartarto (The Indonesian Youths’ National Congress), and Rosano Barack (Indonesian Publicly Listed Companies Association), all three of which are MPR Delegates. Together the group of six had tea with cameras recording them from afar.

But their afternoon tea became even more crowded when they were joined by another group of MPR delegates. These were Ginandjar Kartasasmita (Minister of Foreign Affairs), Kuntoro Mangunsubroto (Minister of Civil Service Reform), Aburizal Bakrie (The Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry), Oesman Sapta Oedang (Regional Delegates West Kalimantan), Fadel Muhammad (Regional Delegates Central Sulawesi), and Aksa Mahmud (Regional Delegates South Sulawesi).

The large group met for a good hour before paying their bills and facing the cameras and the press gathered there.

Tutut once again drew most the attention. This time the question was about whether Tutut now want the Group Delegates to vote for her after wishing that they sit out of the presidential vote the previous day. Tutut ignored the question saying that the discussion over tea was about the fate of the nation and the way the economy has been mismanaged.

“The worst thing any president can do is be arbitrary and make the business environment less than conducive by carrying out economic policy with political motives”, said Tutut “If you have an economic policy which involves targeting those in the business community, investors are less likely invest in this country because they might be forced into things they don’t want to do.”

Equal attention however was given to Ginandjar. Ginandjar said that he and “like-minded” colleagues were made aware that Tutut was there and they wanted to come in and discuss national matters. Ginandjar said that he’s “only now” just catching up with domestic politics after nearly 4 years of being minister of foreign affairs. The key question for Ginandjar was how he saw things playing out for him at the MPR General Session.

“What ever will be, will be” Ginandjar replied with a wry smile.

“Pak Ginandjar, we still haven’t decided who we will support for the vice presidency yet in the PKPB”, Prabowo wrily remarked to laughter all around.

Both Tutut and Ginandjar would only say that they had been exchanging opinions and finding common ground when asked if they would enter into a coalition.

Speaking about the next round of voting, Ginandjar said that as ministers, he and Kuntoro will be voting for the President just as they did in the previous round. At the same time, he is saying that those who were with him can vote for whoever they want and in fact have a voted a “different way” from him.

Ginandjar only smiled when asked if it meant that while he and Kuntoro had been voting for the President, the others had been voting for Tutut.

“It’s up for MPR Delegates to use their conscience and cast their vote for who they think will make the best president”, said Ginandjar.

---
While the PKPB looked for votes in the open and hinted that it will be propping up certain ways of doing business, the PKPI looked for votes behind closed doors promoting the President’s achievements and when necessary, offering inducements in the form of political office. The PKPI found votes though they trickled rather than flooded in.

A group of 3 MPR delegates declared themselves for the President in a small press conference: Garibaldi Thohir (Indonesian Young Businessmen Association), Yan Mogi (Real Estate Indonesia), and Jakob Oetama (Indonesian Hotels and Restaurant Association). Acting as the spokesperson of the group, Garibaldi and Yan Mogi said that the current government has put Indonesia in a favorable situation and that this situation needs to be built upon rather than be left at the mercy of others who only have their vested interests in mind. Meanwhile, Jakob Oetama said that doing business in Indonesia has begun to get easier for all rather than just for some.

Meutia Hatta managed to convince her husband, Sri Edi Swasono, sitting in the Group Delegates representing the Indonesian Cooperatives Council and cooperatives more broadly, to vote for the President. But there was a price to be paid. Sri Edi said that the government had done nowhere near enough for cooperatives and especially with a “Vice President whose economic orientation is anti-cooperative”. He now requests that the ministry in charge of cooperatives be upgraded from a junior ministry to at least a state ministry. The President gave his approval when Meutia brought the matter up.

---
Dinner at the President Hotel where the PNI’s MPR Delegates were staying was a private affair. Behind closed doors, Megawati Soekarnoputri used her dinnertime speech to encourage the PNI to “stay the course”. Noticing some of the glum faces in the crowd, Megawati had them in mind as she said that there can be no victory without sacrifice, jer basuki mawa beya.

---
The PPP’s MPR Delegates gathered at a small ballroom, now sans Hamzah Haz and his supporters who had checked out out of concern for their own safety and the group of PPP delegates from Muhammadiyah who took their orders from Amien Rais, who had not attended. Out of the MPR’s 110 delegates, 68 were present.

Addressing them, Chairman of the PPP Matori Abdul Djalil thanked them for their loyalty and continuing faith in the PPP over the last few years. Matori told them to hold on and said that he sees more PPP members in that room becoming ministers if they hold on and continue to support the President.

---
It was evening when the President met with Sarwono after dinner. The latter came to report about the votes that were coming the President’s way. The President told Sarwono how he accepted Sri Edi Swasono’s request that the junior ministry of cooperatives be upgraded in status and joked that changing the structure of the cabinet for each vote he obtained is not a sustainable practice.

Sarwono saw his chance and said that rather than fighting for MPR votes one by one, perhaps it would be better to secure a bloc of votes. When the President asked how this was to be achieved, that was when Sarwono chose to tell his story about his meeting with Akbar the previous night.

“You would understand if, even though he has been correct, I still have to be wary of him”, the President said “It was he after all who brought all of his connections over to Tutut at the Golkar National Congress in 1998 and gave her victory.”

“He thinks that it was a mistake”, Sarwono said “He says that theirs is a side that don’t have any qualms using religion to achieve its aims and have shady people in them that want to mix religion with politics. And the way they stubbornly always want to stick to “what Soeharto would have done” when making decisions at the expense of doing the smart thing…”

The President laughed at this last part and thought things through.

“I need him to answer two questions for me”, the President “First, where in our coalition are we leaking votes from and second, what does he want from me in exchange for bringing some votes over?”

When the meeting ended, Sarwono tried to contact Akbar Tandjung on the latter’s mobile phone but the latter was unreachable.

---
Akbar Tandjung sent a text saying that he was in the middle of the meeting and turned off his mobile phone. He really was in the middle of a meeting. On one side of the table at Sari Ratu Restaurant at Plaza Indonesia were Vice Chairman of the MPR Hartono, Prabowo Subianto and Akbar himself. On the other side were Vice Chairman of the MPR Basofi Sudirman, Harsudiono, and Edi Sudrajat.

It was past the restaurant’s closing time but the six men came to eat so the restaurant could not complain. Prabowo spoke at length when the late dinner was finished. He said that given that both the PKPB and the PKPI know what the PNI was aiming for and given that the aim was for the President and Tutut to take each other out, he thinks that both the PKPB and the PKPI has the common interest of not wanting the PNI to “sneak in” and “snatch victory out of nowhere”. Harsudiono countered by asking if Prabowo was proposing a cooperation between the PKPB and the PKPI.

“Let’s not look at it as cooperation if that word is problematic after the last few years”, Prabowo replied “Let’s look at it as all six of us, here and now, having the chance to settle this MPR General Session if we’re able to come to an agreement. We have 230 seats, you have 215 seats, there’s 113 ABRI and even without the PPP and the other delegations, we already have enough vote have a president elected.”

Harsudiono nodded his head repeatedly in comprehension at what was being said.

“How will this work in practice?” asked Harsudiono “Your Chairwoman withdraws her candidacy, the President is declared elected because he’s the sole candidate and then what…your Chairwoman nominates for the vice presidency?”

Prabowo and Hartono looked at each other with an amused expression.

“Actually, we were thinking that it will be President Try who withdraws his candidacy, leaving the Chairwoman of the PKPB to be declared elected as the President of the Republic of Indonesia because she will be the sole presidential candidate”, Hartono said.

“You know, you look very smug saying that”, Edi said looking annoyed as Harsudiono calmed him down.

“We are saying that for a few reasons” Prabowo explained “First, we got more seats than you at the 2002 Elections, we think that in a situation like this it’s our presidential candidate that should take precedence over yours. Second, the PNI has, shall we say, an activist tint. All those demonstrating in campuses against my father-in-law’s rules in the last years of his presidency more often than not has joined the PNI.”

“Your father-in-law was a hardass”, Edi snapped “Can you blame those who hate him for for continuing to go after him in death?”

“Oh, make no mistake these people won’t distinguish between Soeharto and Try Sutrisno”, Prabowo cautioned “They’ll dig around to see what they can find about 1965 but they’ll also dig around to see what else they can find about Tanjung Priok 1984 or Santa Cruz, East Timor in 1991 or Aceh during the early 90s. Oh you want your President to portray himself as something different but make no mistakes, he has skeletons in his closet too. Some of those skeletons and some of those closets are the same as that of my father-in-law's.”

Edi massaged his forehead.

“And finally”, Prabowo said “To compensate for the President withdrawing, we are willing to offer the vice-presidency to the PKPI…we were thinking that you should nominate for that office, Pak Edi.”

The delegates representing the PKPI thought deeply at this.

“Your Chairwoman is aware of what you’re doing here?” asked Basofi “This isn’t some crazy initiative you decided to do on your own accord?”

“She is aware”, replied Prabowo “She believes this is a contingency that we need to start thinking about contingencies.”

Not long after that the meeting ended. As Basofi, Harsudiono, and Edi crossed the road from Plaza Indonesia and walked in Hotel Indonesia’s direction, they were crowded by members of the press. The three PKPI men did not want to confirm or disclose what they had just discussed.

---
I hope the concept of Regional Delegates and Group Delegates are coming across well to the non-Indonesian reader (for the Indonesian readers, I hope you paid attention in PPKN hahahaha). I think the idea that the political parties and ABRI are represented in the MPR is something pretty straightforward to process but these two groupings are something different. It’s something that is explicitly mentioned in the old 1945 Constitution saying that the MPR consists of DPR members as well as delegates representing the regions and groups.

The Group Delegates are supposed to represent a Group or, if you prefer in Indonesias, a Golongan. Basically a Golongan is “a walk of life”. Businesses, unions, people in the arts, veterans, the press, youth groups, women’s association, religious groups, social organizations in Indonesia are grouped together is considered a “Group” and the Group Delegates are supposed to represent this grouping.

The thing that's making the Try Camp annoyed here is that 438 votes is the amount of votes that they would get from the PKPI, PPP, and ABRI assuming all three follows the line. But with some of the PPP voting for Tutut and the a big bunch of Regional Delegates jumping on board, they think something's not right if they're still only getting 438 votes.

In OTL, Ginandjar is seen as an advocate of indigenous Indonesian businessmen (ie. not Indonesian-Chinese). The term "Ginandjar's Boys" is used for businessmen who benefitted from Ginandjar's patronage.

We see here Try and Tutut advocating different ways of doing business as they try to get votes. Try is seen as trying to make sure the same rules apply for everyone and Tutut basically hinting that business will be conducted the same way as when her father was in charge.

But we see here Try and Tutut, both directly and/or represented by their guys, trying to get votes as well as even contemplating cooperation with each other to avoid a non-conclusive result even after 3 rounds of voting.

 

[GSD310]

8th March 2003:
In the morning, President Try Sutrisno accompanied by Vice President JB Sumarlin, Presidential Secretary Ismet Herdi and Vice Presidential Secretary Jusuf Anwar today visited Soekarno-Hatta International Airport. The President inspected the way the precautionary measures the government had initiated to prevent the unidentified virus originating in China from coming into Indonesia. He and his entourage were seen wearing facemasks as he asked immigration officials and airport medical officers (also wearing facemasks) how things have been going on the ground.

Speaking to the press the President expressed his approval at the way the precautionary measures were being implemented as he wanted.

The questions the President faced from the press however were about the MPR Session. After lightheartedly explaining that the MPR Session has drastically reduced the size of his entourage because ministers now had additional duties at the MPR Session, the President was asked about the meeting the previous night between representatives of the PKPI and the PKPB and what was discussed.

The President smiled patiently at this and said that the meeting between his representatives and that of Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto was held last night. When asked what the meeting was about, the President said he would leave it to the PKPB to speak about that but that he would like to say the following in relation to the meeting…

“I think the matters raised at last night’s meeting are matters worth discussing”, the President “That said, the timing is not correct. The best time to discuss such matters will be in the event that there is still no results after three rounds of voting by the MPR. In that event, let’s meet and continue the discussion begun last night.”

The press began to ask follow-up questions.

“I have to go, I don’t want to miss watching the MPR Session as you all may understand”, said the President.

---
On the PKPB bus, Tutut Soeharto scoffed as she watched the President’s impromptu press conference. Sitting next to her Chairman of the PKPB’s MPR Delegation Prabowo Subianto looked on thoughtfully.

“We made a proposal that would involve him stepping aside so you would become president”, Prabowo said “But he’s responded by saying that he would only speak with us again in the event that both you and him have taken each other out and you are no longer able to contest the presidency.”

“He really wants to fight to the end”, Tutut said “And if he’s not going to be President, so will I.”

---
The MPR Building were filled by the MPR Delegates though the delegates gathered later than the previous day, there being no target to have the voting and vote-counting finished before Friday Prayer. All eyes were on Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri when she arrived but she was too focused to answer questions directed at her.

Chairman of the PKPI’s MPR Delegation Harsudiono Hartas, on the other hand, was more friendly. He said that the President’s comments reflects his strength and determination to fight for Indonesia’s future and has added to the PKPI’s strength and determination to secure the President’s re-election.

Inside the MPR Building, Chairman of the MPR Matori Abdul Djalil moved efficiently. After declaring that the MPR was back in session with the bang of a gavel, he announced the agenda, he re-announced the two presidential candidates and then instructed for the vote to begin.

For the second time in two days, the MPR delegates were called up one by one to cast their votes. Things moved more efficiently this time around. The MPR Delegates knew where to go to collect their ballots, cast their votes, and then put their folded up votes in the ballot box. There was none of “where do I go now?” that marked the first round of voting. Only the Group Delegates’ Abdurrahman Wahid moved slowly, having to be helped by his daughter Yenny.

The atmosphere in the room was no longer intrigued but tense. The PKPI and the PKPB Delegates looked focused but were more than aware they had two shots left at getting their chosen candidate re-elected or elected as president.

The Regional Delegates’ Dahlan Iskan watched nervously. He had gotten 10 extra votes and thus boosting the Regional Delegates’ vote for the President to 75. He could see the PKPB nabbing the other 60 votes and getting the majority of those 60 from making “religious-based appeals”. But that would mean that all 135 of the Regional Delegates’ votes are now off the table. He looked in the direction of the Group Delegates as though hoping that more will want to get off the fence on the President’s side.

When the voting was finished, the ballot box was collected, Matori once again summoned the vote scrutineers and ordered for the count to proceed.

The situation was so tense that neither the PKPI and the PKPB Delegates cheered when their candidate’s name was mentioned. The cameras showed Harsudiono Hartas looking tense and Edi Sudrajat looking on to the tally that was being kept by Co-Secretaries Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and Siswono Yudohusodo. At the PKPB Delegates’ seats, Tutut kept herself cool with a fan while Prabowo and Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani kept the count.

Such was the pressure that the PKPI and the PKPB Delegates’ were feeling that the only audible reaction they gave was when an abstention was read out. At first it was a frustrated groan but as the abstentions began to pile up again, it grew to a “Booo!” and even “Come on PNI, you can’t destroy the MPR General Session like this” and “Is this how it’s going to be, Mega?” Megawati smiled to herself, the likes of Chairman of the PNI’s MPR Delegation Sutjipto and Laksamana Sukardi remained stoic but Marsillam Simanjuntak visibly winced at these reactions.

The only cheer the PKPB gave was when they crossed the 400-vote mark. But then after getting another vote…

“The count has been completed”, announced the counter.

As KPU officials and scrutineers observed the official count being tabulated based on the official tally, scattered cheers from “Merdeka! Merdeka!” were already being heard from the PNI delegation. Prabowo was seen scrunching up his piece of paper and throwing it to the ground while Harsudiono’s shoulders slumped. The official count was then given to Matori.

“Honorable MPR Delegates, the votes have been counted and the results are as follows” announced Matori “With 460 votes, Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno…with 401 votes, Mrs. Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana…I announce there are also 139 abstentions.”

There were murmurings in the MPR Building and Matori waited until there was silence.

“As no candidate has secured a majority of the votes, another round of voting to elect the President of the Republic of Indonesia will be required”, Matori announced “I have determined that this third round of voting will be held tomorrow, 9th March 2003. Tomorrow being Sunday and with some of the MPR Delegates having to observe their religious obligations, we will be meeting later in the day unlike these past two days.”

More murmurings, with most quickly realizing that there will be more time to lobby and gather votes.

“Until that time, I declare the MPR General Session to be in recess”, Matori continued before concluding by banging the gavel.

The MPR Delegates slowly filed out of the MPR building and followed the directions of ushers to a room in the DPR/MPR complex which had been converted into a buffet room where the MPR Delegates will have their lunch in.

---
At the Presidential Palace, the President had a quiet lunch with Sumarlin, the latter having accompanied him as he watched that round of voting on television.

“Should it be necessary for you to sacrifice me to get the votes you need, Mr. President…” Sumarlin began as he was about to depart.

“I hope it won’t come to that, Mr. Vice President”, said the President as he shook hands with Sumarlin.

As Sumarlin disappeared, Edi Sudrajat. The latter now switching his hat as an MPR Delegate for his hat as the State Secretary.

“We only have one shot left at getting you re-elected, Try”, Edi said.

“I know”, the President replied.

“Your post-lunchtime appointment was just behind me”, Edi said.

“Send him to my office as soon as he arrives”, the President said.

The President returned to his office and watched the television to whittle away the time. The news coverage now showed the PNI’s Taufiq Kiemas taking questions from the press. He looked overjoyed but only did not betray anything, saying that the next few days and even the next few hours will be an interesting one.

Presidential Aide-de-Camp Col. Budiman opened the door, he stood just ahead of a person waiting to be summoned in.

“Mr. President…the Minister of Foreign Affairs”, Budiman announced.

“Send him in”, the President instructed.

Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita walked in. The President shook hands with him and they sat down. Ginandjar brought the President developments from the People’s Republic of China. The National People’s Congress is in session in Beijing and the Chinese Communist Party’s nominees for the state offices has been announced. General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party Luo Gan will nominate for the office of the President of the People’s Republic of China and Chairman of the Central Military Affairs Commission while Wu Bangguo will nominate for the office of Premier.

“This is all well and good, Mr. Minister of Foreign Affairs”, the President said “But I know that you did not come to tell me that Luo Gan’s next move will be.”

Ginandjar smiled and chuckled.

“You’re here to talk about the vice presidency again” the President said.

Ginandjar took off his glasses and wiped it clean with his tie and then placed them back on his face. A chill went up the President’s spine, there was something about the way Ginandjar was looking at him that disturbed him.

“I’m afraid you’re mistaken, Mr. President”, Ginandjar said before continuing without a skipping a beat “If there is still no result at the end of the next round of voting, if there is still no new President of the Republic of Indonesia, you and the Chairwoman of the PKPB will be eliminated. Have you thought about who you and the PKPI will nominate at that time?”

The President looked at Ginandjar and smiled cynically. The man that had been in his partner in foreign policy was totally gone.

“So you’re after my office”, the President said “Once Tutut and I eliminate each other, Megawati will nominate for the presidency…you intend to be her opponent.”

“Well, not exactly, Mr. President”, Ginandjar corrected “I don’t intend to be her opponent, I intend to win.”

“You and what party? Your collection of Regional and Group Delegates supporters?” asked the President, surprised at the disdain coming of his own voice.

“Not exactly just those people but you as well, Mr. President, you and the PKPI will support me” Ginandjar said “After all, I have voted for you during these two rounds and I intend to vote for you again in the third round of voting even as you fail for the final time to get the necessary votes…it would not be a good look if you did not return the favor and not support me.”

The President took a deep breath to control himself.

“And what about your friends, the PKPB?” asked the President.

“They will vote for me too”, Ginandjar said “My supporters in the Regional and Group Delegates have been voting for Chairwoman Tutut in the past two rounds of voting and will do so again in the third round when she fails for the final time to get the necessary votes. I would merely ask that she return the favor that I had given her and support me.”

The President nodded his head as he comprehended the situation.

“The PKPB’s 230 votes and the PKPI’s 215 and then of course you will direct ABRI’s 113 to vote for me as well” Ginandjar said “That’s already enough votes even without the other delegations being involved.”

“You’re so confident that neither I nor Tutut will emerge victorious in the next round”, the President said.

“You two were never fighting over 1000 votes, Mr. President”, Ginandjar said “188 abstentions in the first round, 139 in the second round…and of that 139, we know the PNI’s 84 will never budge while both you and the Chairwoman of PKPB continue to be evenly matched. The number of votes that both of you can look for is drying up.”

The President looked around at his office and wondered to himself whether he should be spending his time getting through as many paperwork and making as many decisions as possible if it truly will be the end soon…

There was a knock on the door and Budiman came into the office. Apologizing for the interruption, Budiman handed a piece of paper for the President to read. The President read the handwritten note, all the while keeping a poker face.

“Passing on a message from our friend the Chief of BAKIN:

Harsudiono and Sarwono representing our side and Akbar Tandjung and Theo Sambuaga representing theirs currently meeting at a BAKIN safehouse.

Akbar says he can bring a minimum of 30 votes and upwards of 40 over with him. These are the votes that he guarantees is 100% his. His avoiding anything less than that out of fear of leaks.

Akbar says the “reward” he wants in the event of you being victorious is for the Government’s support for his candidacy as chairman of the PKPB whenever the PKPB chooses to hold its National Congress. It is his intention to mobilize support to be able to replace Tutut and become chairman of the PKPB.

Discussion still ongoing about the precise source of leaked votes which you have told Sarwono to ask Akbar about.

Edi”.

“Well, Mr. Minister of Foreign Affairs”, the President said as he put the piece of paper in his breastpocket and stands up to bring the meeting to a close “My stance to what you are saying is the same as what I have said to the Chairwoman of the PKPB this morning, any discussion of that nature can only be truly conducted after this third round of voting.”

Ginandjar stood up and studied the President’s expression as the latter extended his hand for a handshake.

“You are always reasonable, Mr. President”, Ginandjar said shaking the President’s hands “I’m sure we will talk again after the third round of voting.”

Ginandjar walked out. Not long thereafter Edi came in and the President told him what had transpired.

“There you go, Mr. President”, said Edi “We've now seen Ginandjar’s true colors.”

---
Keep tuning in folks…keep tuning in…

 

[GSD310]

8th March 2003:
President Try Sutrisno convened a meeting at the Presidential Palace. It was attended by the Chairman of the PKPI’s MPR Delegation Harsudiono Hartas, Co-Secretaries of the PKPI’s MPR Delegation Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and Siswono Yudohusodo, Chairman of the PPP’s MPR Delegation Zarkasih Nur and the Secretary of the PPP’s MPR Delegation Yusuf Rizal Tjokroaminoto. The Regional Delegates’ were represented by Dahlan Iskan and Irman Gusman. Edi Sudrajat also sat in on the meeting.

The meeting was a surprisingly succinct. The President only said that what’s important now is to try and get as many of the Group Delegates’ delegate members to get off the fence and vote for him. Dahlan said that the Regional Delegates already committed to the President will help this process along.

“Make sure that the Regional Delegates committed to me will commit for another round”, the President told Dahlan “Win or lose, it will be the last time.”

The meeting broke up and Zarkasih, Yusuf Rizal, Dahlan, and Irman were the first to leave the Presidential Palace thinking that the meeting was over. Instead, the President and those present retreated again into the depths of the Presidential Palace for what in actuality was the real and more crurcial meeting. The importance of the meeting was further highlighted by the presence of Chairman of the PKPI Basofi Sudirman and Chairman of the PPP Matori Abdul Djlalil, both chairmen putting aside their respective roles as Vice Chairman of the MPR and Chairman of the MPR for the moment. The two chairmen were accompanied by Secretary of the PKPI Joyokusumo and Secretary of the PPP Bachtiar Chamsyah.

Sarwono was the speaker, explaining about the meeting he’s just had with Akbar Tandjung and its contents. The President, in response said that the information that has just been conveyed by Sarwono must remain confidential for as long as possible. He said that he wanted the final push to get the Group Delegates’ votes disguise the fact that Akbar was intending to switch his vote as well as maybe get some actual votes.

Basofi and Matori asked on behalf of the PKPI and the PPP whether Akbar and his supporters would get seats in the cabinet. Both seemed relieved when Sarwono said that Akbar’s request was for support for a future candidacy as chairman of the PKPB. Basofi said that he was worried that there would be “less seats for everyone after their hard work” if Akbar and his supporters joined the cabinet, but the President said he understood the matter and told him not to worry.

There was silence as everyone processed the discussion.

“Do we have enough votes to secure your re-election, Mr. President?” asked Matori.

“Whether I do or don’t”, the President replied “I don’t think I will settle with just getting by, simply because if it turns out I don’t have enough it’s bye-bye Try…”

Sarwono then went on, saying that it was important that no more votes are leaked. This segued into the next part of his presentation.

“The info from Akbar is that we are leaking votes from ABRI”, Sarwono reported “And by that I mean, we have ABRI delegates casting their votes in favor of the Chairwoman of the PKPB.”

Edi’s eyes blazed with anger and for a second Sarwono thought he was going to get told off for being a “smartass civilian”. But then Edi looked at Harsudiono who had attended the meeting with Akbar and heard about this and he could only look at the floor.

“Akbar said that a few days ago he bumped into Lt. Gen. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as he walked into the PKPB’s offices to meet with Tutut and Prabowo”, Sarwono continued.

Edi opened his mouth to speak.

“Don’t try to explain it”, interrupted Harsudiono “I tried…I can’t think of any reason why he should be there.”

“Bambang…”, Edi muttered “But why?”

“Because I didn’t name him Army Chief of Staff twice”, the President replied with almost guilty expression on his face “Not everybody will just sit down and be content if I don’t name them to the position they want.”

“We’re of the opinion, Mr. President, that whatever votes we’re leaking from ABRI it can be regained”, Harsudiono said “They’re doing this because they think you’re not aware of it, if they could see that you’re aware of it…you are after all their constitutional Supreme Commander…”

“How many votes does Bambang commands?” asked the President.

“That’s what we need to determine, Mr. President”, replied Harsudiono.

The President thought it over.

“I’m going to need to meet the Commander of ABRI”, the President said to Edi “Please summon him.”

---
At Grand Hyatt Hotel, Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto and Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita fronted the press together after their meeting. The two said that they continue to find common ground with each other. Tutut said that Ginandjar was “easily” the best official in the current government while Ginandjar said that he has “fond memories” of working President Soeharto.

Chairman of the PKPB’s MPR Delegation Prabowo Subianto watched all this accompanied by Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani, Akbar Tandjung, and the PPP’s Hamzah Haz.

“If my sister-in-law emerges victorious, she chooses Ginandjar as vice president”, Prabowo muttered “But if she fails to get elected, we all have to support Ginandjar when he nominates for president.”

“I’d say that’s a win-win for Ginandjar”, Akbar said.

“I’d say so too, Bang Akbar, but it’s the best deal we can get. We can’t get President Try to accept our offer and Ginandjar’s right, his supporters have been casting their votes for our Chairwoman so we need to return the favor”, Prabowo said “Right now though, for tomorrow, what we need is votes.”

Prabowo turned to Hamzah.

“We’ll scrounge around in the Group Delegates but it’ll be your party we’ll be counting on to get votes from”, Prabowo said.

---
As cars began arriving in Jakarta’s shopping centers for Saturday Night, Commander of ABRI Wiranto was in the Presidential Palace facepalming in reaction to the information which he had received from the President. He was aghast, shocked and embarrassed all at the same time. Once he got over it, he pulled out his pen, grabbed a scrap piece of paper and begin writing furiously on it before he handed it over to the President.

“I don’t need your resignation right now”, the President said as he tore the paper into shreds.

“This happened under my watch, Mr. President”, Wiranto said in exasperation.

“You threw your lot in with me the night President Soeharto died and I’ll never forget that”, the President replied “You didn’t have anything to do with this but you’re right, it did happen under your command. What I need right now is for you to do something about this situation. I need to know how many ABRI votes he controls and I need those votes back with me.”

---
At Kebagusan in Jakarta’s Southern Suburbs, Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri held a dinner party attended by all 84 of the PNI’s MPR Delegates at her private residence in a courtyard which had been converted into an open door dinner party room with round tables and buffet food. The special guests that night were 17 PPP delegates of Muhammadiyah affiliation led by former Vice Chairman of the DPR Ali Hardi Kiai Demak. From the Group Delegates, Amien Rais himself attended.

There were a lot of cheer in the event which, even though it was officially a private party, attracted a lot of media attention. In her keynote speech, Megawati said that they were on the eve of something that no expected would happen.

“The last few years have been about Try Sutrisno vs. Tutut Soeharto and yet tomorrow, if we stay the course, they will have taken each other out of the equation. They will have taken each other out and the forces of change will have its opportunity.

At this particular time, I would like to make special mention of Mas Amien. He is one person outside of the PNI who has shown faith in our cause. It was he who saw that if the PNI was to have its opportunity at the presidency, then the two giants which has attracted our nation’s attention must be made to eliminate each other…”

The real purpose of the dinner party was not so much the public unveiling of Megawati and Amien’s collaboration as it was 102 known abstention votes distancing themselves physically from the lobbying and maneuvering for votes happening in the central of the city. The aim, from the perspective of Megawati and Amien, to make doubly sure that no one emerges as the winner the next day.

---
In PPP folklore, the joke was that this was the night the PPP was "The P and P and P" because it was divided three ways. In addition to those who had attended Megawati’s dinner party, there were those who followed Hamzah Haz’s lead in supporting Tutut Soeharto and those remaining with Matori Abdul Djalil in supporting the President.

That evening, Matori’s PPP delegates reported that they were being approached by Hamzah’s PPP delegates asking them to meet and talk as fellow PPP members rather than as supporters of different presidential candidates. A few Matori PPP delegates took the bait and have ended up in meetings where they were being pressured by the Hamzah PPP delegates to vote for Tutut. The report quickly flowed back to Mandarin Oriental where the PPP delegation was staying.

The response of the Matori PPP was to send its delegates up to the hotel’s club lounge, keep them busy with FA Cup Football from England and food, and keep access restricted to “unwanted guests”.

---
At Borobudur Hotel where the Group Delegates stayed, guests and staff would remember an inordinate amount of “important-looking” people, booking tables or VIP rooms at the hotels various rooms and cafes as well as sitting in lobbies to have discussions with each other that Saturday Night. The interesting thing was that these “important-looking” people would acknowledge other “important-looking” people but stay right away from them. That was how the MPR Delegates’ lobbying looked to the general populace.

At his room, Abdurrahman Wahid (Nahdlatul Ulama) hosted the Chairman of the Group Delegates Nurcholish Madjid (Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals). After having room service and amidst the near misses, Wahid tried his best to lobby Nurcholish.

“The thing is this, Cak, *nose twitch* you’re punishing the President for the work that has been done over the last 5 years”, Wahid said “You’re punishing him by *nose twitch* sitting there and not giving him your vote despite what he has done and achieved *nose twitch*.”

“I maintain once again, Gus, that whether or not someone is elected or not re-elected is a partisan matter”, Nurcholish said “The Group Delegates’ role is to balance that partisan tendency in the MPR by being non-partisan.”

“And yet, *nose twitch* the fact is you have, whether knowingly or not being partisan *nose twitch*”, Wahid said “It was the Group Delegates that was pushing *nose twitch* for the PNI’s proposal to amend the rules of presidential elections *nose twitch* to be adopted by the MPR, it was the Group Delegates that facilitated the game Mega is playing *nose twitch* where she wants to be president by waiting for the people in the ring to knock each other out.”

A goal was scored but Nurcholish did not react to it. He was thinking deeply about what Wahid was saying.

---
With a football match playing in the background, representatives of the PKPI and the Regional Delegates counted and recounted the votes they had. Overseeing things, Harsudiono was amazed at what they had managed to do for they manage to squeeze out some more votes from the Group Delegates. The President’s decision not to disclose the votes Akbar was bringing over meant that they worked harder trying to lobby for votes.

Harsudiono looked at the projected vote count… the puzzle pieces were falling into place...

---
At the end of each day of the MPR General Session, the ABRI Delegates attended a briefing session led by Chairman of the ABRI Delegation Djamari Chaniago and Secretary of the ABRI Delegation Agustadi Sasongko Purnomo. The briefing’s purpose was to bring all members of the ABRI Delegation up to speed with the latest developments. Once the briefing was completed, all of the officers returned to their rooms and that was the end of their day.

For the third day running, however, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono would sneak out. Together with his close compatriots Air V.Mshl Djoko Suyanto and Agustadi Sasongko Purnomo, whose role in the ABRI Delegation had helped disguise what they have been doing, Yudhoyono headed out from the Sari Pan Pacific Hotel where ABRI’s MPR Delegation was staying. They rode on ojeks which have become familiar with their routines and which have become familiar with their routes, Wahid Hasyim Street then turn to the Kebon Kacang area and then to the backdoor of the Grand Hyatt.

Yudhoyono was now familiar with the secret passageways, leading to the hotel’s business center and then an office which had been taken over by Prabowo and Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin. The 5 discussed recent developments with Prabowo saying that he would need more ABRI votes to cross over and vote for Tutut. Yudhoyono said that in the first two rounds of voting, he has been able to find 35 votes to go and vote for Tutut, he said he can find “a few” for the third round but could not guarantee how many votes that he could gather. Prabowo told Yudhoyono to do “what you can” because he’s disappointed that Hamzah Haz had not been able to deliver the votes from the PPP.

Just then Yudhoyono’s mobile phone buzzed and he looked down at the SMS to read it. He looked up at Prabowo with a disturbed expression on his face.

“Everything okay?” asked Prabowo.

“Yes, it’s just that another ABRI Delegation Briefing Session is happening right now”, Yudhoyono said before turning to Agustadi “But that can’t be right.”

“We’ve had an ABRI Delegation Briefing Session today”, Agustadi replied “The one we attended before we came here.”

As quickly as possible Yudhoyono’s group of three returned to their hotel. They entered the lobby and it was empty and silent except for faint noises from the hotel’s bar where patrons watched the football match.

Yudhoyono recognized someone walking around in the hallway leading to the ballroom. It was Maj. Gen. Djoko Santoso.

“What’s happening? There’s another briefing session?” asked Yudhoyono, demanding to know.

Djoko Santoso’s face was a combination of relief that he had not agreed to join Yudhoyono in his venture and concern at what could happen next.

“There is”, Djoko Santoso replied “We’re taking a break to wait for your arrival so that you can attend it to.”

“What’s this briefing about?” Yudhoyono asked.

Djoko Santoso looked at Yudhoyono.

“I don’t know how they did it, but they’ve found out about you and the votes you’re bringing over to the Chairwoman of the PKPB”, Djoko Santoso replied “And they’re here now, they’ve confiscated mobile phones so we can't communicate with the outside world.”

At this Agustadi and Djoko Suyanto swallowed nervously while Yudhoyono tried to maintain a stoic expression on his face.

“Who are ‘they’?” asked Yudhoyono.

“The Commander of ABRI, the Army Chief of Staff, the Navy Chief of Staff, the Air Force Chief of Staff, and the Chief of Police but they’re MPR Delegates too so that’s not a biggie” Djoko Santoso replied “No, no the biggies are the Minister of Defense and Security, the State Secretary and the Chief of BAKIN, they’re here too.”

Yudhoyono steeled himself. When Edi Sudrajat was Army Chief of Staff (1988-1993) and Wismoyo Arismunandar was Deputy Army Chief of Staff (1992-1993), Yudhoyono had served on their staff as a speech writer. Imagining their disappointed looks, Yudhoyono prepared his counter-argument: that he had supported the President to the point where he had been one of the few trustworthy officers the President could rely on for support and that the President had taken him for granted, which was his way for saying that his career had stalled and that he had missed out on being Army Chief of Staff twice.

He walked to the ballroom where the ABRI MPR Delegation’s briefing sessions was held. Yudhoyono stood tall as he walked while Djoko Suyanto and Agustadi struggled to hide their worry. As the doors to the ballroom got closer, Yudhoyono was noticed by a person in a jacket accompanied by some young men standing just outside the door. This person was clearly not a civilian for his salute was very perfect and proper.

Now it was Yudhoyono’s turn to be worried…for this person was Commander of the Presidential Bodyguard Nono Sampono. The presence of the Commander of the Presidential Bodyguard could only mean one thing…

Nono escorted Yudhoyono, Djoko Suyanto, and Agustadi inside. In the corner of a room, a group of officers were standing and crowding around something.

“The Governor of Lemhanas”, Nono announced.

Now the officers turned in Yudhoyono’s direction. Wiranto stared daggers at him while Army Chief of Staff TB Hasanuddin remained impassive and looked like he was trying to study Yudhoyono’s expression. Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar shook his head while Edi Sudrajat looked almost hurt.

“Let me see him”, came a voice in the middle of all the officers whereupon they parted the way and Yudhoyono came face to face with the President.

Unlike the other four, the President kept his feelings outside of his facial expression. Yudhoyono was mindful that the entire room was looking in their direction. He stood straight and saluted the President. The latter responded with a nod of his head as he walked up to Yudhoyono, looking as though he was about to say something.

It was at this time that Yudhoyono’s mobile phone rang.

“You should answer that”, the President said.

Yudhoyono pressed the green button and brought the mobile phone to his ear.

“Is everything all right?” asked a voice audible enough for the President to hear and identify as Prabowo’s.

The President looked at Yudhoyono with an amused expression. Yudhoyono continued to be aware that everyone in the room was looking in his direction.

“Sure, I’m fine”, Yudhoyono replied, knowing that there was no way out of the situation now.

---
ITTL, Yudhoyono was passed over twice for the Army Chief of Staff’s position. In August 2000 when he lost out to Luhut and in January 2002 when he lost out to TB Hasanuddin.

SBY’s “arc” was something that happened organically (ie. I never planned it). I just thought to myself “Would this guy be unhappy at not being Army Chief of Staff twice?”. In OTL, SBY also missed out on being Army Chief of Staff because he was appointed Minister of Mining and Energy by Gus Dur. He is on the record as being very deeply disappointed about this appointment which required him to go into early retirement from the military as per Reformasi rules about military personnel taking on civilian population. So I took the stab by saying that he would probably do something.

https://www.democrazy.id/2021/10/Jarang-Terungkap-Begini-Detik-detik-SBY-Gagal-Jadi-KSAD.html and https://nasional.sindonews.com/read...inggalkan-militer-di-puncak-karier-1680728686 for articles about OTL SBY's feeling on failing to become Army Chief of Staff.

ITTL, SBY has been the Governor of Lemhanas since January 2002. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Resilience_Institute

The officers mentioned accompanying SBY to the meeting with Prabowo and interacting with him as he returned to the hotel, except for the Commander of the Presidential Bodyguards, were officers that did well in OTL in SBY's government. Djoko Suyanto was Air Force Chief of Staff (2005-2006) then Commander of the TNI (2006-2007), Agustadi was Army Chief of Staff (2007-2009) and Djoko Santoso was Army Chief of Staff (2005-2007) then Commander of the TNI (2007-2010).

Despite what's happening ITTL, the OTL PKPI was part of Yudhoyono's Coalition with PKPI's Meutia Hatta as State Minister of Female Empowerment.

 

[GSD310]

9th March 2003:
Not long after Governor of Lemhanas’ Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s awkward phonecall, President Try Sutrisno left things in the care of Commander of ABRI Wiranto and returned to the Presidential Palace to rest, though he was not able to sleep.

It was the late hours in the morning when some cars arrived and the President found himself convening a meeting attended by Wiranto, Deputy Commander of ABRI Chappy Hakim, ABRI Chief of General Staff Djaja Suparman, and ABRI Chief of Socio-Political Affairs Staff Djamari Chaniago. The four branches were represented by Army Chief of Staff TB Hasanuddin, Navy Chief of Staff Djoko Sumaryono, Air Force Chief of Staff Ali Munsiri Rappe, and Chief of Police Ansyaad Mbai. Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, and Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo.

Djamari Chaniago, in his report to the meeting, confirmed that 35 officers had voted for Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto in the previous two rounds of voting. They had been able to camouflage themselves themselves by the fact that one of those who shared their sympathies was Secretary of the ABRI Delegation Agustadi Sasongko. The President responded by asking Djamari why these 35 had voted for the other side.

Djamari said that those who voted for Tutut acknowledged and praised the President’s effort to develop ABRI as a military force over the last 5 years. At the same time, however, because of these developments, “social and political” postings have lost their luster, not so much because ABRI’s officers have insurbodinate tendencies but because ABRI officers feel that they can make better contributions in assignments which best reflect ABRI’s “defense and security function” rather than its “social and political function”.

“They know there’s such a thing as the Dual Function, right?” The President asked.

“They do and they’re not seeking to dismantle Dual Function, Mr. President”, replied Wiranto “Merely that at the present time they feel that they will better serve ABRI and the nation if they were out there helping ABRI improve rather than sitting in the DPR/MPR…if I may say so this is an attitude that has become commonplace in the officer corps in the last 12-18 months, it’s just the case that not everyone chooses to go and vote for your opponent.”

“What are we looking at in terms of votes?” asked Edi.

“Of the 35 that had voted for Tutut, 14 has gone back to the President on account of our explanation about the reorganization of ABRI agreed upon last year”, Wiranto replied.

“Make sure you get as many as possible of the others and that they don’t have access to communications”, said the President “We have about 12 hours.”

---
At the Grand Hyatt, Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto had a one-on-one meeting with Chairman of the PKPB’s MPR Delegation Prabowo Subianto. Prabowo looked grim as he reported the latest developments.

“We managed to get some votes here and there from the Group Delegates with Bang Akbar bringing around 2 or 3 votes on his own, but Hamzah Haz hasn’t been successful at getting any votes from the PPP”, Prabowo reported “As for the Regional Delegates…there’s literally no more votes there, everyone has committed either to you or to the President.”

Tutut thought things through carefully.

“How many votes would I have in this round?” asked Tutut.

“We’ll get more than the previous round but nowhere near the required amount to be elected” Prabowo “The only reason you’re still taking part in this is because if you withdraw, the President gets re-elected because he’s the only left.”

Prabowo looked at his sister-in-law, she seemed to be taking this better than expected.

“Get a meeting with the Minister of Foreign Affairs”, Tutut said “I want to reiterate to him the PKPB’s support for his candidacy as president in the event that there is still no winner after the round of voting today but at the same time, I want him to be clear that he must keep our interests in mind.”

“You mean there’s specific policies where you don’t want him to depart from?”, asked Prabowo.

“No, I mean our interests…” said Tutut.

“I see”, Prabowo said thinking of the various companies, charitable foundations, bank accounts, concessions, land, property, and any other assets both in Indonesia and overseas that he has seen or is aware of since he married into the family “Those interests…”

---
At Hotel Indonesia, Chairman of the PKPI’s MPR Delegation Harsudiono Hartas, Co-Secretaries of the PKPI’s MPR Delegation Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and Siswono Yudohusodo, and Edi Sudrajat sat huddled at the table over breakfast to count the votes.

“461 votes plus a minimum of 30 votes from Akbar and 14 ABRI votes which switched back from Tutut has returned…” Harsudiono began.

“And we still haven’t counted the new votes we got from the Group Delegates”, Sarwono said.

Edi studied the count which was on paper in front of him.

“It’s not real until it’s happened”, Edi muttered “It’s the last round, we need to maximize the votes the President will get in case we got less votes than expected.”

---
At the President Hotel, Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri held a joint press conference with Chairman of the Muhammadiyah Amien Rais, the latter representing the Group Delegates. Megawati read out a statement that a vote “for either the President or for the Chairwoman of the PKPB constitutes a victory for the New Order and a defeat for the little people”. Therefore, Megawati calls upon all those MPR Delegates who “hold the people in their conscience” to abstain in the vote to be held by the MPR in the afternoon.

---
At short notice, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita arrived for a meeting with the President. Edi was still with the PKPI’s MPR Delegates and it was up to Military Secretary Saurip Kadi to accept Ginandjar’s request for a meeting and escort him to the President.

“Tutut is asking to meet and I have agreed to it, Mr. President” Ginandjar announced.

“Why should this be news to me considering that you’ve had plenty meetings with her without notifying me, Mr. Minister of Foreign Affairs?” the President asked trying to remain pleasant.

“She intends to further elaborate a few details about our understanding with each other”, Ginandjar continued “One of which is that if elected president, she would like me to nominate for vice president.”

“Oh, I see”, the President said with sarcasm “She wins and you become her vice president and if there’s still no winner, she’ll support you when you nominate for president.”

“I told you that she will return the favor I’ve given to her”, Ginandjar said with a confident smile “Just as you will too…will you also commit to what she has agreed with me, Mr. President?”

The President smiled cynically.

“You really want to be the guy that unites Try Sutrisno and Tutut, don’t you? The one person that enjoys both of their support?” the President asked.

“I think the MPR and the nation will look on that favorably”, Ginandjar explained “The two of you as rivals were destructive enough to leave Golkar in ruins and now three rounds of voting has not produced a result…”

Ginandjar’s words trailed off and a silence dawned as he waited for the President’s response.

“My response is the same as our last meeting”, the President said “Any discussion about your candidacy for the office I’m holding now…and let’s face it, that’s what’s your interested in ultimately, not the vice presidency…is something best reserved for after the third round of voting in the event that there’s still no winner.”

Ginandjar was about to say something but the President beat him to it.

“I’m not finished yet”, the President said “I’m willing to have the discussion after the round of voting because I respect you and the work you’ve done with me in foreign affairs. I hope you’ll show respect for the work we’ve done together by NOT meeting with the Chairwoman of the PKPB and that you’ll meet her after the third round of voting.”

---
Lunchtime at the Presidential Palace was attended by the President, Harsudiono, Edi, Wiranto and PKPI MPR Delegate Hendropriyono. The President began by explaining the meeting he just had with Ginandjar. Edi was fuming and muttered something about Ginandjar continuing to reveal his true colours. Harsudiono on the other hand was excited.

“This is our chance, Mr. President”, Harsudiono “Tutut insisting to have a meeting with Ginandjar now as opposed to after the third round of voting…well that means she thinks she won’t get enough votes to get elected…this is it…”

The President turned to Wiranto and asked for an update. Wiranto was grim. Saying that Yudhoyono is now acting as the spokesman of the remaining ABRI MPR Delegates which have not committed to switch their votes back to the President.

“He is asking, on these officers’ behalf, that there will be no repercussions to the careers of those who had voted for the other side in the first two rounds if they were to vote for you in the third round of voting”, Wiranto asked.

The President looked thoughfully into the space in front of him and then turned to Wiranto again.

“Let’s accept his offer”, the President replied.

Wiranto was about to say something in response but took a glance at Edi and shook his head.

“I guarantee that there won’t be any repercussions to those who have not voted for me in the past rounds”, the President said “This is for the sake of ABRI’s development as a military force…we will need all hands on deck to further develop and strengthen ABRI as a military force.”

Both Wiranto and Edi wrote down the President’s decision on a piece of paper. In the meantime, the President turned to Hendropriyono and asked for the news he had come to the meeting to deliver. Hendropriyono said that Megawati has asked for a meeting the President once the third round of voting at the MPR has been completed to discuss “the political situation”.

Edi scoffed.

“There’s a lot of assumption with the time that’s being requested”, Edi said “They’re really that confident that there won’t be a result after today’s round of voting?”

“Very much so, Mr. State Secretary”, Hendropriyono “They are very determined to pull off their gameplan which is to let the President and the Chairwoman of the PKPB take each other out and open the way for the Chairwoman of the PNI to come in and nominate for the president.”

“And so the purpose of this meeting with her will be what?” asked the President “She wants me to support her when she nominates for president?”

“I wouldn’t doubt it, Mr. President”, replied Hendropriyono “They know that in the event their scenario pans out, Megawati’s opponent will be the Minister of Foreign Affairs. They’re thinking that if the PKPB’s going to support the Minister of Foreign Affairs at such an eventuality, then it only makes sense for you to support Megawati in such a contest.”

“You probably want to see this…”, he said.

---
At the private residence of former Vice President Sudharmono, Tutut and Ginandjar stood side by side with Sudharmono in the middle.

To the gathered media Tutut and Ginandjar said that they now not only have areas of common ground but that they now officially have “an understanding” which they will announce after the third round of voting, whatever the results. Sudharmono was beaming saying that both Tutut and Ginandjar constitute a new generation of “New Order leadership”.

They then took questions with Ginandjar taking a question that all gathered in the press seem to have on their mind.

“Mr. Minister of Foreign Affairs, foreign policy is an area where the current government can be said to be successful in terms of Indonesia becoming more assertive on the international stage. You are a part of that success, forming a successful partnership with President Try. But now here you are with the President’s opponent, after finding common ground, points of agreement in the last few days, you now have an understanding, what do you think President Try makes of all this?” asked a reporter.

“The President is a great statesman and one of the signs of his greatness is that he has not gotten in the way of this meeting”, Ginandjar replied.

“But does he approve of what you’re doing? You’ve seen an awful lot of the Chairwoman of the PKPB in recent days?” prodded the reporter.

“Well I’ve also met quiet a bit with President Try during the MPR General Session but nobody seems to be taking notice of that”, Ginandjar said “And I will be meeting with him again after this round of voting.”

---

The President was looking down at the table, an uncertain smile on his face.

“Tutut…Megawati…Ginandjar…Bambang Yudhoyono…” the President said as he shook his head “Right now all they have in common is they expect me to do nothing and get out of the way…”

Edi looked at the President’s as he tried to figure what he was about to do next. And then Edi saw it…the same determined look on his face that started the chain of events which led to Golkar’s end.

The President turned to Edi.

“I want you to prepare two Presidential Decisions for me to sign before you leave for the MPR Building and vote”, the President “You can still do that, right? There’s just slightly over 2 hours.”

“I can do that, Mr. President”, asked Edi “What do you want to make some decisions about?”

“My decision on there being no repercussions on the careers of those who will switch back to voting for me still stands”, the President said turning for a few seconds to Wiranto before turning back to Edi “But let’s make an example out of someone so that no one ever thinks of voting against the President again…I want a Presidential Decision be prepared which dismisses Lt. Gen. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono from his office as Governor of the Lemhanas”.

Wiranto flashed a smile of approval. Edi nodded in understanding.

“And the other Presidential Decision, Mr. President?” asked Edi.

“The other Presidential Decision will be one concerning the removal of Ginandjar Kartasasmita as the Minister of Foreign Affairs”, the President said.

---
I always envision the beginnings of a shift in attitude from Dual Function ITTL as coming from the officer corps itself. Increased defense spending, an expanded military organization, and military modernization and you have a situation where the political and civilian postings lose their appeal when compared to actual military assignments.

I have this book at home written by Prabowo’s father: https://www.tokopedia.com/tbtujuh/buku-sumitro-djojohadikusumo?extParam=ivf=false&src=topads. In it, Prabowo is portrayed as looking disapprovingly at the wealth being accumulated by the Soeharto children. The conversation between Tutut and Prabowo is basically Tutut thinking that if her chances at becoming president is slim, they better make sure whoever does will make sure the “interests” are safe and that she’s okay with Ginandjar at the helm.

Megawati and Amien being political allies have their echoes in OTL. In early 1998, they both agreed that political change need to happen (ie. There should be presidential candidates other than Soeharto) https://tirto.id/bulan-madu-singkat-megawati-dan-amien-rais-saat-reformasi-dVL2

The significance of Hendropriyono being the one to convey a message from Megawati to Try is of course that in 1993-1994, Hendropriyono (and Agum Gumelar the ITTL Indonesian Ambassador to China) helped Megawati get elected as Chairwoman of the PDI. I considered Hendropriyono betraying Try as well but I thought there’s already Ginandjar, there’s already Hamzah, and there’s already SBY turning their backs on Try, I thought it’s probably too much to have Hendropriyono do it as well.

And also, according to Hendropriyono, he got in trouble for helping Megawati and no less than Try, Edi, and Wismoyo all tried to convince Soeharto not to punish him. Try, Edi, and Wismoyo failed but I’m sure this would make Hendropriyono loyal to Try’s government (https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...+try+edi+wismoyo&pg=PA103&printsec=frontcover)

Sudharmono's role here is as a Soeharto loyalist and Ginandjar's mentor.

 

[GSD310]

9th March 2003:
Being at Borobudur Hotel, the hotel furthest away from the MPR Building, the Group Delegates was the first scheduled to depart. A large bus waited just in front lobby. The last one to emerge was Chairman of the Group Delegates Nurcholish Madjid and microphones were thrust in his face, asking him how the Group Delegates would approach this round of voting. Nurcholish said that in the previous two rounds, despite stating that they will remain impartial in practice MPR Delegates belonging to the Group Delegates have voted or have been persuaded to vote for either one of the presidential candidates. The number of those who have remained impartial are decreasing.

“I have abstained in the previous two rounds of voting but for this round, I think a different approach is required”, Nurcholish said “I want to state on the record that I feel this Government has done well, it took us out the Asian Financial Crisis, it’s built infrastructure and increased living standards. My choice to abstain has been because of my stance that someone has to remain impartial not because I don’t recognize what has been achieved.

I had expected for the vote to be settled in the previous two rounds, but it evidently hasn’t. In the last 24 hours however, my thoughts keep coming back to the following three things. The first is my opinion on how the Government has fared in the last years, which I have just stated. The second thing is the fact that in the event of no candidates achieving enough votes to be declared elected, the President will no longer be allowed to nominate because new candidates would have to be nominated in accordance with the latest MPR Resolution on how the presidential and vice presidential is to be conducted.

The third and final thing, there are those who are abstaining not because they want to remain impartial but for political reasons…because they want to bring about a political outcome. I think the given the political reasons for this, these abstentions should not go unpunished.

For this round of voting, I intend not to remain impartial and cast my vote. I would ask others in the Group Delegates who have yet to cast a vote in the previous rounds to cast their vote in this round of voting.”

---
At the Presidential Palace, President Try Sutrisno presided over a ceremony in which he swore in the following:

*Marzuki Darusman SH as Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs, Marzuki will continue to retain his existing position as Minister of Legal Affairs
*Lt. Gen. Albert Inkiriwang as Acting Governor of Lemhanas

It was a short ceremony with just enough cameras to cover it because most of the cameramen had departed for the MPR Building.

---
On the Group Delegates’ bus, where the ceremony was being shown on the bus’ television set, Ginandjar Kartasasmita scoffed quietly. That he had not been informed of this event and the appointment of Marzuki, who had intruded on foreign policy and clashed with Ginandjar, meant that it was calculated to embarrass and humiliate him.

“Salah sendiri, pakai main dua kaki segala *nose twitch*”, a voice from elsewhere on the bus was heard saying.

---
In the PKPB bus, Chairman of the PKPB’s MPR Delegation Prabowo Subianto had thrown down his mobile phone so hard it had shattered into pieces when he saw that the ceremony will also involve the swearing in of the Acting Governor of Lemhanas. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and his band of followers had been caught out and that meant that Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto could no longer be rely on their votes.

---
In the ABRI bus, Yudhoyono watched with a dejected expression. No one had come to his defense when Commander of ABRI Wiranto announced that he had been dismissed as Governor of Lemhanas. The others caught the message loud and clear that he was being made an example of and that they must fall in line and vote for the Pesident.

“I should just not care and still not vote for him, I have nothing to lose, right?” muttered Yudhoyono.

“Mas Bambang, there’s still my career, there’s still Pramono’s career”, said Yudhoyono’s seat buddy, brother-in-law and Inspector General of the Army Erwin Sudjono “And there’s still Agus’ career.”

Yudhoyono shuddered at the thought of the President going after the military careers of his two brothers-in-law and his son. He still had something to lose after all.

---

At the Presidential Palace, Edi, Marzuki, and Albert Inkiriwang had departed together for the MPR Building in Edi’s official vehicle. The President headed for his private quarters though reporters were keen to get a word from him. Their curiosity why he replaced Ginandjar and Yudhoyono outweighed such questions such as how he felt moments before the MPR decides on his fate.

“I want to be sure whether I have 2 days or 2 months or 2 years or 2 terms as president, that those who I appoint are those I am convinced are on my side, not those openly trying to establish a political relationship with my opponents”, the President replied “The bloody details of the story I’m sure you enterprising reporters and journalists will find out after the MPR General Session, but for now I’d like to be somewhere quiet to watch what’s happening in the MPR. As you all are no doubt aware, my fate is being decided.”

---
At the MPR Building’s VIP Room, Chairman of the MPR Matori Abdul Djalil looked around at his vice chairmen of the MPR and wondered whether their moods were symbolic of their respective delegations.

Basofi Sudirman (PKPI) was quietly confident while Hartono (PKPB) for once looked dejected rather than looking like someone who was taking it for granted that they will win. Alex Litaay (PNI) was at once determined but ready to crumble at anytime. Nyoman Suwisma (ABRI) looked like he did not get a lot of sleep. Mario Carrascalao (Regional Delegates) seemed prepared for all eventualities while Edwin Soeryadjaya (Group Delegates) looked ready and keen to do something in the voting process rather than sit it out like on previous occasions.

Matori himself felt resolute just as the pro-Try PPP felt resolute, their 68 votes having not wavered despite approaches from the Tutut camp via Hamzah Haz and also by the Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri’s camp.

“Mr. Chairman”, an aide called in “The Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs, the State Secretary, and the Acting Governor of Lemhanas has arrived and sat down. Everyone’s taken their seats.”

“Let’s do this, then”, Matori said.

---
It was very late in the afternoon and the amount of time it took for all 1000 delegates to cast their votes and then have it counted, the vote-counting process was certain to become Sunday night “dinner entertainment” for the nation. Whereever there was a television, it seemed, the screen was adjusted to the MPR General Session.

Matori had not wasted his time, for within 5 minutes of sitting down after the national anthem had been played the MPR Delegates were once again called up to the front one-by-one to cast their vote and then put the ballot paper in the ballot box.

There was little drama as the MPR Delegates cast their votes. The KPU staff in charge of overseeing proceedings had once again become more efficient and the voting process, while still taking time because of the amount of delegates, was quicker than in the previous round. There was a collective gasp when Amirul Isnaeni from the ABRI Delegation fainted after he had cast his ballot. A team of paramedics came in and checked on his condition while Wiranto, TB Hasanuddin, and Ryamizard Ryacudu rose from their seats and watched over Amirul. Not long thereafter, Amirul was put on a gurney and taken outside of the MPR room, the explanation being that he had not been well for a few days but had insisted on continuing to participate in the MPR General Session.

Megawati cast her vote with one eye behind her back. She was concerned that Nurcholish’s words along with the jeers of the other MPR Delegates when the votes were counted in the last round was beginning to have an effect on her followers. Her party consisted of those who had marched with her from the days that Soeharto tried to prevent her election as Chairwoman of the PDI right through the dark days after she had her party headquarters forcibly taken from her as well as activists who had stood up against the New Order and held the opinion that there was no difference between Soeharto and Try Sutrisno.

Now they were following a strategy that had been suggested by Chairman of Muhammadiyah Amien Rais and approved by her husband Taufiq Kiemas. The strategy has been quiet successful so far, catching the entire MPR General Session unawares and putting Megawati in a position where she’s one inconclusive round of voting away from seeing the President and Tutut take each other out, leaving the way open for her to nominate for the presidency when the MPR asks for new candidates.

The price to pay had been demoralized followers. The consensus throughout the PNI Delegation during MPR General Session was that what is being done is necessary but whether it was idealistic and in keeping with the spirit of their struggle was another thing. Taufiq Kiemas had cynically countered that this objection had not stopped the PNI’s delegates from cheering when another round of vote had resulted with no winners.

As Megawati returned to her seat, Chairman of the PNI’s MPR Delegation Sutjipto, Kwik Kian Gie, Sabam Sirait and Sidarto Danusubroto tried to put on a brave face while Treasurer of the PNI Laksamana Sukardi and Roy BB Janis looked they're not enjoying the reaction.

And then the moment everyone was expecting for. The master of ceremonies announced that all of the MPR Delegates had voted, the ballot box was collected and the scrutineers summoned.

“You may begin the count”, Matori instructed.

“Here we go”, Harsudiono Hartas.

---
As the count got underway, Treasurer of the PKPB Akbar Tandjung nervously followed it, drawing his own tally. He looked around at the other PKPB delegates that had decided to go along with what he was doing. They had become more confident with the news that Yudhoyono had been caught out and that in all likelihood, he and his supporters would not be voting for Tutut; it made it seem more likely that they were backing the winning horse. But Akbar was nervous nevertheless.

Akbar pretended to be interested in what Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto was doing. She was surrounded in her seat by Prabowo, Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani and the PPP’s Hamzah Haz. There was a guest there too. In what looked to be a gesture of defiance, Ginandjar Kartasasmita, now a part of the Group Delegate without being minister of foreign affairs, made a show of walking over from his seat among the Group Delegates to sit with Tutut.

“Well, we hope that after Cak Nur’s speech that some of the Group Delegates will cast their vote for me”, Tutut said to Ginandjar “But if that should not prove enough, I hope that I can fall back on our arrangement.”

Akbar nodded as though interested. The discussion was about strategy. Tutut said that given Ginandjar will be the presidential candidate the PKPB will support, the vice presidential candidate must be from the PKPB. Ginandjar agreed to this. They also discussed about how the PPP’s support will be important and Hamzah said that all of the PPP votes should be available beause there will be no more obligation to support the President if the President can no longer nominate.

But something interrupted Tutut’s little discussion. The MPR Building had been largely silent as the count got underway but noise was slowly building…

“It’s getting louder”, Prabowo said “What’s happening?”

Tutut listened. As far as she was concerned, there were only three possibilities for her that day. The first was that she would win and be elected as the fourth President of the Republic of Indonesia but this was a possibility that was getting less likely every minute. The second was that both she and her opponent would not get enough votes, at which point the MPR would require new candidates be nominated; for which she had already agreed to support Ginandjar, a possibility that had become more likely.

But now it seemed like it was the third possibility that she had considered that was happening…

“They’re cheering for Mas Try each time a vote is counted in his favor”, Tutut realized.

---
During the vote counting, the abstentions were now being openly booed out of the perception and suspicion that such votes belonged to the PNI. It was clear though that there will be less abstentions in the current round of the voting. But the boos were cast aside in favor of cheers as the votes for the President sped ahead and as the votes for Tutut stalled.

“It’s not real until it’s happened”, Edi Sudrajat said.

“Oh yes it is,”, Chairman of the PKPI’s MPR Delegation Harsudiono Hartas countered “We got 461 votes last time, we crossed that mark a long time ago…”

As the vote counter announced another vote for Try Sutrisno, the PKPI Delegates erupted in loud cheers. Various PKPI delegates who had kept the count, as though updating each other, whispered excitedly “500..500..just one more”.

Then another piece of paper was picked out of the ballot box, opened, and held in front of the vote counter. He only just barely finished saying “Try…” when a even louder cheer erupted.

---
The President was watching all this on television with First Lady Tuti Setiawati. The PKPI Delegates seemed to be in pandemonium as Matori banged the gavel calling for silence and trying to keep the MPR Session under control causing the President to laugh in amusement.

There was a knock on the door and Presidential Aide-de-Camp Budiman walked in with a piece of paper. He said that there is a message for Tuti that has to be passed on to her. The President allowed it, still focused on what’s happening on television.

Tuti took the piece of paper from Budiman and read it. In it was a tally that Budiman had kept and it showed that as of the last vote counted, the President had reached 501 votes. Tuti smiled a motherly smile at Budiman, she realized that Budiman did not want to be the first to congratulate the President. And then she turned around, wrapped her arms around the President and kissed him on the cheek.

“I’m so proud of you, I really am”, Tuti told her husband.

“Wait, what the hell’s going on?” asked the President.

Budiman then bowed his head as he shook the President’s hand, behind him Military Secretary Saurip Kadi, Commander of the Presidential Bodyguard Nono Sampono and the Presidential Bodyguards on duty also came in the room to shake the President’s hand.

---
“The count has been completed”, the vote counter announced over all the noise.

The delegates from the Group Delegates looked relieved that the process was now over though here and there, those who had obviously voted for the President revealed themselves by the fact that they were shaking hands with each other. The Regional Delegates also looked similarly relieved that everything was now over. The ABRI Delegates crowded around Wiranto as he instructed them to return to their day jobs and begin “wrapping things up” because his commandership will come to an end soon.

The PNI delegates looked demoralized with Megawati crying and holding on tightly to a tissue in her hand, Taufiq Kiemas trying to comfort her. Tutut was more stoic and smiled as she turned around and shook hands with her supporters.

There were handshakes, hugs and congratulations all around among the PKPI delegates while the PPP delegates, the ones who voted for the President anyway, broke into song (“Shalaatullaah Salaamullaah 'Alaa Thaaha Rasuulillaah”).

“Can I have silence for a moment please, the votes have been counted and count has been tallied up and the scrutineers have confirmed that it is correct”, Matori said after having received a piece of paper with the official vote count “And the count is as follows…”

The chatter quietened down.

“There are first and foremost, 96 abstentions in this round of voting”, Matori announced to a mixed reaction of applause that the number had gone down and some scattered boos that abstentions were still happening.

“Now moving on the presidential candidates”, Matori said “Firstly, with 328 votes: Mrs. Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana.”

Tutut bowed her head as her supporters applauded her with tears in their faces. Matori waited until the applause died down.

“With 576 votes: Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno”, Matori announced to more applause and cheers as Matori continued on “As such, Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno has obtained a majority of the votes in the MPR.”

More applause.

“Therefore, in accordance with the duties entrusted to the MPR in our constitution”, Matori continued “I hereby declare Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno elected as the President of the Republic of Indonesia for the term 2003-2008!”

 

[GSD310]

9th March 2003:
It was already getting late when a tired-looking but very much happy Chairman of the PKPI’s MPR Delegation Harsudiono Hartas and Co-Secretaries of the PKPI’s MPR Delegation Sarwono Kusumaatdja and Siswono Yudohusodo emerged out of the Presidential Palace for a press conference after a meeting with President Try Sutrisno. Harsudiono said that the President feels honored that the MPR has entrusted him with another mandate to lead but that he will have further to say at his inauguration on 11th March 2003.

On the matter of the vice-presidential elections, Harsudiono announced that the President has confirmed that he would like to see Vice President JB Sumarlin re-elected as well and has instructed the PKPI Delegation in the MPR to ensure that this will be the case.

----
For the second time in a few days, the PPP’s Hamzah Haz had to suffer the indignity of checking out of a hotel because the MPR Delegation staying in said hotel no longer wanted him there. He and his followers were seen leaving the Grand Hyatt where the PKPB was staying on a bus, guided by a staff member from the MPR Secretariat.

“My colleagues and I have kept our end of the deal and have voted for the Chairwoman of the PKPB in all the rounds of voting”, Hamzah said to the press before getting on the bus “We’re not responsible for what has happened.”

Hamzah and his supporters were checked into to Borobudur Hotel where the Group Delegates’ were staying. Hamzah had just received his hotel key card and was looking for the elevator when two men sitting in the lobby came and asked Hamzah to join them. It turned out to the Group Delegates’ Ginandjar Kartasasmita and Amien Rais; Hamzah sat in on their admittedly intriguing discussion about what they were planning for the vice-presidential election. The only sour point for Hamzah was that the two took it for granted that the PKPB’s claim that he had switched back to voting for the President was true, making the argument that wanting the President to be re-elected was not synonymous with wishing the same thing for the Vice President.

10th March 2003:
Ginandjar graced the screens of the TVRI this morning as he appeared on an interview. When asked about his “turbulent” day yesterday, which saw him being dismissed from his position as minister of foreign affairs, Ginandjar was being good-natured about it. He congratulated the President on the latter’s re-election and said that it was the President’s prerogative to make such appointments and removals.

When asked what he would do next given that there was still slightly more than a day left in the MPR General Session, Ginandjar was coy and said that he did not want to “get ahead of the others”.

---
A joint delegation of MPR Delegates from the PKPI, the PPP, and the Regional Delegates arrived at the Vice Presidential Palace this morning. The PKPI delegation were represented by Chairman Harsudiono Hartas, Co-Secretaries Sarwono Kusumaatmadja and Siswono Yudohusodo, Marzuki Darusman, Wismoyo Arismunandar, Soeyono, Meutia Hatta, Hamengkubuwono X, and Sofyan Lubis.

The PPP delegation were represented by Chairman Zarkasih Nur, Secretary Yusuf Rizal Tjokroaminoto, Rusnain Yahya, Khofifah Indar Parawansa, and Bachtiar Chamsyah.

The Regional Delegates were represented by the Group of 7 who were the first to declare their support for the President; Dahlan Iskan (East Java), Prince Paku Alam IX (Yogyakarta), Biem Benyamin (Jakarta), Nyoman Rudana (Bali), Lefran Sondakh (North Sulawesi), Irman Gusman (West Sumatra), and Frans Wospakrik (Irian Jaya).

Looking small in his chair, Vice President JB Sumarlin listened on as Harsudiono read out that the joint delegation was there that day out of the realization that all the achievements of the past five years are possible because it was built on the strong base of economic policy and that Sumarlin’s expertise in economics have been “essential” for such an economic policy. With that in mind, they “Hereby ask you, Prof. Drs. JB Sumarlin M.A., Ph.D, the Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia currently holding office, for your willingness to be nominated for another term as Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia?”

Sumarlin stood up, looking solemn.

“With the trust and support of both the President and this coalition, I accept the nomination for the office of Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia”, Sumarlin said.

---
The footage of Sumarlin accepting the PKPI, the PPP, and the Regional Delegates’ nomination for the vice presidency was broadcast split screen on the nation’s television screens with another event happening simultaneously.

At the MPR Building, Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto, Chairman of the PKPB’s MPR Delegation Prabowo Subianto, Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani, Treasurer of the PKPB Akbar Tandjung was seen emerging out of the office of the Chairman of the MPR Matori Abdul Djalil. Tutut was still smiling though thought of the previous day’s events made the smile seemed forced.

“Mbak Tutut, will you also be nominating for the vice presidency?” asked the press.

“I certainly will not, I think I have had enough of political contests for now”, Tutut said “In my meeting yesterday with Kang Ginandjar Kartasasmita, I told him that in the case of my election as president, I wanted him to be vice president and I will supporting him should he nominate. Obviously, my part of the equation did not pan out well…”

Some laughter among the press. Tutut laughed along but once again, her laughter seemed forced.

“…but it is Kang Ginandjar’s intention to nominate for this office and it is my intention to honor this commitment even though I had not been elected to the office I had sought election for”, Tutut said “Therefore the PKPB will be nominating Ginandjar Kartasasmita for vice president.”

---
The PNI key persons meeting attended by Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri, Chairman of the PNI’s MPR Delegation/Secretary of the PNI Sutjipto, Treasurer of the PNI Laksamana Sukardi, Megawati’s husband, Taufiq Kiemas, and Kwik Kian Gie. Still demoralized that their “long shot” had not worked, the meeting to discuss the PNI’s stance in the vice-presidential elections quickly turned ugly.

Laksamana Sukardi pointed out that the PNI’s stance should either be to nominate a vice-presidential candidate or to support an existing vice-presidential candidate instead of trying to play “4D chess” and failing. Taufiq angrily asked “What the hell’s that supposed to mean?” and a shouting match ensued.

---
Chairman of the MPR/Chairman of the PPP Matori Abdul Djalil had intended to have lunch by himself but the person who called and asked to be his lunch buddy piqued his interest. Thus it was that Matori came to have lunch with Hamzah. Hamzah complained at length about “the way” he was treated. He had voted for Tutut for three consecutive rounds but they became “unfriendly” when he failed to get any extra PPP votes for Tutut ahead of the third round of voting. And then after Tutut’s defeat, the PKPB accused him of switching back to the President and called him the “Trojan horse the President had planted” before telling him to pack up.

“So in other words, you want to switch sides for real…”, Matori said “I mean, it’ll be great to have another few more votes for the Vice President’s re-election, it’s just that you will be supporting the Vice President days after you told a PPP meeting that you will not be supporting the President if it meant that he will be choosing the Vice President for another term.”

Hamzah was quiet.

“I realize that, Mr. Chairman”, Hamzah said as though in the middle of a difficult dilemma “There would have to be a compelling reason for me and supporters to switch back that makes supporting the Vice President’s re-election more palatable…”

Matori was amazed at how Hamzah had nowhere else to go but back into the President’s coalition but was still bargaining to get a bone thrown his way. But then again there’s an opportunity here to be seized and he made Hamzah an offer.

After lunch, Matori together with Chairman of the PPP’s MPR Delegation Zarkasih Nur and Secretary of the PPP’s MPR Delegation Jusuf Rizal Tjokroaminoto went to the Presidential Palace to meet the President who was accompanied by Vice Chairman of the MPR/Chairman of the PKPI Basofi Sudirman, Harsudiono Hartas, Sarwono Kusumaatmadja, Siswono Yudohusodo, and Edi Sudrajat. Matori explained what went down at lunchtime with Hamzah to the meeting.

“You offered him the chairmanship of the BPK?” asked the President.

“I did, Mr. President”, replied Matori “From a technical standpoint, Hamzah has made a reputation for himself in the DPR as someone interested in scrutinizing the budget and the state’s finances, the chairmanship of the BPK not only gives him an elevated office but is a natural progression of those interests. Of course, he was up to take the chairmanship of the BPK last year but we blocked it because the PKPB nominated him to that position to try to put a wedge between our two parties.”

“Hang on, Mr. Chairman”, Edi said “The PKPB no longer want him, he’s looking for refuge but he’s the one that we have to to offer something to?”

“At first I thought like that”, Matori replied “But then I saw this as an opportunity to get some votes and kick Hamzah upstairs so he could no longer bother us.”

“It has the additional benefit of helping keep Akbar hidden as well”, Sarwono interjected, speaking of Akbar Tandjung “By blaming Hamzah as part of the reason for Tutut’s defeat, the PKPB’s suspicions are not directed in Akbar’s direction. And if we want him to eventually be the chairman of the PKPB, he and his supporters who has voted for the President need to remain beyond suspicion until it can no longer be hidden. One way to do that is to keep Hamzah from running around telling people it wasn’t his fault Tutut lost and getting people to start getting ideas.”

All in the room turned to the President who was thinking it through.

“All right, the chairmanship of the BPK in exchange for Hamzah and his supporters’ return to our coalition”, the President said “But I must say here and now, that I don’t want the jockeying and maneuvering and disgruntlement must stop. If things don’t turn out the way the PPP expected them to in the new cabinet, they need to remember they’re going to have 2 members heading 2 major state institutions. I don’t want them sharpening their knives behind me for the next 5 years. The PPP must fall in line.”

---
The MPR met again that late afternoon though not only enough delegates attended from all the delegations to meet the quorum. The business at hand was some house-keeping but included the passing of two MPR Resolutions:

*The Third MPR Resolution of 2003 Regarding The Broad Outlines of State Policy (GBHN). This resolution formally adopts the document submitted by the PKPI regarding its aims for the next term of government as the MPR’s on account of the President’s re-election.

*The Fourth MPR Resolution of 2003 Regarding The Appointment of the President of the Republic of Indonesia. This resolution formally acknowledges the President’s re-election and stipulates that his term will begin on 11th March 2003.

*The Fifth MPR Resolution of 2003 Regarding The 2007 Legislative Elections and The 2008 MPR General Session. This resolution mandates the government to hold elections by June 2007 and an MPR General Session in March 2008.

The other housekeeping matter was conducted by Matori, Basofi, and the other Vice Chairmen of the MPR Hartono, Nyoman Suwisma, Alex Litaay, Mario Carrascalao, and Edwin Soeryadjaya. They went around first to Ginandjar’s personal residence, now that he is no longer minister of foreign affairs and then to the Vice Presidential Palace to verify the candidacies of the two vice presidential candidates.

---
As Matori announced that he had completed verification of both Sumarlin and Ginandjar’s vice presidential candidacies, the MPR Delegates had gone into yet another round of counting votes.

Looking at how the votes were lining up, Harsudiono hoped that he could retain all 576 votes in the MPR that had secured the President’s re-election. Akbar Tandjung and his supporters, however, will be voting for Ginandjar in the vice presidential elections in order to remain undercover. Hamzah Haz had met again with Zarkasih Nur and the PPP’s MPR Delegation. This all-but confirmed his return to the coalition and somewhat compensated for Akbar and his supporters’ votes.

On Anteve’s Cakrawala News Program, Sarwono made an appeal to MPR Delegates that given the President’s victory last night, the President should be given the opportunity to have the best possible start for his new term by electing the vice presidential candidate of his choosing. Sarwono reminded that 5 years ago, Sumarlin had been elected vice president on such sentiments and he hopes that that could be the case. The PKPB’s Fadli Zon was not about to let Sarwono off the hook, however. Appearing on the same show at the same time, he said that 5 years ago there was an economic crisis and that the MPR has chosen to let the President have the Vice President of his choosing. This time however, with the economic situation being favorable, the MPR can and should be given the opportunity to have a more considered choice for vice president.

Elsewhere, at a press conference at the Borobudur Hotel where the Group Delegates were staying, Amien Rais declared that he and the MPR Delegates he control will be casting their votes for Ginandjar at the vice presidential election. When asked whether that meant that Amien will be on the “same side as the Soehartoists”, Amien said that this was not the case because he will be voting for Ginandjar not for Tutut Soeharto.

The day ended with Ginandjar appearing on RCTI. In his major second interview of the day. Ginandjar spoke confidently about his candidacy for vice president. When asked what kind of a partnership he would have with the President as vice president, Ginandjar replied that it will be the “tried and proven” partnership which he had with the President when he was minister of foreign affairs. Ginandjar was also asked whether he will focus on foreign policy if he was elected as vice president.

“It will be for the President to decide what my area of focus should be”, said Ginandjar “But I’m ready for all possibilities, if he wants me to have the same area of focus as Vice President Sumarlin, which is economic policy, I’m ready too. I after all have experience as Minister of National Development Planning, if he wants the same arrangement that he has now with Vice President Sumarlin, I’m more than ready.”

---
While Ginandjar and his supporters tried to boost his vice presidential candidacy, Sumarlin took advantage of his incumbency even though there were only less than 24 hours left in his term. That evening, he joined the President at the Presidential Palace to welcome some guests who arrived escorted by Acting Minister of Foreign Affairs Marzuki Darusman.

Prime Minister of Thailand Thaksin Shinawatra, President of the Philippines Joseph Estrada, President of Laos Choummaly Sayasone and President of Vietnam Tran Duc Luong had bright smiles on their faces as they shook hands with Try and congratulated him on his re-election. In the hours after Try’s re-election and even though at quite short notice, the Jakarta Bloc nations, those ASEAN Nations which had banded together with Indonesia on various geopolitical issues, had expressed their determination that their representatives at Try’s inauguration should be from the highest levels.

They were not only the ones to send a high-ranking official. Arriving in private capacity even though this private capacity could not be separated from his official one was Norodom Ranariddh from Cambodia; son of King Norodom Sihanouk, President of Cambodia’s National Assembly, and the person set to challenge Prime Minister of Cambodia Hun Sen at Cambodia’s General Election in July.

After they shook hands with Try, they shook hands and then crowded around Sumarlin, talking about the mechanics of the MPR General Session and Sumarlin’s chances the next day as well as their own experiences with electoral politics. Watching on, Edi Sudrajat instructed television cameras and photographers to get as close as possible to record footage and take pictures of Sumarlin talking with leaders from the region.

Try however was waiting for one final guest, a late addition to the crowd of dignitaries that have decided to come to Jakarta. When this guest arrived, Try greeted him with a big smile.

“Prime Minister Morauta”, Try said to Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea Mekere Morauta “I’m honored that you’ve taken the time to come here.”

“Well if these folks can make it, I can too, Mr. President”, Morauta said “We’re just right next door to each other after all.”

---
Hamzah Haz’ reputation outside of his political maneuverings is as the PPP’s guy when it comes to National Budget issues (https://web.archive.org/web/20110208165028/http://www.tokoh-indonesia.com/ensiklopedi/h/hamzah-haz/index.shtml). His portrayal ITTL is because I think based on seeing him in OTL, he’s not so much a bad guy as an opportunist. He was against female presidents in 1999 but ended up being Megawati’s VP in 2001 and quite okay with that.

I think @focus9912 asked a few pages before. It can be spelled Bepeka or BPK.

In OTL, Ginandjar was Minister of National Development Planning from 1993-1999 so he does have experience in economics.

Waiting for the reactions across the world. Some will be uneasy, but many others will be pleased to hear Try still in charge.

You can say the ones that have arrived in Jakarta are those most pleased at Try's re-election.

And the ones most displeased...you can already guess who would be unhappy seeing solidarity between the SE Asian nations and who would be unhappy seeing PNG's PM attending Try's inauguration.

Next up will be Try's inauguration and Sumarlin vs. Ginandjar for the VP's position.