Indonesia ATL: The Presidency of Try Sutrisno (1997-)

[KvAT]

TFTC! I'm sooo looking forward to seeing Tutut and, in extension, Cendana Family as a whole pay for their massive corruptions.

Also, slightly unrelated to the "current" events but, Timor crashed and burned because Tommy was imprisoned, right? I wonder if or when another national car brand would emerge (mayhap sponsored by Try?).

 

[Kosaki_MacTavish]

15th June 2003:
The PKPB Extraordinary National Congress saga continues despite it being a Sunday. In a short press conference as he arrived at Soekarno-Hatta Airport, Akbar Tandjung said that he welcomes the news that there will be a PKPB Extraordinary National Congress before announcing that he will be a candidate for the office of Chairman of the PKPB. Akbar promised that the PKPB under his chairmanship will be “constructive rather than obstructive” before disappearing inside the terminal, saying that he will be busy consolidating support across the nation.

Would be a tough fight nonetheless.

That night, with most of the nation at home as it prepares for Monday, Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto appeared on the TPI television station which she owns. Though the format of the appearance was an interview, it was clear that the questions had been pre-approved. Tutut had sufficiently recovered from the shock of the previous day’s events to openly acknowledge that there will be a PKPB Extraordinary National Congress rather than continually refer to it as “the event”.

Though she had some choice words for Akbar (“Bringing about an Extraordinary National Congress is not the same as winning it”), she saved most her venom for President Try Sutrisno. Though she did not refer to him by name, she talked about “Party destroyers” who, after destroying Golkar, is now seeking to do the same with the PKPB.

Ha

16th June 2003:
ABRI Chief of Socio-Political Affairs Staff Saurip Kadi found himself crowded by the press at ABRI Headquarters as he explained that ABRI was not involved in helping to bring about the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress. He said that this was because ABRI’s current socio-political focus is on explaining the planned territorial reforms to ABRI’s officer corps.

Why i got a gist that the "soldier wannabe" protests would be intensified in the coming weeks?

At the Presidential Palace, Minister of Home Affairs Sintong Panjaitan accompanied by Chairman of the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress Moerdiono came out of a meeting with President Try Sutrisno. Sintong and Moerdiono announced that the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress will be held on 11th-13th July 2003.

Well, well, would be interesting.

17th June 2003:
President Try Sutrisno landed at Batam, Riau. [snip]

When the President toured the factories, however, the questions from the press were not about what he discussed in his speech but rather about the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress.

“Well, this is an internal matter for them, the government is just assisting with what fulfills the criteria set out in the PKPB’s constitution and by-laws”, the President said.

“What about the Chairwoman of the PKPB’s comments about certain people being “Party Destroyers”?” asked another member of the press.

“People’s memories might be hazy but I’m pretty sure others but they should look in the mirror if they’re looking for party destroyers”, the President said “It was they after all who destroyed Golkar when they decided that they want to undermine me in the previous term.”

Man, it's going to be real nasty.

At this point, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat conveniently said that he had to move on to the next part of the itinerary which was lunch with the Nokia factory workers at their cafetaria. After the Nokia factory and lunch the President toured the Batam State Polytechnic and inspected the facilities there. In the afternoon, the President had an afternoon tea which doubled as a meet and greet with various businessmen, domestic and foreign alike, with investments in Batam. In the evening he was seen visiting Bukit Nagoya Shopping Center and was crowded by locals as he bought some food in the supermarket “for me and the State Secretary to eat in our room at the hotel”.

Can i say that Edi to Try is like... uhm, Leimena (he isn't from the military, but he's a personal friend) to Sukarno?

18th June 2003:
Appearing on Anteve’s morning news show, Ginandjar Kartasasmita weighed in on the PKPB’s Extraordinary National Congress and he was asked about what this all meant for Tutut Soeharto’s offer to him of a PKPB membership. Ginandjar said that as a non-PKPB member, he has no choice but to watch this situation play itself out. When told that he is not just any ordinary member of the public, Ginandjar only smiled coyly.

I thought he's already a member of PKPB.....

The Presidential entourage landed at Bandar Lampung from Batam. From Radin Inten Airport, the President travelled the short distance to Tarahan. There, accompanied by Minister of Mining and Energy Awang Faroek Ishak, Minister of Transportation Chappy Hakim, State Minister of State-Owned Enterprises Cacuk Sudarijanto, and Governor of Lampung Sofjan Jacoeb, the President inaugurated the Fourth Stage of the Tarahan Coal Port.

The inspection tour doubled as a meeting of sorts. The President instructed Chappy to make sure “as many ports and railways related to coal” makes it into Repelita VIII. Meanwhile, Siswono, who was not part of the inaugurating ceremony was appealing to the President and Awang not to forget that coal was also needed for domestic purposes such as cement factories and not just for exports. Awang actually agreed with this saying that the challenge medium and long term will be to balance exporting coal and making sure cement factories and electricity generators domestically get their coal.

“We have to make sure we have supply for both purposes”, the President said “Have to be quicker in issuing permits so these guys can explore and get to production as quickly as possible if they find anything.”

The President and his entourage then returned to Jakarta by plane.

Hmm, looks like Medan and Palembang would be connected to Pekanbaru sooner by toll road than rail for REPELITA VIII.

19th June 2003:
Minister of Finance Boediono, Governor of Bank Indonesia Bambang Subianto, Head of IBRA Herwidayatmo, and Head of the BPKP Sjahruddin Rasul came out of a meeting with the President with cheerful expressions on their faces. In their joint press conference, the four officials announced that all the banks which have received BLBI assistance during the Asian Financial Crisis has repaid the assistance they received, that the BPKP has audited the banks and can declare that all of the repayments has been made.

*claps Very nice.

State Minister of Youth and Sports Indra Djati Sidi was also seen coming to the Presidential Palace to meet with the President. Indra emerged to report the President’s approval for his ministry’s intention to have a special commemoration for the Youth Pledge Day. Indra said that President has instructed athat a big deal should be made of Youth Pledge Day that year given that it’s the 75th anniversary of the event.

As an aspiring historian that read lots of book surrounding the events of 1928 Youth Pledge, maybe they can add Sukarno and Sukiman's PPPKI (Permoefakatan Perhimpoenan Politik Kebangsaan Indonesia) for the showcase of the event. Sure, it would be still too far to mention that event (1927 Communist Rebellion) as this is the Renewal Order, but PPPKI would suffice. Speaking of historians, Benedict Anderson and Ruth McVey are still banned from entering Indonesia, right?

20th June 2003:
[snip]

In a press conference at the Department of Health, Minister of Health Azrul Azwar announced that China, Hong Kong, and Macau has been taken off the list of SARS “travel-advised” countries and that anti-SARS measures directed against them will be ceased with immediate effect. This follows the WHO’s announcement that China, Hong Kong, and Macau has been decleared to be SARS-free.

They're really didn't want to lose prestige, eh.

21st June 2003:
Though it was a Saturday, Vice Chairman of the DPR Hartono, Leader of the PKPB in the DPR Yusril Ihza Mahendra, Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani, Treasurer of the PKPB Fuad Bawazier, and Prabowo Subianto assembled at the PKPB’s National Headquarters for a morning meeting. A lot were discussed during the meeting.

Tutut said that the PKPB should give full cooperation to Moerdiono as the latter organizes the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress saying that Moerdiono was loyal to the President Soeharto and that it was just the case that “The President is hiding behind him” to make sure that the Extraordinary National Congress ahead.

Well, does he? I'd say he's loyal to "the President" rather than "Soeharto", just like Wiranto.

Regarding the contest for the chairman’s position, Maulani reported that Tutut still enjoys a lot of support at the regency/municipal branches and that Akbar is wrong if he thinks he can win.

Yusril put forward the idea that the PKPB should go ahead and publicly state that Akbar and his followers “switched sides” at the MPR General Session to ensure the President’s re-election and that the quid pro quo was that the President would support Akbar’s candidacy for the chairmanship of the PKPB. Yusril said that this would ensure more support for Tutut as they approach the Extraordinary National Congress.

Hartono and Prabowo disagreed with this. Not so much because they disagree that there was a deal but because “things could turn nasty”. Prabowo explained that if the PKPB went public with a statement saying that Akbar had switched sides, the government’s counter would simply be to point out that the PKPB had successfully gotten elements of the ABRI Delegation to vote against the President and that this would make things awkward.

Very awkward.

“In any case, there’s probably no need for us to go public with anything”, said Prabowo “Right now, the wrong move for the President would be to openly support Akbar because that has a high risk of backfiring and causing even more internal support to flock the Chairwoman’s way and delivering victory to her. Akbar knows this. Whatever deal he has with the President, it’ll be for nothing if he loses.”

Can't deny that he's a good strategist.

23rd June 2003:
The President’s first meeting of the morning was with Attorney General Muchtar Arifin. The two chatted about various issues related to Muchtar’s area of work but then Muchtar became quiet and the President asked Muchtar to speak.

“Mr. President, if I may”, he began “I have in my possession a collection of information which the Attorney General’s Office has recently compiled and verified. The reason that I have come here today to ask for your time is to ask for your approval because of the potentially political nature of it.”

“How is it potentially political, Mr. Attorney General?” asked the President.

Muchtar produced a large thick folder from his briefcase and handed it across the table for the President to skim through. There was silence in the room as the President studied it.

“This is all new?” asked the President “I mean, we did not have any signs of this before?

“Yes, Mr. President”, replied Muchtar “Any of the information found in there was gathered in the last 3 months, I did not inherit it from my predecessor even though he himself had compiled a lot of material.”

The President flicked through the pages.

“Are there grounds for…?” the President asked, his voice trailing off as he continued to flick through the pages.

“Yes, Mr. President, Law no. 3 of 1971 regarding the Criminal Act of Corruption”, Muchtar said “But as I have said before, I would require your approval for prosecution considering the potentially political nature of it.”

“Let me give it some thought, Mr. Attorney General”, said the President.

When Muchtar left the room, the President continued to study the documents on his desk.

If I was to openly declare support for Akbar, that might mean victory for Tutut because the PKPB would rally around their chairwoman and defeat Akbar the “Try lackey”.

But what if rather than openly declare support for Akbar, I take Tutut out of the race instead…

…after all, it’s not enough that Akbar wins, Tutut has to lose as well…

.... It's about that report from Transparency International?

---
And that’s BLBI settled, ladies and gentlemen. Something that unfortunately is still not settled in OTL.

Lol yeah

China was declared SARS-free on 25th June in OTL https://www.nytimes.com/2003/06/25/world/china-has-quelled-sars-world-health-agency-says.html

Hmm, so not that far then, but still, Luo Gan has everything to lose if he did not act as tough as Try's Indonesia.

 

[GSD310]

TFTC! I'm sooo looking forward to seeing Tutut and, in extension, Cendana Family as a whole pay for their massive corruptions.

Also, slightly unrelated to the "current" events but, Timor crashed and burned because Tommy was imprisoned, right? I wonder if or when another national car brand would emerge (mayhap sponsored by Try?).

Haven't thought as far as another national car yet. Right now Timor is still around but without the National Car status.

I thought he's already a member of PKPB.....

He's been offered but hasn't accepted. Try's just said "Terserahlah mau masuk PKPB atau enggak".

Speaking of historians, Benedict Anderson and Ruth McVey are still banned from entering Indonesia, right?

Yes. Benedict Anderson's probably banned until Try steps down for calling Try "Diet Soeharto".

It's about that report from Transparency International?

Guess again.

Can i say that Edi to Try is like... uhm, Leimena (he isn't from the military, but he's a personal friend) to Sukarno?

I saved this question till last because it's going to be a long answer.

Very much so. I think watching and reading about them in OTL, the signs are there that they have a longstanding friendship and relationship: and have gone through a lot together
-When Try was Army Chief of Staff, Edi was the Deputy Army Chief of Staff.

-When Try became Commander of ABRI, Edi was Army Chief of Staff and they were the top two faces in ABRI at a time when ABRI's relationship with Soeharto wasn't good.

-When Try became VP and then sidelined, Edi was Minister of Defense and Security and was similarly sidelined. You can say that at some point during its history, the Minister of Defense and Security's position was one position that can be said to be toothless. It was powerful between 1968-1983 because it was combined with the Commander of ABRI's position but after 1983 when the two positions were separated, it was clear that a lot of the power lies in the Commander of ABRI's position. So Edi was walking into a position where he wasn't going to be powerful when Soeharto appointed him to this position.

-Then when Soeharto fell from power in 1998, Try and Edi worked together and tried to challenge Habibie's position at the Golkar Extraordinary National Congress in 1998. Habibie backed Akbar Tandjung for Chairman of Golkar while Try backed Edi. Edi lost because the other backer of his candidacy for chairman was Soeharto and Try blundered by emphasizing this fact a little too much at a time when it was not good to be seen to be close to Soeharto.

-They left Golkar and then formed the OTL PKPI together.

-And then of course, Try was there at the end for Edi:

Not gonna lie, but I've gotten teary-eyed thinking about what's going to happen a little bit further on ITTL. Where's @Fialnir when you need him? He dreads this moment too.

 

[GSD310]

24th June 2003:
Arriving at the DPR building for work and being crowded around by the press, Chairman of the DPR Matori Abdul Djalil said that the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress was a matter for the the PKPB to resolve. From the DPR’s point of view, however, Matori hopes that the situation will be resolved soon because it is causing disruption to the DPR’s agenda and that the DPR is practically not in session because its PKPB members are out of Jakarta campaigning for whoever they are supporting at the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress.

At the Presidential Palace, President Try Sutrisno met with Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo. Ari spoke about his recent trip out of Jakarta which took him to Aceh, Irian Jaya, and East Timor over the last few weeks. He spoke of the “eerie silence” as far as any traces of the GAM, OPM, and FRETILIN in those three provinces were concerned. No acts of terror against local security apparatus or against the general community, no weapons being stolen in raids, no unofficial taxes being imposed on local populace, even the known FRETILIN presence in East Timor has been dormant and not attempted to do anything since the Singapore Settlement in 1999.

“It’s silence inside the country but it’s clear from what we know that something is being prepared from outside of the country”, the President said “Something doesn’t add up.”

25th June 2003:
Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo, Head of the BKPM Mari Pangestu and Junior Minister of Finance Darmin Nasution held a joint press conference after they emerged out of the meeting with the President. Siswono said that the government had received a letter from South Korea’s KIA Motors informing the government of its intention to terminate its partnership with car manufacturers PT. Timor Putra Nasional and to invest in Indonesia on its own accord rather than as part of a partnership with. Timor. Mari said that while the termination of the partnership between Kita Motors and Timor was a matter for the companies in question, the President has instructed that KIA Motors be accommodated accordingly so they can invest in Indonesia as a single actor rather than as part of a partnership.

When asked about what will happen to Timor, Siswono said that this was a matter for Timor to decide as a private enterprise but added that the only thing that is for certain is that the arrangement between KIA Motors and Timor is coming to an end.

Darmin added that another thing that is certain is that Timor still has outstanding debt to the state in the form of duties and taxes. Darmin pointed to the fact that in the period that Timor enjoyed National Car status, it had imported 40,000 units of cars from South Korea without having had to pay import duties, import VATs, and luxury goods VATs. While Timor has paid its obligations after it had lost its National Car status, it has not paid its obligations for the cars it imported while it had National Car status. Darmin said that the amount still owed to the state is Rp. 3,99 trillion.

The question everyone was keen to hear an answer for was what is the political significance of this decision and at this Siswono became thoughtful.

“Last week we saw matters related to the BLBI being officially settled and now this, I think it’s safe to say that something significant is going on”, Siswono replied “And that something is that the old way of doing things are fading away.”

26th June 2003:
Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto was in full flow at a PKPB event in Pademawu, Madura, East Java, the hometown of Vice Chairman of the DPR Hartono. Calling on all PKPB members to refuse to be beaten into submission, Tutut said that “all those” claiming credit for today’s economic growth and for today’s prosperity better remember that they stand on the shoulders of President Soeharto and that without Soeharto’s successes, the nation would not be where it is at today. She refused to take questions from the press about KIA’s request to terminate its partnership with Timor.

Heading out to depart from his office for an event, Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti was asked about the previous day’s United States Federal Reserve’s interest rate cuts which has brought interest rates down to historic lows in that country. Dorodjatun said that the Federal Reserves are seeking to push the American economy into full recovery after the 2001 downturn and adds that the government is most definitely monitoring to see what effect this has on the Indonesian economy.

27th June 2003:
The Presidential Palace today played host to a ceremony attended by the top officials of the Department of Defense and Security and the top brass of ABRI. The President stood and watched proudly as he acted as witness to two signing ceremonies:

The first ceremony involved Minister of Defense and Security Wiranto and German Minister of Defense Peter Struck who had come from Germany to conclude what had been unfinished some weeks ago at the G-8 Summit. The deal which Wiranto and Struck signed off meant that the following will now be heading in Indonesia’s direction:

*94 Leopard 2 MBTs
*50 Marder IFVs
*12 MiG-29s aircrafts
*18 RM-70 rocket launchers
*3 Gepard-class fast attack craft

Then it was the turn of Junior Minister of Defense and Security Adwin Suryohadiprodjo, who signed an agreement with Texmaco’s Marimutu Sinivasan which would see the latter produce 300 Perkasa Trucks for ABRI to transport personnel and equipment.

The President in his speech said that the deals signed represented the effort Indonesia is making at strengthening its military capability by both procuring weapons from abroad as well as domestically by supporting the local defense industry. The speech started off routine though it featured comments that embassies in Jakarta took to be a shot at Malaysia, China, and Australia.

“Around a month ago, a lot was made about certain procurements of weapons by a neighboring country and my response is the same now as it was then: I take note accordingly. And I say that because it would be exhausting if we were to worry about every single weapons procurement being made in the region and around the world. Rather than worry, I would much rather ask certain others to respect what is going on here. I have not made a fuss about what has been procured from where and with the encouragement of whom so I hope no fuss will be made about what ABRI has procured for itself here and throughout the course of my presidency.”

28th June 2003:
It was in the afternoon when the President begged leave from First Lady Tuti Setiawati and his family to have a meeting at a private corner of the Presidential Palace. Arriving on time and almost to the second as he promised to meet with the President was none other than State Secretary Edi Sudrajat.

“Well, how did it go?” asked the President when he was done with small talk.

“I met with Akbar Tandjung last night at Medan in the midst of his campaigning for support there, Mr. President” Edi reported “And we discussed many things.”

“How does he see his chances of winning now?” asked the President.

“He feels that he has better odds after this week, Mr. President”, Edi said “The completion of BLBI repayments, the sight of KIA requesting to end its partnership with Timor and a Soeharto crony like Marimutu signing a government contract with us has caused sentiment to begin to change in the PKPB. Within even the ranks of Tutut supporters, there’s a sense that maybe, just maybe, the Chairwoman’s time is finished and that time has run out for Soehartoism. For Akbar and his supporters, this has made them even more certain that they are doing the right thing.”

The President nodded his head as he processed what he had just heard.

“What about what I have proposed to him to solve the dilemma of not being able to support him openly?” asked the President.

“He has said that it will be more than sufficient, Mr. President”, Edi said “If you’re able to successfully use the means that you have at your disposal on Tutut, he will be more than happy to ensure the PKPB’s support for the Anti-Terror Bill. He also pledges to have a more constructive relationship with the government in the event of his election as Chairman of the PKPB though having said that, he hopes you will excuse him if the PKPB disagrees with the government from time to time and when the PKPB takes up the fight to the PKPI at the next election.”

“We’ll see about that”, the President said about the last part “But other than that it’s all good.”

“One more thing, Mr. President”, Edi said “He also said that because it will not be possible for you to support him openly, he begs leave to look for political support from other elements which may help him gain election to the chairmanship.”

“Other elements?” repeated the President “What or who do you suppose he means by that?”

“I would not know”, Edi said “But I have said on your behalf that given that you cannot support him openly, it’s not your place to stop him from gaining alternative sources of political support.”

“You speak with my voice and what you say is correct”, the President assured Edi even as he wondered whose support Akbar will be looking for.

“Thank you, Mr. President”, Edi said as he studied the President’s expression “And now the only question that remains to be answered is whether or not you are ready to do what you intend to do to Tutut.”

“You leave that to me”, the President said.

30th June 2003:
The President had his breakfast meeting with Vice President JB Sumarlin. Sumarlin reported that in the days after the Federal Reserve’s rate cut, the Rupiah had gotten stronger and has now reached $1= Rp. 3,983. But Sumarlin saw the serious expression on the President’s face and asked if he wanted to talk about something else. The President replied by pulling out the folder of documents which Attorney General Muchtar Arifin had given to him the week prior. Bemused, Sumarlin began opening the folder when the President pushed it across the table to him.

Sumarlin read only the executive summary before he felt that this was enough, closed the folder, and pushed the folder back to the President.

“Whatever you choose to do with this, I’m behind you every step of the way, Mr. President”, Sumarlin said “But for my own sake, I would like to know, Mr. President, what is your intention towards Tutut Soeharto?”

“I overcame her at the 2003 MPR General Session and now she is barely holding on, Mr. Vice President”, the President said “My intention now is to finish the job, make sure that she has no chance at political recovery and make sure that this is her political demise.”

“I understand, Mr. President”, Sumarlin said “It’s just that…”

The President watched as Sumarlin took off his glasses and reach for the tissues on the table to wipe away the tears streaming down his face.

“It’s just that without President Soeharto, we wouldn’t be sitting here right now”, Sumarlin said, slightly sobbing.

The President sat back and his mind wandered a few decades to the past.

---
Nearly three decades prior...
“Try, what’s this I hear about your son?” asked President Soeharto.

“I apologize, Mr. President”, Presidential Aide-de-Camp Try Sutrisno replied “It’s just that I don’t want such things to distract from my duties.”

“Your son can’t see because firecrackers blew up in his eyes, you’re already distracted, that much I can guarantee”, said the President.

“Sir, Yes Sir”, Try replied, looking down at the floor.

“There’s a hospital in Boston, United States that’s been recommended to me”, the President said “You need to take your son and get his eyes treated.”

“But the costs for the treatment…for everything”, stammered Try.

“I’ve got the costs covered, Try, you just focus on getting him treated”, the President said.

---
The President’s thoughts were interrupted by the sound of rustling as Sumarlin pushed the tissue box across the table to him. Without realizing it, the President had also wept at the thought of his predecessor.

Tutut was at Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi to attend an event held to show support for her re-election as chairwoman and she was at the airport when a call came in on her mobile phone. It was her brother Bambang Trihatmodjo.

“Mbakyu, I have been summoned by Mas Try to the Palace”, said Bambang “I just wanted to let you know.”

“You’re not getting arrested right?” joked Tutut as she shared a laugh with Bambang before becoming serious “Well, your Head of State summons you…go to him.”

Tutut caught the flight back to Jakarta and it was evening when she arrived; riding in her car back to Cendana Street. When she walked inside, Bambang was already waiting for her and looking a bit pale.

“Mbakyu, please be honest with me” Bambang said without bothering with the small talk “Those Scorpion Tanks that were purchased in Bapak’s last few years, did you or did you not take a commission from that?”

“What does that have to do with anything?” asked Tutut “What did you talk about with Mas Try?”

“It absolutely has everything to do with anything, Mbakyu”, Bambang said “The Attorney General’s Office, they’ve found a lot of material on you and the tanks and…”

“Whatever it is he thinks he’s found on me, he’s just playing a political game and trying to score political points, you know that right?” Tutut asked angrily though something in her voice hinted at panic.

“I don’t know and could care less about political games right now”, Bambang countered “The only thing I know for certain is that he thinks he's found dirt on you, enough dirt that he thinks you might be interested in what he has to offer you."

Tutut kept a poker face but her heart was beating fast.

"What does he want to offer me?" asked Tutut.

“He’s offering to turn a blind eye to whatever it is that the Attorney General’s Office has found on you and the Scorpion Tanks but that in exchange, you would have to fulfill three specific conditions.” Bambang said.

“And what are those conditions?” asked Tutut.

“First, that you withdraw your candidacy as Chairwoman of the PKPB at the Extraordinary National Congress and not back any other candidates for chairman at the Extraordinary National Congress”, Bambang replied “Second, that you and any others related to you will retire from politics and political activity at the conclusion of the Extraordinary National Congress.”

“And the third condition?” demanded Tutut.

“That you publicly declare and acknowledge that he is not only the President of the Republic of Indonesia but that he is also our father’s one true constitutional successor”, said Bambang.

Tutut scoffed slightly at this last condition.

“And if I don’t fulfill these conditions?” she asked.

“Then whether you win, lose, draw or whatever at the Extraordinary National Congress will not matter because it is his intention to make sure you are prosecuted should you choose to ignore his conditions”, Bambang replied.

---
This was going to be a giant chapter but I decided to split it into two, the previous chapter and this one.

In OTL, KIA Motors’ proposal was to restructure Timor Putra Nasional and continue cooperation, provided that Tommy is no longer involved https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timor_(mobil)#Pasca_sengketa_WTO

In a way Timor does better ITTL because even without the National Car status, Indonesia has survived the Asian Financial Crisis and is growing strongly so there’ll be more of a market for it. But this is KIA’s ITTL way of saying that they don’t want to be associated with Tommy anymore.

The amount of Rp. 3,99 trillion is based on OTL though I’m not sure whether or not this has been successfully collected. https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...1&dq=ppn+bm+timor&pg=PA29&printsec=frontcover

If anybody’s wondering, the division of labor between Wiranto and Adwin is that the latter is mostly concerned with equipment that’s produced in Indonesia. Adwin is unofficially the minister of defense industries. In OTL, Adwin was close to Habibie and was the CEO of PT. PAL though it’s unclear when his tenure ended.

Texmaco claims that because it did not own a bank, it has not received BLBI. In practice, it did borrow a lot of money from banks during the Asian Financial Crisis and the collection of the debt is often related to the BLBI. As of 2022, this debt has not been settled yet (https://kumparan.com/ryanghiff23/menteri-keuangan-texmaco-harus-bayar-utang-1xcteDNHZq4). We can say here that because everything related is BLBI is settled, Texmaco has also settled its debts. Basically, Try waited until everything was settled before it approves of the Perkasa Trucks.

The other significance is that according to Laksamana Sukardi, Texmaco was close to Soeharto and was able to get the loans that it got because Soeharto facilitated it (https://www.cnbcindonesia.com/marke...-dengan-soeharto-gus-dur-hingga-terlilit-blbi), so we have here a Soeharto crony “switching sides” to Try.

Sumarlin getting teary-eyed about Soeharto is a reflection of his OTL self crying when he was first appointed as a minister by Soeharto https://bisnis.tempo.co/read/1304436/air-mata-jb-sumarlin-ketika-ditunjuk-soeharto-jadi-menteri

For the OTL story of Try’s son nearly going blind because of firecrackers and Soeharto ordering for treatment and paying for the bills, check out https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...ufik+dwi+cahyono&pg=PA117&printsec=frontcover

 

[Kosaki_MacTavish]

24th June 2003:
Arriving at the DPR building for work and being crowded around by the press, Chairman of the DPR Matori Abdul Djalil said that the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress was a matter for the the PKPB to resolve. From the DPR’s point of view, however, Matori hopes that the situation will be resolved soon because it is causing disruption to the DPR’s agenda and that the DPR is practically not in session because its PKPB members are out of Jakarta campaigning for whoever they are supporting at the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress.

IIRC they got around 36 percent on the 2002 Election. Certainly more than enough to prevent a 66% quorum to be met so that the DPR can have their sessions in-between. Well, also a TIL moment for me since i thought the New Order-era quorum is around 50%.

At the Presidential Palace, President Try Sutrisno met with Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo. Ari spoke about his recent trip out of Jakarta which took him to Aceh, Irian Jaya, and East Timor over the last few weeks. He spoke of the “eerie silence” as far as any traces of the GAM, OPM, and FRETILIN in those three provinces were concerned. No acts of terror against local security apparatus or against the general community, no weapons being stolen in raids, no unofficial taxes being imposed on local populace, even the known FRETILIN presence in East Timor has been dormant and not attempted to do anything since the Singapore Settlement in 1999.

“It’s silence inside the country but it’s clear from what we know that something is being prepared from outside of the country”, the President said “Something doesn’t add up.”

So Falintil has finally stopped doing back-channel communications with TNI, right? I wonder about the remaining Garda Paksi holdouts....

25th June 2003:
Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo, Head of the BKPM Mari Pangestu and Junior Minister of Finance Darmin Nasution held a joint press conference after they emerged out of the meeting with the President. Siswono said that the government had received a letter from South Korea’s KIA Motors informing the government of its intention to terminate its partnership with car manufacturers PT. Timor Putra Nasional and to invest in Indonesia on its own accord rather than as part of a partnership with. Timor. Mari said that while the termination of the partnership between KIA Motors and Timor was a matter for the companies in question, the President has instructed that KIA Motors be accommodated accordingly so they can invest in Indonesia as a single actor rather than as part of a partnership.

When asked about what will happen to Timor, Siswono said that this was a matter for Timor to decide as a private enterprise but added that the only thing that is for certain is that the arrangement between KIA Motors and Timor is coming to an end.

Darmin added that another thing that is certain is that Timor still has outstanding debt to the state in the form of duties and taxes. Darmin pointed to the fact that in the period that Timor enjoyed National Car status, it had imported 40,000 units of cars from South Korea without having had to pay import duties, import VATs, and luxury goods VATs. While Timor has paid its obligations after it had lost its National Car status, it has not paid its obligations for the cars it imported while it had National Car status. Darmin said that the amount still owed to the state is Rp. 3,99 trillion.

The question everyone was keen to hear an answer for was what is the political significance of this decision and at this Siswono became thoughtful.

“Last week we saw matters related to the BLBI being officially settled and now this, I think it’s safe to say that something significant is going on”, Siswono replied “And that something is that the old way of doing things are fading away.”

Ceetainly, Pak Sis.... And Tommy got screwed again lol

26th June 2003:
Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto was in full flow at a PKPB event in Pademawu, Madura, East Java, the hometown of Vice Chairman of the DPR Hartono. Calling on all PKPB members to refuse to be beaten into submission, Tutut said that “all those” claiming credit for today’s economic growth and for today’s prosperity better remember that they stand on the shoulders of President Soeharto and that without Soeharto’s successes, the nation would not be where it is at today. She refused to take questions from the press about KIA’s request to terminate its partnership with Timor.

Well, on one hand Soeharto listened to Berkeley Mafia during the "bad times" to going stronger, but relented since he listened more to his cronies and family during the "good times". Better to keep going stronger, eh?

There are Trans-Islands tolls to be built, villages to get 24-hour electricity, the peace to be maintained, and especially a prosperous Indonesia to be made after 10 REPELITAs. I'd say it's still a "bad time" until we got into the 11th one, hehe.

Heading out to depart from his office for an event, Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti was asked about the previous day’s United States Federal Reserve’s interest rate cuts which has brought interest rates down to historic lows in that country. Dorodjatun said that the Federal Reserves are seeking to push the American economy into full recovery after the 2001 downturn and adds that the government is most definitely monitoring to see what effect this has on the Indonesian economy.

Road to Rp3.500/USD let's gooooo!!!

27th June 2003:
The Presidential Palace today played host to a ceremony attended by the top officials of the Department of Defense and Security and the top brass of ABRI. The President stood and watched proudly as he acted as witness to two signing ceremonies:

The first ceremony involved Minister of Defense and Security Wiranto and German Minister of Defense Peter Struck who had come from Germany to conclude what had been unfinished some weeks ago at the G-8 Summit. The deal which Wiranto and Struck signed off meant that the following will now be heading in Indonesia’s direction:

*94 Leopard 2 MBTs
*50 Marder IFVs
*12 MiG-29s aircrafts
*18 RM-70 rocket launchers
*3 Gepard-class fast attack craft

Nice.

Then it was the turn of Junior Minister of Defense and Security Adwin Suryohadiprodjo, who signed an agreement with Texmaco’s Marimutu Sinivasan which would see the latter produce 300 Perkasa Trucks for ABRI to transport personnel and equipment.

Look who's back.

The President in his speech said that the deals signed represented the effort Indonesia is making at strengthening its military capability by both procuring weapons from abroad as well as domestically by supporting the local defense industry. The speech started off routine though it featured comments that embassies in Jakarta took to be a shot at Malaysia, China, and Australia.

“Around a month ago, a lot was made about certain procurements of weapons by a neighboring country and my response is the same now as it was then: I take note accordingly. And I say that because it would be exhausting if we were to worry about every single weapons procurement being made in the region and around the world. Rather than worry, I would much rather ask certain others to respect what is going on here. I have not made a fuss about what has been procured from where and with the encouragement of whom so I hope no fuss will be made about what ABRI has procured for itself here and throughout the course of my presidency.”

Ha, knowing Najib....

28th June 2003:
It was in the afternoon when the President begged leave from First Lady Tuti Setiawati and his family to have a meeting at a private corner of the Presidential Palace. Arriving on time and almost to the second as he promised to meet with the President was none other than State Secretary Edi Sudrajat.

“Well, how did it go?” asked the President when he was done with small talk.

“I met with Akbar Tandjung last night at Medan in the midst of his campaigning for support there, Mr. President” Edi reported “And we discussed many things.”

“How does he see his chances of winning now?” asked the President.

“He feels that he has better odds after this week, Mr. President”, Edi said “The completion of BLBI repayments, the sight of KIA requesting to end its partnership with Timor and a Soeharto crony like Marimutu signing a government contract with us has caused sentiment to begin to change in the PKPB. Within even the ranks of Tutut supporters, there’s a sense that maybe, just maybe, the Chairwoman’s time is finished and that time has run out for Soehartoism. For Akbar and his supporters, this has made them even more certain that they are doing the right thing.”

The President nodded his head as he processed what he had just heard.

Oh, nice.

“What about what I have proposed to him to solve the dilemma of not being able to support him openly?” asked the President.

“He has said that it will be more than sufficient, Mr. President”, Edi said “If you’re able to successfully use the means that you have at your disposal on Tutut, he will be more than happy to ensure the PKPB’s support for the Anti-Terror Bill. He also pledges to have a more constructive relationship with the government in the event of his election as Chairman of the PKPB though having said that, he hopes you will excuse him if the PKPB disagrees with the government from time to time and when the PKPB takes up the fight to the PKPI at the next election.”

“We’ll see about that”, the President said about the last part “But other than that it’s all good.”

Would be interesting to see how the PKPB-PKPI dynamic would play out. Perhaps PKPB would strengthened their image as "The Villagers' Party"?

“One more thing, Mr. President”, Edi said “He also said that because it will not be possible for you to support him openly, he begs leave to look for political support from other elements which may help him gain election to the chairmanship.”

“Other elements?” repeated the President “What or who do you suppose he means by that?”

“I would not know”, Edi said “But I have said on your behalf that given that you cannot support him openly, it’s not your place to stop him from gaining alternative sources of political support.”

“You speak with my voice and what you say is correct”, the President assured Edi even as he wondered whose support Akbar will be looking for.

Well, he was an activist. Surely he still has his connections from back then.

“Thank you, Mr. President”, Edi said as he studied the President’s expression “And now the only question that remains to be answered is whether or not you are ready to do what you intend to do to Tutut.”

“You leave that to me”, the President said.

So what is it? Timor? Cloves? The defense industry contracts Tutut took over from the officers back then?

30th June 2003:
The President had his breakfast meeting with Vice President JB Sumarlin. Sumarlin reported that in the days after the Federal Reserve’s rate cut, the Rupiah had gotten stronger and has now reached $1= Rp. 3,983.

Well, it begins.

But Sumarlin saw the serious expression on the President’s face and asked if he wanted to talk about something else. The President replied by pulling out the folder of documents which Attorney General Muchtar Arifin had given to him the week prior. Bemused, Sumarlin began opening the folder when the President pushed it across the table to him.

Sumarlin read only the executive summary before he felt that this was enough, closed the folder, and pushed the folder back to the President.

“Whatever you choose to do with this, I’m behind you every step of the way, Mr. President”, Sumarlin said “But for my own sake, I would like to know, Mr. President, what is your intention towards Tutut Soeharto?”

“I overcame her at the 2003 MPR General Session and now she is barely holding on, Mr. Vice President”, the President said “My intention now is to finish the job, make sure that she has no chance at political recovery and make sure that this is her political demise.”

“I understand, Mr. President”, Sumarlin said “It’s just that…”

The President watched as Sumarlin took off his glasses and reach for the tissues on the table to wipe away the tears streaming down his face.

“It’s just that without President Soeharto, we wouldn’t be sitting here right now”, Sumarlin said, slightly sobbing.

Man....

The President sat back and his mind wandered a few decades to the past.

---
Nearly three decades prior...
“Try, what’s this I hear about your son?” asked President Soeharto.

“I apologize, Mr. President”, Presidential Aide-de-Camp Try Sutrisno replied “It’s just that I don’t want such things to distract from my duties.”

“Your son can’t see because firecrackers blew up in his eyes, you’re already distracted, that much I can guarantee”, said the President.

“Sir, Yes Sir”, Try replied, looking down at the floor.

“There’s a hospital in Boston, United States that’s been recommended to me”, the President said “You need to take your son and get his eyes treated.”

“But the costs for the treatment…for everything”, stammered Try.

“I’ve got the costs covered, Try, you just focus on getting him treated”, the President said.

---
The President’s thoughts were interrupted by the sound of rustling as Sumarlin pushed the tissue box across the table to him. Without realizing it, the President had also wept at the thought of his predecessor.

The Big Man's influence is still there even after five years. But Tutut is not her father.

Tutut was at Ujung Pandang, South Sulawesi to attend an event held to show support for her re-election as chairwoman and she was at the airport when a call came in on her mobile phone. It was her brother Bambang Trihatmodjo.

“Mbakyu, I have been summoned by Mas Try to the Palace”, said Bambang “I just wanted to let you know.”

“You’re not getting arrested right?” joked Tutut as she shared a laugh with Bambang before becoming serious “Well, your Head of State summons you…go to him.”

Tutut caught the flight back to Jakarta and it was evening when she arrived; riding in her car back to Cendana Street. When she walked inside, Bambang was already waiting for her and looking a bit pale.

“Mbakyu, please be honest with me” Bambang said without bothering with the small talk “Those Scorpion Tanks that were purchased in Bapak’s last few years, did you or did you not take a commission from that?”

Oh, that one....

“What does that have to do with anything?” asked Tutut “What did you talk about with Mas Try?”

“It absolutely has everything to do with anything, Mbakyu”, Bambang said “The Attorney General’s Office, they’ve found a lot of material on you and the tanks and…”

“Whatever it is he thinks he’s found on me, he’s just playing a political game and trying to score political points, you know that right?” Tutut asked angrily though something in her voice hinted at panic.

“I don’t know and could care less about political games right now”, Bambang countered “The only thing I know for certain is that he thinks he's found dirt on you, enough dirt that he thinks you might be interested in what he has to offer you."

Tutut kept a poker face but her heart was beating fast.

"What does he want to offer me?" asked Tutut.

“He’s offering to turn a blind eye to whatever it is that the Attorney General’s Office has found on you and the Scorpion Tanks but that in exchange, you would have to fulfill three specific conditions.” Bambang said.

“And what are those conditions?” asked Tutut.

“First, that you withdraw your candidacy as Chairwoman of the PKPB at the Extraordinary National Congress and not back any other candidates for chairman at the Extraordinary National Congress”, Bambang replied “Second, that you and any others related to you will retire from politics and political activity at the conclusion of the Extraordinary National Congress.”

“And the third condition?” demanded Tutut.

“That you publicly declare and acknowledge that he is not only the President of the Republic of Indonesia but that he is also our father’s one true constitutional successor”, said Bambang.

Tutut scoffed slightly at this last condition.

“And if I don’t fulfill these conditions?” she asked.

“Then whether you win, lose, draw or whatever at the Extraordinary National Congress will not matter because it is his intention to make sure you are prosecuted should you choose to ignore his conditions”, Bambang replied.

Ooooooffffff......

Well, this is a very bitter pill for Tutut to swallow. She still wanted the presidency and now it would took something huge to make that happened. Especially the third condition. It's so over.

And also, Yusril, the Jemaah Tarbiyah guys, and especially Prabowo would not go down easily just like that even if Tutut buckles (but Maulani and Hartono would probably followed Tutut still).

---
This was going to be a giant chapter but I decided to split it into two, the previous chapter and this one.

Nice. I think you did the right thing since the vibes for those two chapters are different enough that it warranted a split.

In OTL, KIA Motors’ proposal was to restructure Timor Putra Nasional and continue cooperation, provided that Tommy is no longer involved https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Timor_(mobil)#Pasca_sengketa_WTO

In a way Timor does better ITTL because even without the National Car status, Indonesia has survived the Asian Financial Crisis and is growing strongly so there’ll be more of a market for it. But this is KIA’s ITTL way of saying that they don’t want to be associated with Tommy anymore.

The amount of Rp. 3,99 trillion is based on OTL though I’m not sure whether or not this has been successfully collected. https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...1&dq=ppn+bm+timor&pg=PA29&printsec=frontcover

Haha, suck that.

If anybody’s wondering, the division of labor between Wiranto and Adwin is that the latter is mostly concerned with equipment that’s produced in Indonesia. Adwin is unofficially the minister of defense industries. In OTL, Adwin was close to Habibie and was the CEO of PT. PAL though it’s unclear when his tenure ended.

TIL.

Texmaco claims that because it did not own a bank, it has not received BLBI. In practice, it did borrow a lot of money from banks during the Asian Financial Crisis and the collection of the debt is often related to the BLBI. As of 2022, this debt has not been settled yet (https://kumparan.com/ryanghiff23/menteri-keuangan-texmaco-harus-bayar-utang-1xcteDNHZq4). We can say here that because everything related is BLBI is settled, Texmaco has also settled its debts. Basically, Try waited until everything was settled before it approves of the Perkasa Trucks.

The other significance is that according to Laksamana Sukardi, Texmaco was close to Soeharto and was able to get the loans that it got because Soeharto facilitated it (https://www.cnbcindonesia.com/marke...-dengan-soeharto-gus-dur-hingga-terlilit-blbi), so we have here a Soeharto crony “switching sides” to Try.

One down.

Sumarlin getting teary-eyed about Soeharto is a reflection of his OTL self crying when he was first appointed as a minister by Soeharto https://bisnis.tempo.co/read/1304436/air-mata-jb-sumarlin-ketika-ditunjuk-soeharto-jadi-menteri

Huh, since early '70s? He's certainly part of the Berkeley Mafia, then, and certainly knows about the "bad times and good times" adage....

For the OTL story of Try’s son nearly going blind because of firecrackers and Soeharto ordering for treatment and paying for the bills, check out https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...ufik+dwi+cahyono&pg=PA117&printsec=frontcover

Still patting his head nowadays, Presiden Try?

 

[GSD310]

The Big Man's influence is still there even after five years. But Tutut is not her father.

Yeah, that's the thing I wanted to highlight. The reader is probably cheering that Try is brave enough to take on Soeharto family interests but it's not necessarily the case that Try himself enjoys it. It's more likely the case that he doesn't feel good about it because of his respect for Soeharto. I don't think I'm trying to add drama by making Try not enjoy and feel guilty about what he's doing because I think that would be the result of Try's background and his relationship to Soeharto. If Edi was the one to b president, he would not have the same struggle as Try because he's on the record of openly being critical of the New Order while being Army Chief of Staff (https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...father+knows+best&pg=PA88&printsec=frontcover)

That said, OTL suggests that Try is not ignorant about what's wrong with Soeharto and his rule. He's not confrontative about it but he's brave enough to talk about issues such as succession and Soeharto's children being involved in business with Soeharto himself though he gets brushed off. (https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...="Kau+salah,+Ben"&pg=PA84&printsec=frontcover)

Oh, that one....

Yeah, I wonder if those who read the previous chapter would think that it was the Scorpions. The idea at this point in the story is that Try has some dirt that's specific to Tutut. In OTL, Tutut was never prosecuted for it. The most that happened was that she got summoned to the DPR and questioned but that's about it.

Suap 16,5 Juta Poundsterling dalam Pembelian Tank Scorpion oleh Indonesia

The Guardian tulis tentang pembelian tank Scorpion dari Alvis oleh pemerintah Indonesia pada 1995. Siti Hardjanti Rukmana mendapat komisi 16,5 juta poundsterling.

nasional.tempo.co

Tutut Membantah Menerima Komisi Pembelian 50 Scorpion

Komisi I DPR memanggil Mbak Tutut, Wismoyo Arismunandar dan R. Hartono. Mbak Tutut membantah menerima uang pelicin untuk memuluskan pembelian tank Scorpion buatan Inggris pada 1995-1996.

www.liputan6.com

 

[Kosaki_MacTavish]

Yeah, that's the thing I wanted to highlight. The reader is probably cheering that Try is brave enough to take on Soeharto family interests but it's not necessarily the case that Try himself enjoys it. It's more likely the case that he doesn't feel good about it because of his respect for Soeharto. I don't think I'm trying to add drama by making Try not enjoy and feel guilty about what he's doing because I think that would be the result of Try's background and his relationship to Soeharto.

Well, one can say that by cleaning up the mess left by his children, Soeharto's image would be preserved and PNI would keep maintaining that Try is just as the same as Soeharto, lol

But then again, would Tutut care more about her father's image or her presidential chance.... And that's not counting her non-sibling inner circle.

Yeah, I wonder if those who read the previous chapter would think that it was the Scorpions.

Frankly, i got misdirected since i thought it was related to the Malaysian case instead of Tutut's, but i looked up again yesterday and it was Scorpene-class French submarines, not Scorpion tanks developed by the British.

 

[GSD310]

Well, one can say that by cleaning up the mess left by his children, Soeharto's image would be preserved and PNI would keep maintaining that Try is just as the same as Soeharto, lol

You can say that. ITTL, Soeharto's image is most definitely better than OTL. It's very much a "there's whispers about 1965 and his children but he's very much respected".

So Falintil has finally stopped doing back-channel communications with TNI, right? I wonder about the remaining Garda Paksi holdouts....

Heh...

 

[GSD310]

1st July 2003:
The PKPB National Headquarters was the scene of a lot of activity with cars arriving. The news was then announced that Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto was having a meeting with Vice Chairman of the DPR Hartono, Leader of the PKPB in the DPR Yusril Ihza Mahendra, Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani, Treasurer of the PKPB Fuad Bawazier, and Prabowo Subianto. ZA Maulani acted as the spokesperson after the meeting. Looking strained, Maulani said that Tutut remains focused on achieving re-election at the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress and that the next few days will be spent in “internal consolidation”.

At the Presidential Palace, Minister of Information, Post, and Telecommunication Dahlan Iskan emerged out of a meeting with President Try Sutrisno. In his press conference, Dahlan said that the President had approved of Dahlan’s preparations to submit amendments of the Press Law. Dahlan explained that though this is an amendment to the existing Press Law instead of a new law, which the press quickly interpreted that it was still possible for the government to close down publications, it contains within it certain improvements. Two of the most notable improvements in the amended law was that the procedures to establish a publication will be simplified and that the Press Council will be made into an independent agency that will be chaired by someone from the press world rather than by the minister as has been the case.

Another notable addition will be the “electronic information” component of the proposed amended law. Dahlan said that this was leftover homework from his predecessor and that the internet needs to be regulated given that internet users in Indonesia has grown and will continue to grow especially that the Nusantara 21 project scheduled to be completed in 2005.

2nd July 2003:
The President chaired a cabinet meeting attended by Vice President JB Sumarlin and the Eighth Development Cabinet. The President opened proceedings by saying that even though Belgrade is about to fall, the meeting will not be discussing that aspect of United States policy but rather the Federal Reserve’s interest rate cuts the previous week which has brought interest rates at that country to levels last seen during the Eisenhower Administration. As result of that rate cut, people are seeking to put their money elsewhere, including in Indonesia and in the last week the Rupiah has strengthened, reaching $1= Rp. 3,967 as of that morning.

Inviting a discussion, it was clear there was a variety of views around the table though the ones who expressed approval spoke first. Governor of Bank Indonesia Bambang Subianto said that stronger currency helps feed a virtuous cycle that lowers inflation. Inflation is lower, Indonesia becomes more attractive to invest in, the currency become stronger, inflation is lower and it goes around and around. Minister of Defense and Security Wiranto said that given Indonesia still imports most of its weapon systems, a stronger currency is great and joked whether he should have waited another month and gotten more Leopards and MiGs causing laughter in the room.

Head of the BKPM Mari Pangestu was ambivalent, saying that whether or not a stronger currency was good thing will depend on who they talk to. Foreign investors will see Indonesia as becoming more expensive to invest in even as domestic investors feel that it is cheaper to set up factories and plants and import materials and inputs.

Minister of Trade Anthony Salim was less ambivalent. At the moment imports are cheap but Indonesia’s exports are and will become expensive. Indonesia’s FMCG markets in Africa, for example, are still comfortable with the Rupiah at Rp.4,000-4,100= $1 because the Department of Trade is encouraging them to buy wholesale from Indonesian FMCG producers and similarly to Indonesian FMCG producers to sell wholesale to help keep costs down. But if the Rupiah gets too strong, he worries there will come a point where Nigeria or Ethiopia or Tanzania will start to complain about the price.

Anthony said that of course, this is just FMCGs. When it comes to exports more broadly, Indonesia faces strong competition in the region and a stronger currency will, and probably already has, put Indonesian exports at a disadvantage.

The strongest voice expressing disapproval at the strong currency came from Minister of Tourism Sutiyoso. He reported that he was in Bali recently where the impression he got from the hotels was that that occupancy was not necessarily down but stagnant and that similar numbers to last year were expected. Inspecting airports, the foreign travellers there are saying that while Indonesia is still attractive to travel to, there are “certainly other countries more economic than Indonesia to travel this year” while the domestic tourists are saying that going overseas, especially to ASEAN nations where there are no longer exit taxes, is tempting because the strong currency “has made it cheaper”.

When the cabinet meeting was finished, Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti was given the task of talking to the press. Dorodjatun conveyed the President’s message, namely that a strong currency brings with it its own challenges and that the cabinet has been instructed to prepare a policy package to address the challenges that comes with having a strong currency.

3rd July 2003:
The President landed in Palangkaraya, Central Kalimantan. His first engagement was at the Department of Religion’s Palangkaraya offices where accompanied by Minister of Religion Slamet Effendy Yusuf and Governor of Central Kalimantan Zainuri Hasyim opened the 20th Qur’an Recitation Competion (MTQ).

From Palangkaraya, the President headed out to the Tumbang Nusa village where accompanied by Minister of Public Works Budi Soesilo Soepandji and once again by Zainuri he inaugurated the Tumbang Nusa Bridge, a bridge spanning 10 KM along the Palangkaraya-Banjarmasin Road with peat swamps either side. The President was inspecting the bridge when he realized that the Palace press corps which had come along with him to Palangkaraya was restless and fussing about something. Though he continued to politely listen about the construction process of the bridge, the President was sufficiently curious to send State Secretary Edi Sudrajat to ask what all the fuss was about. A few minutes later, Edi passed a handwritten note to the President.

“News from Jakarta: Akbar Tandjung and Ginandjar Kartasasmita about to hold a press conference together”.

When the event was over and the Presidential motorcade began to take him back to Palangkaraya, the President asked for the radio to be turned on to the RRI. By that time Akbar was having his press conference, talking about how he wanted the PKPB to play a constructive role in Indonesian politics.

“And constructive also means looking beyond the Extraordinary National Congress to what I believe the PKPB can do in the coming years as a political force”, Akbar said “To become an even stronger political force than we already are, we will once again be needing our existing members to band together. At the same time, we will need new members to strengthen our party and reinvigorate it. New members with the proven talent and experience, new members such as my former colleague for 10 years in cabinet, Ginandjar Kartasasmita!!”

The President only smiled enigmatically as he thought to himself that this was the “alternative source of support” Akbar had talked about. Meanwhile, Ginandjar spoke, saying how a PKPB membership had been offered to him but that he had not made up his mind.

“I see in Akbar Tandjung not merely someone wanting to play a constructive role”, said Ginandjar “But someone with the correct temperament and the correct mindset to lead this party into this future. This is why I am here today in front of all of you to inform you that conditional on Akbar Tandjung’s victory, I will be a member of the PKPB!”

When he arrived back at the Tjilik Riwut Airport, the President repeated once again to the press that who Ginandjar is supporting or not supporting or which party Ginandjar is joining or not joining is a matter for Ginandjar.

When the Presidential Airplane arrived back at Halim Perdanakusuma Airport, Minister of Foreign Affairs Marzuki Darusman was there to inform him of the latest news. Belgrade had fallen to the United States and its allies and President of Yugoslavia Slobodan Milosevic had evacuated the city with his followers; the United States and its allies having made it look as though they were about to march on Belgrade from the direction of Montenegro but launching a surprise attack from Vukovar, Croatia's direction when all of Yugoslavia’s attention was directed at Montenegro.

But there was more important news for the President than the United States’ 4th July eve victory. Minister of Home Affairs Sintong Panjaitan was also there to greet him and to inform him that developments were happening quickly.

“Ginandjar’s associates and followers, PKPB member or not, are now mobilizing for Akbar with a small bloc of PKPB DPR members led by Tantyo Sudharmono leading the way, Mr. President”, Sintong said “The word on the street right now is that it’s all over for Tutut.”

4th July 2003:
Things were now happening quickly. The morning saw Tutut meet again with her inner circle though when the meeting broke up, she was nowhere to be seen and the men that came to meet him all looked pale.

At the Presidential Palace, the President held a ceremony in which he swore in the following:

*Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Syamsir Siregar as Governor of North Sumatra (second term)
*Armindo Soares Mariano as Governor of East Timor

As the President shook hands with the two governors, Edi rushed over and whispered something in his ear. The President followed Edi to a room where Bambang Trihatmodjo was waiting, having gone through the secret entrance of the Presidential Palace so as to avoid the cameras.

“My sister has sent me to tell you that what you have asked of her has implications not only for herself but also to the national political dynamic”, Bambang said “She has asked for your consideration on a few things before she agrees to anything.”

Edi scoffed that Tutut was still trying to act like she was in control.

“Bambang, your sister is aware what’s at stake here, right?” asked Edi impatiently “There’s the possibility of possible prosec…”

The President placed his hand on Edi’s shoulder and he kept his mouth shut.

“Very well, Bambang”, the President said “If she has her negotiating team already prepared and ready to go, I will name my negotiating team.”

“Yes, Mr. President”, said Bambang.

“Just one more thing, Bambang so there’s no miscommunication here”, the President said “We’re on the same wavelength here about what’s going to be discussed and negotiated, right? Because otherwise we’re just wasting time and I might as well get the Attorney General to get ready.”

“I hope there will be no no need for that Mr. President, because I completely understand your point”, Bambang replied, trying to sound as humble as possible “We will be discussing my sister’s terms of surrender.”

---
The amended Press Law will also contain OTL UU ITE’s electronic information portion. You’ll have to wait for Anthony Salim to get to it for the electronic transaction portion to get some attention.

On the Fed cutting interest rates to Eisenhower-era lows https://www.ourmidland.com/news/article/Key-Rate-Set-to-Hit-Eisenhower-Era-Low-7189758.php

Yeah, who knew a stronger currency brings with it its own problems, right?

I do remember vaguely the Rupiah becoming strong, or looking stronger, during Megawati’s presidency but I don’t remember if this was the case during the entirety of Megawati’s presidency or just during this period.

There are parallels here between what’s happening to Tutut and what happened to her father in OTL in 1998. In OTL, Soeharto tried to avoid resigning and buy time by conducting a cabinet reshuffle. In response, Ginandjar, Akbar, and 12 other ministers, wrote a collective letter to Soeharto to say that if Soeharto was to do that, they would not want to sit in the reshuffled cabinet. Effectively, this meant that Ginandjar, Akbar and these 12 ministers were withdrawing support from Soeharto. Ginandjar, who was Coordinating Minister of Economics was very much seen as the person in charge of this “betrayal”. https://www.cnbcindonesia.com/news/...ubah-saat-14-menteri-ekonomi-mundur-berjamaah

To further the parallel, the letter which was sent to Soeharto was written by Akbar https://books.google.co.id/books?id...=frontcover#v=snippet&q=tulisan akbar&f=false

Interestingly, being part of negotiations about Soeharto and his family’s fate is not entirely out of character for Try. In OTL, as Soeharto lay dying in 2008, Try proposed that the government and the Soeharto family come to a settlement regarding Soeharto’s civil court case (alleged misappropriation of his foundations’ funds) and tried to mediate between the two.

Try’s efforts to achieve a settlement for Soeharto, and Tutut’s rejection of it can be seen at https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2008/01/18/07571214/try.akui.inisiatif.dari.dirinya. It’s probably the closest that OTL Try and OTL Tutut had come to conflict over anything.

The significance of Bambang Trihatmodjo being the messenger going back and forth between Try and Tutut is that in OTL, Bambang reportedly favored Try for a second term as VP in 1998. Check out the last paragraph of https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...djo+try+sutrisno&pg=PA121&printsec=frontcover

 

[Kosaki_MacTavish]

1st July 2003:
The PKPB National Headquarters was the scene of a lot of activity with cars arriving. The news was then announced that Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto was having a meeting with Vice Chairman of the DPR Hartono, Leader of the PKPB in the DPR Yusril Ihza Mahendra, Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani, Treasurer of the PKPB Fuad Bawazier, and Prabowo Subianto. ZA Maulani acted as the spokesperson after the meeting. Looking strained, Maulani said that Tutut remains focused on achieving re-election at the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress and that the next few days will be spent in “internal consolidation”.

Lots of tug-of-war, i bet.

At the Presidential Palace, Minister of Information, Post, and Telecommunication Dahlan Iskan emerged out of a meeting with President Try Sutrisno. In his press conference, Dahlan said that the President had approved of Dahlan’s preparations to submit amendments of the Press Law. Dahlan explained that though this is an amendment to the existing Press Law instead of a new law, which the press quickly interpreted that it was still possible for the government to close down publications, it contains within it certain improvements. Two of the most notable improvements in the amended law was that the procedures to establish a publication will be simplified and that the Press Council will be made into an independent agency that will be chaired by someone from the press world rather than by the minister as has been the case.

Another notable addition will be the “electronic information” component of the proposed amended law. Dahlan said that this was leftover homework from his predecessor and that the internet needs to be regulated given that internet users in Indonesia has grown and will continue to grow especially that the Nusantara 21 project scheduled to be completed in 2005.

A bit free on the press front, but controls tightened for the internet....

2nd July 2003:
The President chaired a cabinet meeting attended by Vice President JB Sumarlin and the Eighth Development Cabinet. The President opened proceedings by saying that even though Belgrade is about to fall, the meeting will not be discussing that aspect of United States policy but rather the Federal Reserve’s interest rate cuts the previous week which has brought interest rates at that country to levels last seen during the Eisenhower Administration. As result of that rate cut, people are seeking to put their money elsewhere, including in Indonesia and in the last week the Rupiah has strengthened, reaching $1= Rp. 3,967 as of that morning.

Inviting a discussion, it was clear there was a variety of views around the table though the ones who expressed approval spoke first. Governor of Bank Indonesia Bambang Subianto said that stronger currency helps feed a virtuous cycle that lowers inflation. Inflation is lower, Indonesia becomes more attractive to invest in, the currency become stronger, inflation is lower and it goes around and around. Minister of Defense and Security Wiranto said that given Indonesia still imports most of its weapon systems, a stronger currency is great and joked whether he should have waited another month and gotten more Leopards and MiGs causing laughter in the room.

Lol

Head of the BKPM Mari Pangestu was ambivalent, saying that whether or not a stronger currency was good thing will depend on who they talk to. Foreign investors will see Indonesia as becoming more expensive to invest in even as domestic investors feel that it is cheaper to set up factories and plants and import materials and inputs.

Minister of Trade Anthony Salim was less ambivalent. At the moment imports are cheap but Indonesia’s exports are and will become expensive. Indonesia’s FMCG markets in Africa, for example, are still comfortable with the Rupiah at Rp.4,000-4,100= $1 because the Department of Trade is encouraging them to buy wholesale from Indonesian FMCG producers and similarly to Indonesian FMCG producers to sell wholesale to help keep costs down. But if the Rupiah gets too strong, he worries there will come a point where Nigeria or Ethiopia or Tanzania will start to complain about the price.

Anthony said that of course, this is just FMCGs. When it comes to exports more broadly, Indonesia faces strong competition in the region and a stronger currency will, and probably already has, put Indonesian exports at a disadvantage.

The strongest voice expressing disapproval at the strong currency came from Minister of Tourism Sutiyoso. He reported that he was in Bali recently where the impression he got from the hotels was that that occupancy was not necessarily down but stagnant and that similar numbers to last year were expected. Inspecting airports, the foreign travellers there are saying that while Indonesia is still attractive to travel to, there are “certainly other countries more economic than Indonesia to travel this year” while the domestic tourists are saying that going overseas, especially to ASEAN nations where there are no longer exit taxes, is tempting because the strong currency “has made it cheaper”.

I mean, if it means helping Turkey and other nations that got slumped down by the ongoing crisis, for me it's all right. I bet Rupiah is also weaker against Euro and Pound, making the British and Europeans feels more willing to visit Indonesia, but also stronger against Lira, Ringgit, and a few others that make their country's citizens less willing, notwithstanding the Aussies of course.....

When the cabinet meeting was finished, Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti was given the task of talking to the press. Dorodjatun conveyed the President’s message, namely that a strong currency brings with it its own challenges and that the cabinet has been instructed to prepare a policy package to address the challenges that comes with having a strong currency.

Well, called it.

3rd July 2003:
The President landed in Palangkaraya, Central Kalimantan. His first engagement was at the Department of Religion’s Palangkaraya offices where accompanied by Minister of Religion Slamet Effendy Yusuf and Governor of Central Kalimantan Zainuri Hasyim opened the 20th Qur’an Recitation Competion (MTQ).

From Palangkaraya, the President headed out to the Tumbang Nusa village where accompanied by Minister of Public Works Budi Soesilo Soepandji and once again by Zainuri he inaugurated the Tumbang Nusa Bridge, a bridge spanning 10 KM along the Palangkaraya-Banjarmasin Road with peat swamps either side.

Wew, TIL.

The President was inspecting the bridge when he realized that the Palace press corps which had come along with him to Palangkaraya was restless and fussing about something. Though he continued to politely listen about the construction process of the bridge, the President was sufficiently curious to send State Secretary Edi Sudrajat to ask what all the fuss was about. A few minutes later, Edi passed a handwritten note to the President.

“News from Jakarta: Akbar Tandjung and Ginandjar Kartasasmita about to hold a press conference together”.

OOOOOOOHHHHH, IT'S HAPPPENING???

When the event was over and the Presidential motorcade began to take him back to Palangkaraya, the President asked for the radio to be turned on to the RRI. By that time Akbar was having his press conference, talking about how he wanted the PKPB to play a constructive role in Indonesian politics.

“And constructive also means looking beyond the Extraordinary National Congress to what I believe the PKPB can do in the coming years as a political force”, Akbar said “To become an even stronger political force than we already are, we will once again be needing our existing members to band together. At the same time, we will need new members to strengthen our party and reinvigorate it. New members with the proven talent and experience, new members such as my former colleague for 10 years in cabinet, Ginandjar Kartasasmita!!”

The President only smiled enigmatically as he thought to himself that this was the “alternative source of support” Akbar had talked about. Meanwhile, Ginandjar spoke, saying how a PKPB membership had been offered to him but that he had not made up his mind.

“I see in Akbar Tandjung not merely someone wanting to play a constructive role”, said Ginandjar “But someone with the correct temperament and the correct mindset to lead this party into this future. This is why I am here today in front of all of you to inform you that conditional on Akbar Tandjung’s victory, I will be a member of the PKPB!”

*clapping sound Now that's a REAL constructive force!

When he arrived back at the Tjilik Riwut Airport, the President repeated once again to the press that who Ginandjar is supporting or not supporting or which party Ginandjar is joining or not joining is a matter for Ginandjar.

Tutut and Prabowo would be fuming awokawokawokawokawok

When the Presidential Airplane arrived back at Halim Perdanakusuma Airport, Minister of Foreign Affairs Marzuki Darusman was there to inform him of the latest news. Belgrade had fallen to the United States and its allies and President of Yugoslavia Slobodan Milosevic had evacuated the city with his followers; the United States and its allies having made it look as though they were about to march on Belgrade from the direction of Montenegro but launching a surprise attack from Vukovar, Croatia's direction when all of Yugoslavia’s attention was directed at Montenegro.

Goodbye, Milosevic, for the time being....

But there was more important news for the President than the United States’ 4th July eve victory. Minister of Home Affairs Sintong Panjaitan was also there to greet him and to inform him that developments were happening quickly.

“Ginandjar’s associates and followers, PKPB member or not, are now mobilizing for Akbar with a small bloc of PKPB DPR members led by Tantyo Sudharmono leading the way, Mr. President”, Sintong said “The word on the street right now is that it’s all over for Tutut.”

It's Tutover.

4th July 2003:
Things were now happening quickly. The morning saw Tutut meet again with her inner circle though when the meeting broke up, she was nowhere to be seen and the men that came to meet him all looked pale.

It's Hartonover, it's Yusrover, it's Maulanover, and it's Bawazover too.... >inb4 Prabowo

At the Presidential Palace, the President held a ceremony in which he swore in the following:

*Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Syamsir Siregar as Governor of North Sumatra (second term)
*Armindo Soares Mariano as Governor of East Timor

As the President shook hands with the two governors, Edi rushed over and whispered something in his ear. The President followed Edi to a room where Bambang Trihatmodjo was waiting, having gone through the secret entrance of the Presidential Palace so as to avoid the cameras.

“My sister has sent me to tell you that what you have asked of her has implications not only for herself but also to the national political dynamic”, Bambang said “She has asked for your consideration on a few things before she agrees to anything.”

Edi scoffed that Tutut was still trying to act like she was in control.

“Bambang, your sister is aware what’s at stake here, right?” asked Edi impatiently “There’s the possibility of possible prosec…”

The President placed his hand on Edi’s shoulder and he kept his mouth shut.

“Very well, Bambang”, the President said “If she has her negotiating team already prepared and ready to go, I will name my negotiating team.”

“Yes, Mr. President”, said Bambang.

“Just one more thing, Bambang so there’s no miscommunication here”, the President said “We’re on the same wavelength here about what’s going to be discussed and negotiated, right? Because otherwise we’re just wasting time and I might as well get the Attorney General to get ready.”

“I hope there will be no no need for that Mr. President, because I completely understand your point”, Bambang replied, trying to sound as humble as possible “We will be discussing my sister’s terms of surrender.”

Huehuehuehue.....

---
The amended Press Law will also contain OTL UU ITE’s electronic information portion. You’ll have to wait for Anthony Salim to get to it for the electronic transaction portion to get some attention.

I bet while it's a bit less vague compared to the OTL UU ITE, it would be stricter.

On the Fed cutting interest rates to Eisenhower-era lows https://www.ourmidland.com/news/article/Key-Rate-Set-to-Hit-Eisenhower-Era-Low-7189758.php

Yeah, who knew a stronger currency brings with it its own problems, right?

I do remember vaguely the Rupiah becoming strong, or looking stronger, during Megawati’s presidency but I don’t remember if this was the case during the entirety of Megawati’s presidency or just during this period.

Well, for me, not everything revolves around the American Dollar in regards of international trade. Depending on which country we're mainly importing or having the hard currencies from, a weaker strength for that specific currency would benefits. Surely the members of Jakarta Bloc are using their own currencies for trading with each other, right? Because all of my enthusiasm about stronger Rupiah can be thrown away from the window if it's not....

There are parallels here between what’s happening to Tutut and what happened to her father in OTL in 1998. In OTL, Soeharto tried to avoid resigning and buy time by conducting a cabinet reshuffle. In response, Ginandjar, Akbar, and 12 other ministers, wrote a collective letter to Soeharto to say that if Soeharto was to do that, they would not want to sit in the reshuffled cabinet. Effectively, this meant that Ginandjar, Akbar and these 12 ministers were withdrawing support from Soeharto. Ginandjar, who was Coordinating Minister of Economics was very much seen as the person in charge of this “betrayal”. https://www.cnbcindonesia.com/news/...ubah-saat-14-menteri-ekonomi-mundur-berjamaah

To further the parallel, the letter which was sent to Soeharto was written by Akbar https://books.google.co.id/books?id=jirEoRUZpMoC&printsec=frontcover#v=snippet&q=tulisan akbar&f=false

Those two beating back the Soehartos would never be not funny.

Interestingly, being part of negotiations about Soeharto and his family’s fate is not entirely out of character for Try. In OTL, as Soeharto lay dying in 2008, Try proposed that the government and the Soeharto family come to a settlement regarding Soeharto’s civil court case (alleged misappropriation of his foundations’ funds) and tried to mediate between the two.

Try’s efforts to achieve a settlement for Soeharto, and Tutut’s rejection of it can be seen at https://nasional.kompas.com/read/2008/01/18/07571214/try.akui.inisiatif.dari.dirinya. It’s probably the closest that OTL Try and OTL Tutut had come to conflict over anything.

Good thing ITTL Try knows the truth earlier.... I'm sure as heck that your wonderings about how OTL Try would bristled from even thinking going against Soeharto and his children like his ITTL self did would be met by a resounding "Yes".

Meanwhile, ITTL Try seeing OTL Soeharto bowing down to IMF in February 1998 would make him glad in two ways, that he glad he gives Camdessus his just desserts ITTL, and ITTL Soeharto never get to do that, to put it frankly.

The significance of Bambang Trihatmodjo being the messenger going back and forth between Try and Tutut is that in OTL, Bambang reportedly favored Try for a second term as VP in 1998. Check out the last paragraph of https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...djo+try+sutrisno&pg=PA121&printsec=frontcover

Hey, a Van Dijk's book mentioned here. I'm currently researching about post-Cokroaminoto Sarekat Islam using his book about Kartosuwiryo.

 

[GSD310]

4th July 2003:
Secrecy and confidentiality were paramount, that much was quickly agreed upon. And with all of the attention in Jakarta focused on the Presidential Palace, on the PKPB’s National Headquarters, and on Cendana, hardly anyone took notice of the meeting that was assembling at the Vice Presidential Palace.

They sat on either side of the table. Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto named Vice Chairman of the DPR Hartono, Soeharto loyalist till the end, to act as her chief negotiator. Even so, the presence of Tutut’s brother Bambang Trihatmodjo and her brother-in-law Prabowo Subianto pointed to the fact that what was being negotiated over will be of a personal nature to her. Chairman of the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress Moerdiono was chosen as Tutut’s witness.

The President’s chief negotiator was none other than the host, Vice President JB Sumarlin. He was flanked by State Secretary Edi Sudrajat who acted acted as the President’s eyes and ears as well as Minister of Defense and Security Wiranto, now informally the leader of the PKPI’s conservative wing, was present to ensure that whatever was agreed to will be acceptable to that part of the political spectrum nicknamed “The Sane Soehartoists”. Chairman of the DPA Harmoko was chosen to act as a witness.

The proceedings began by hearing Sumarlin talk about how in recent times, the President has been made aware of allegations of “mark ups and excessive commissions” in the procurement of Scorpion Tanks in the final years of President Soeharto’s time in office. Sumarlin said that he had been shown material related to the allegations by the President and has concurred that there are strong grounds for prosecution.

That said, “out of respect for President Soeharto and his past relationship with the Chairwoman of the PKPB”, the President has decided not to go ahead with prosecution, provided that Tutut fufills three conditions: withdrawal of candidacy for the chairwomanship of the PKPB at the Extraordinary National Congress, retirement from politics for both herself and relatives, and acknowledgement of the President’s status leader of the nation and constitutional successor of President Soeharto.

Then it was Hartono’s turn to speak as he read out a handwritten note which Tutut had written.

“The conditions which the President has requested for me to fulfill has wide-ranging implications for our nation’s political dynamics and that thus, I feel that I must ask for guarantees from the President before I can agree to anything”, Hartono read out.

To the condition that she withdraw as candidate for chairwoman at the Extraordinary National Congress, Tutut responded by asking for guarantees about the “inviolability of the PKPB’s existence” and that specifically this meant that whatever the result of the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress, the PKPB would not be absorbed into the PKPI. Both Sumarlin and Edi said that the President did not envision the PKPB being absorbed by the PKPI, whatever the result of the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress.

“Well, we want to be sure”, Prabowo said “Just in case you guys struck a deal of that nature with Akbar Tandjung.”

“If the President had shown open support to Akbar Tandjung, we wouldn’t be here right now”, Edi said with a poker face “It would have been all too easy for her to cast Akbar as the President’s puppet and get support.”

“Nevertheless, it was Akbar that switched support and brought his supporters over to the President at the MPR General Session, was it not?” asked Prabowo, sounding accusatory.

“I’m not denying it”, Edi said “The question is what was it that you guys did to cause him to want to switch over to us?”

The verbal scuffle between Prabowo and Edi aside, it was agreed that the PKPB’s existence would be guaranteed and that it would not be merged into the PKPI after the Extraordinary National Congress.

The next one was the heart of the matter. Hartono again read from Tutut’s letter and this time in exchange for her and her family’s retirement from politics, she asked that her and her family’s “non-political existence and livelihood” would be guaranteed. The wording was vague but those present did not have any illusions what was now being discussed.

Sumarlin smiled inwardly at this. After they had wept about the idea of threatening Soeharto’s daughter with prosecution, Sumarlin and the President had discussed how she would react, what she would ask for in exchange for rising the political white flag, and how they would respond.

“I would like to now simply submit to you a guarantee which the President is willing to make”, Sumarlin said “Businesses in which the Chairwoman of the PKPB and her relatives has majority shares, minority shares or otherwise;

Any form of assets whether cash, savings both domestic and abroad, buildings, land, concessions, intellectual property patents etc.

Charitable foundations established and managed by the Chairwoman of the PKPB and her relatives, most notably foundations established by President Soeharto and Madam Tien Soeharto;

Existing arrangements and contracts with the government, most notably the management of the Beautiful Indonesia Miniature Park, the Our Hope Heart Hospital, and the Our Hope Maternity Hospital by the Our Hope Foundation;

All these are guaranteed against arbitrary seizure provided that the following conditions are met:

That the above comply with existing rules, regulations, and government policies and that full cooperation is given to future rules, regulations and government policies;

That after a period of amnesty, any non-compliance with rules and regulations and government policies will be dealt with and that after a period of amnesty, any non-compliance still existing can be subject to prosecution;

That immediate effort is made to settle outstanding debts and repayments towards the state beginning with the taxes related to PT. Timor Putra Nasional…”

Watching from his seat, Bambang facepalmed. He wondered if it had been a mistake for his sister to pick such a fight with the President over the previous 5 years given that after all of that, he was still willing to guarantee, with reasonable conditions, that nothing would happen to their wealth.

Prabowo meanwhile shuffled uncomfortably in his seat. He felt that while his sister-in-law wanted to be president, what she wanted even more was security for the wealth that had been gained. The way she had just intended to give up and throw her support behind Ginandjar at the MPR General Session flashed through Prabowo’s mind.

I would have just kept nominating and nominating and nominating until I became president but I guess that’s not the way other people did things, thought Prabowo to himself.

It was all in any case anticlimactic. The only haggling was over the length of amnesty before the possibility of being prosecuted for non-compliance arose again. The government wanted 2 years, Tutut’s negotiators wanted 5 and both parties finally settled on 3.

When the meeting was finished, its contents was conveyed to both first to Tutut who expressed her approval and then to the President, who added his.

5th July 2003:
It was late afternoon when Tutut arrived at the Presidential Palace accompanied by Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani and Prabowo Subianto. Edi Sudrajat was on hand to greet all three of them. He was polite though firm as he told them that only Tutut was allowed to go on to the President’s office. Tutut looked at Edi and then at the two men accompanying her and nodded as if to say that she would be fine.

“Please, show me the way, Mr. State Secretary”, Tutut asked.

---
“Mr. President, the Chairwoman of the PKPB”, announced Edi’s voice interrupting the President’s thoughts.

The President watched from behind his table as Edi stood to one side allowing Tutut to walk in dressed in a headscarf and carrying her purse. The President stood up and shook Tutut’s hand and instructed her to sit down before sitting down himself. A server brought in a tray with tea for Tutut. Watching all of this unfold, Edi was satisfied that everything was in place. Bowing his head slightly at the President, Edi excused himself and left.

“How can I help you today?” asked the President in a flat tone as though to a complete stranger.

“I just wanted to come here, Mr. President, and inform you of my acceptance of the conditions which you have given to me and to thank you for the consideration which you have given that has made it possible for me to accept such conditions”, Tutut said formally as she pulled a piece of paper from her purse and pushed it to the President across the table “This is a text of a speech I intend to read out at the conclusion of this meeting.”

The President did not even bother to read it and pushed it back to Tutut.

In the silence of the room and in watching the President’s body language, for the first time in the duration of her situation with the President, Tutut allowed herself to think that maybe just maybe, she’s the one in the wrong. Maybe just maybe, she had shown undue hostility to someone who did not have any bad intentions towards her and her family and certainly not to her father’s legacy.

“Bapak Presiden”, she said “Kulo nyuwun duko…”

“Tutut, I haven’t seized anything or taken anything or asked for anything from you or your family other than what is due to the state”, the President immediately interrupted with an expression of hurt on his face “And yet I have been treated with suspicion and subjected to the worst of ill-will. At one point, I thought you were just being a loyal opposition but instead, you have reached a point where you are just getting in the way for the sake of getting in the way. When we were still in the same party, this has proven most destructive; we took the most successful political organization in Indonesian history, which had won 6 election victories in a row, and killed it. Compared to all of that, the fact that you have ambitions and aspirations to sit where I am sitting is the least of my concerns.”

“Yes, Mr. President”, Tutut said.

There was another long and awkward silence in the room that felt like forever for the both of them, the President not looking at Tutut but shaking his head in frustration. Tutut only looked at the floor.

And then…

“Madam Chairwoman, you should have some tea”, the President said.

They were both familiar with this routine, the person they both claimed to be successor to would end his meetings this way.

No sooner than Tutut finished sipping her tea than the President stood up, which meant that Tutut had to stand up. They shook hands politely though their relationship now meant that they were beyond pleasant small talk with each other.

The microphones were prepared for a press conference. The full contents of what was agreed to was not for public consumption, of course. It was enough only for Tutut to say that after much consideration and with the PKPB’s future beyond the Extraordinary National Congress in mind…

“…I announce that first, I withdraw my candidacy as chairwoman of the PKPB at the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress”, said Tutut “And that second, effective at the end of the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress I am announcing my retirement from politics and that of my family members.”

There were gasps in the room by the reporters as they wrote down the things which Tutut are saying.

“Finally”, Tutut continued “I would like to express my acknowledgement of and support for Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno as the President of the Republic of Indonesia, the Mandate Holder of the MPR, the Supreme Commander of ABRI and the true and constitutional successor of my father, Grand Gen. (Ret.) Soeharto, the second President of the Republic of Indonesia.”

Immediately after Tutut left, the President began walking around the perimeter of the Presidential Palace to exercise. Even so, he got the sense that the nation was processing something big: his main political rival had just surrendered to him.

But there was something more to it than that. As the President walked past a Presidential Bodyguard Guard Post, he peeked inside the window at the television screen which was broadcasting the reaction of various figures to the day’s development, most notably the Chairman of NU Abdurrahman Wahid.

“President Try took office the moment President Soeharto passed away*nose twitch*”, said Wahid “But I think so long as the Chairwoman of the PKPB is around, *nose twitch* he could perhaps never fully step outside of Soeharto’s shadow and the rest of us perhaps has to live with the possibility that Soehartoism will be restored in the event of a Tutut victory *nose twitch*.”

One of the bodyguards in the guard post took notice of the President and saluted. The President saluted back and chuckled as he continued his walk around the Presidential Palace.

The sun was setting, the lamps on the Palace grounds were being switched on, and the President bent down to tie his shoelaces. His eyes fell on a dark corner of the Presidential Palace’s gardens as he tied his shoe laces and for whatever reason, he began to wonder about what threats are out there waiting in the dark waiting for the right time to strike.

You’re all out there somewhere.

What are you going to do? How are you going to do it? Where you are you going to do it…that’s the mystery.

What’s not a mystery is that you’re all planning something big against this Republic, otherwise you wouldn’t have taken the trouble of planning things from such a distance.

The President finished tying his shoes and began to walk to the Presidential Palace. The First Lady will be wanting him to join her for dinner.

Whatever it is, I’ll be waiting. And just as you’re all going to throw everything you have at this Republic, I’m going to make sure I throw everything I have into beating you.

---
This was one big chapter divided into two so I'm back to finish the job.

The Soeharto Family wealth not being touched in exchange for them no longer participating in politics and making sure they comply with the rules and regulations. Good deal? Bad deal? So so?

In any case, I just want to state that Soeharto assets still being seized and nationalized left and right was probably not going to happen ITTL. ITTL Try’s MO is as he has stated; he’ll only ask for something which the Soehartos owe the state. No more no less.

The mood of Tutut and Bambang is very much realization that Try was not the hostile person that they and the Soeharto family had thought him to be but that it’s now too late for them to have a relationship with Try because he’s hurt by all that’s happened in the last few years.

How best to translate nyuwun duko? It’s not “I’m sorry” and it’s not even “I’m really sorry”. It’s more like “I messed up and I deserve to be yelled at.”

Being asked to drink tea being Soeharto’s way of gently telling you that it’s time to go is based on https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...dq=pak+harto+teh&pg=PA202&printsec=frontcover

All right, going to take a bit time for the next chapter. Got some planning to do for what's ahead.

 

[Kosaki_MacTavish]

Ooooh boy, we ARE on the roll!!!

4th July 2003:
Secrecy and confidentiality were paramount, that much was quickly agreed upon. And with all of the attention in Jakarta focused on the Presidential Palace, on the PKPB’s National Headquarters, and on Cendana, hardly anyone took notice of the meeting that was assembling at the Vice Presidential Palace.

They sat on either side of the table. Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto named Vice Chairman of the DPR Hartono, Soeharto loyalist till the end, to act as her chief negotiator. Even so, the presence of Tutut’s brother Bambang Trihatmodjo and her brother-in-law Prabowo Subianto pointed to the fact that what was being negotiated over will be of a personal nature to her. Chairman of the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress Moerdiono was chosen as Tutut’s witness.

The President’s chief negotiator was none other than the host, Vice President JB Sumarlin. He was flanked by State Secretary Edi Sudrajat who acted acted as the President’s eyes and ears as well as Minister of Defense and Security Wiranto, now informally the leader of the PKPI’s conservative wing, was present to ensure that whatever was agreed to will be acceptable to that part of the political spectrum nicknamed “The Sane Soehartoists”. Chairman of the DPA Harmoko was chosen to act as a witness.

Moerdiono and Wiranto... the guys that helped Try to get him where he is now.... Oh, and Prabowo's here.

The proceedings began by hearing Sumarlin talk about how in recent times, the President has been made aware of allegations of “mark ups and excessive commissions” in the procurement of Scorpion Tanks in the final years of President Soeharto’s time in office. Sumarlin said that he had been shown material related to the allegations by the President and has concurred that there are strong grounds for prosecution.

That said, “out of respect for President Soeharto and his past relationship with the Chairwoman of the PKPB”, the President has decided not to go ahead with prosecution, provided that Tutut fufills three conditions: withdrawal of candidacy for the chairwomanship of the PKPB at the Extraordinary National Congress, retirement from politics for both herself and relatives, and acknowledgement of the President’s status leader of the nation and constitutional successor of President Soeharto.

Then it was Hartono’s turn to speak as he read out a handwritten note which Tutut had written.

“The conditions which the President has requested for me to fulfill has wide-ranging implications for our nation’s political dynamics and that thus, I feel that I must ask for guarantees from the President before I can agree to anything”, Hartono read out.

To the condition that she withdraw as candidate for chairwoman at the Extraordinary National Congress, Tutut responded by asking for guarantees about the “inviolability of the PKPB’s existence” and that specifically this meant that whatever the result of the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress, the PKPB would not be absorbed into the PKPI. Both Sumarlin and Edi said that the President did not envision the PKPB being absorbed by the PKPI, whatever the result of the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress.

Meh, PKPB reformed and staying is way better than being kept run by the Soehartoists.

“Well, we want to be sure”, Prabowo said “Just in case you guys struck a deal of that nature with Akbar Tandjung.”

“If the President had shown open support to Akbar Tandjung, we wouldn’t be here right now”, Edi said with a poker face “It would have been all too easy for her to cast Akbar as the President’s puppet and get support.”

“Nevertheless, it was Akbar that switched support and brought his supporters over to the President at the MPR General Session, was it not?” asked Prabowo, sounding accusatory.

“I’m not denying it”, Edi said “The question is what was it that you guys did to cause him to want to switch over to us?”

Yusril's going to have it badly lol

The verbal scuffle between Prabowo and Edi aside, it was agreed that the PKPB’s existence would be guaranteed and that it would not be merged into the PKPI after the Extraordinary National Congress.

The next one was the heart of the matter. Hartono again read from Tutut’s letter and this time in exchange for her and her family’s retirement from politics, she asked that her and her family’s “non-political existence and livelihood” would be guaranteed. The wording was vague but those present did not have any illusions what was now being discussed.

Sumarlin smiled inwardly at this. After they had wept about the idea of threatening Soeharto’s daughter with prosecution, Sumarlin and the President had discussed how she would react, what she would ask for in exchange for rising the political white flag, and how they would respond.

“I would like to now simply submit to you a guarantee which the President is willing to make”, Sumarlin said “Businesses in which the Chairwoman of the PKPB and her relatives has majority shares, minority shares or otherwise;

Any form of assets whether cash, savings both domestic and abroad, buildings, land, concessions, intellectual property patents etc.

Charitable foundations established and managed by the Chairwoman of the PKPB and her relatives, most notably foundations established by President Soeharto and Madam Tien Soeharto;

Existing arrangements and contracts with the government, most notably the management of the Beautiful Indonesia Miniature Park, the Our Hope Heart Hospital, and the Our Hope Maternity Hospital by the Our Hope Foundation;

..... That's basically given with, eh, ruling for 31 years....

All these are guaranteed against arbitrary seizure provided that the following conditions are met:

That the above comply with existing rules, regulations, and government policies and that full cooperation is given to future rules, regulations and government policies;

That after a period of amnesty, any non-compliance with rules and regulations and government policies will be dealt with and that after a period of amnesty, any non-compliance still existing can be subject to prosecution;

That immediate effort is made to settle outstanding debts and repayments towards the state beginning with the taxes related to PT. Timor Putra Nasional…”

Nice.

Watching from his seat, Bambang facepalmed. He wondered if it had been a mistake for his sister to pick such a fight with the President over the previous 5 years given that after all of that, he was still willing to guarantee, with reasonable conditions, that nothing would happen to their wealth.

Try's basically indebted for life with the Big Man. They're really lucky it's not Edi or Wismoyo who is the president right now.

Prabowo meanwhile shuffled uncomfortably in his seat. He felt that while his sister-in-law wanted to be president, what she wanted even more was security for the wealth that had been gained. The way she had just intended to give up and throw her support behind Ginandjar at the MPR General Session flashed through Prabowo’s mind.

I would have just kept nominating and nominating and nominating until I became president but I guess that’s not the way other people did things, thought Prabowo to himself.

...... Really?

It was all in any case anticlimactic. The only haggling was over the length of amnesty before the possibility of being prosecuted for non-compliance arose again. The government wanted 2 years, Tutut’s negotiators wanted 5 and both parties finally settled on 3.

When the meeting was finished, its contents was conveyed to both first to Tutut who expressed her approval and then to the President, who added his.

Well, yeah. Given that Try is well... Try, he just wanted them to get out of his (and the nation's) way.

5th July 2003:
It was late afternoon when Tutut arrived at the Presidential Palace accompanied by Secretary of the PKPB ZA Maulani and Prabowo Subianto. Edi Sudrajat was on hand to greet all three of them. He was polite though firm as he told them that only Tutut was allowed to go on to the President’s office. Tutut looked at Edi and then at the two men accompanying her and nodded as if to say that she would be fine.

“Please, show me the way, Mr. State Secretary”, Tutut asked.

---
“Mr. President, the Chairwoman of the PKPB”, announced Edi’s voice interrupting the President’s thoughts.

The President watched from behind his table as Edi stood to one side allowing Tutut to walk in dressed in a headscarf and carrying her purse. The President stood up and shook Tutut’s hand and instructed her to sit down before sitting down himself. A server brought in a tray with tea for Tutut. Watching all of this unfold, Edi was satisfied that everything was in place. Bowing his head slightly at the President, Edi excused himself and left.

“How can I help you today?” asked the President in a flat tone as though to a complete stranger.

“I just wanted to come here, Mr. President, and inform you of my acceptance of the conditions which you have given to me and to thank you for the consideration which you have given that has made it possible for me to accept such conditions”, Tutut said formally as she pulled a piece of paper from her purse and pushed it to the President across the table “This is a text of a speech I intend to read out at the conclusion of this meeting.”

The President did not even bother to read it and pushed it back to Tutut.

In the silence of the room and in watching the President’s body language, for the first time in the duration of her situation with the President, Tutut allowed herself to think that maybe just maybe, she’s the one in the wrong. Maybe just maybe, she had shown undue hostility to someone who did not have any bad intentions towards her and her family and certainly not to her father’s legacy.

“Bapak Presiden”, she said “Kulo nyuwun duko…”

“Tutut, I haven’t seized anything or taken anything or asked for anything from you or your family other than what is due to the state”, the President immediately interrupted with an expression of hurt on his face “And yet I have been treated with suspicion and subjected to the worst of ill-will. At one point, I thought you were just being a loyal opposition but instead, you have reached a point where you are just getting in the way for the sake of getting in the way. When we were still in the same party, this has proven most destructive; we took the most successful political organization in Indonesian history, which had won 6 election victories in a row, and killed it. Compared to all of that, the fact that you have ambitions and aspirations to sit where I am sitting is the least of my concerns.”

“Yes, Mr. President”, Tutut said.

If only Tommy and Tutut know when to stop, indeed....

There was another long and awkward silence in the room that felt like forever for the both of them, the President not looking at Tutut but shaking his head in frustration. Tutut only looked at the floor.

And then…

“Madam Chairwoman, you should have some tea”, the President said.

They were both familiar with this routine, the person they both claimed to be successor to would end his meetings this way.

No sooner than Tutut finished sipping her tea than the President stood up, which meant that Tutut had to stand up. They shook hands politely though their relationship now meant that they were beyond pleasant small talk with each other.

It's done.

The microphones were prepared for a press conference. The full contents of what was agreed to was not for public consumption, of course. It was enough only for Tutut to say that after much consideration and with the PKPB’s future beyond the Extraordinary National Congress in mind…

“…I announce that first, I withdraw my candidacy as chairwoman of the PKPB at the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress”, said Tutut “And that second, effective at the end of the PKPB Extraordinary National Congress I am announcing my retirement from politics and that of my family members.”

There were gasps in the room by the reporters as they wrote down the things which Tutut are saying.

“Finally”, Tutut continued “I would like to express my acknowledgement of and support for Gen. (Ret.) Try Sutrisno as the President of the Republic of Indonesia, the Mandate Holder of the MPR, the Supreme Commander of ABRI and the true and constitutional successor of my father, Grand Gen. (Ret.) Soeharto, the second President of the Republic of Indonesia.”

Immediately after Tutut left, the President began walking around the perimeter of the Presidential Palace to exercise. Even so, he got the sense that the nation was processing something big: his main political rival had just surrendered to him.

Well, now Try holds the ultimate power in the country....

Sarwono, Siswono, Gus Dur, and TB Hasanuddin on one hand, Wiranto, Wismoyo, Akbar, and Matori on the other hand. The early 2000s Indonesia ITTL looks very much interesting.

But there was something more to it than that. As the President walked past a Presidential Bodyguard Guard Post, he peeked inside the window at the television screen which was broadcasting the reaction of various figures to the day’s development, most notably the Chairman of NU Abdurrahman Wahid.

“President Try took office the moment President Soeharto passed away*nose twitch*”, said Wahid “But I think so long as the Chairwoman of the PKPB is around, *nose twitch* he could perhaps never fully step outside of Soeharto’s shadow and the rest of us perhaps has to live with the possibility that Soehartoism will be restored in the event of a Tutut victory *nose twitch*.”

One of the bodyguards in the guard post took notice of the President and saluted. The President saluted back and chuckled as he continued his walk around the Presidential Palace.

The sun was setting, the lamps on the Palace grounds were being switched on, and the President bent down to tie his shoelaces. His eyes fell on a dark corner of the Presidential Palace’s gardens as he tied his shoe laces and for whatever reason, he began to wonder about what threats are out there waiting in the dark waiting for the right time to strike.

You’re all out there somewhere.

What are you going to do? How are you going to do it? Where you are you going to do it…that’s the mystery.

What’s not a mystery is that you’re all planning something big against this Republic, otherwise you wouldn’t have taken the trouble of planning things from such a distance.

The President finished tying his shoes and began to walk to the Presidential Palace. The First Lady will be wanting him to join her for dinner.

Whatever it is, I’ll be waiting. And just as you’re all going to throw everything you have at this Republic, I’m going to make sure I throw everything I have into beating you.

*slow claps*

---
This was one big chapter divided into two so I'm back to finish the job.

The Soeharto Family wealth not being touched in exchange for them no longer participating in politics and making sure they comply with the rules and regulations. Good deal? Bad deal? So so?

In any case, I just want to state that Soeharto assets still being seized and nationalized left and right was probably not going to happen ITTL. ITTL Try’s MO is as he has stated; he’ll only ask for something which the Soehartos owe the state. No more no less.

Given it's Try, it's the best he can do for Indonesia. As long as they uphold the Rule of Law, and Try and those around him does not trying anything funny....

The mood of Tutut and Bambang is very much realization that Try was not the hostile person that they and the Soeharto family had thought him to be but that it’s now too late for them to have a relationship with Try because he’s hurt by all that’s happened in the last few years.

Hubris, truly human's greatest folly.

How best to translate nyuwun duko? It’s not “I’m sorry” and it’s not even “I’m really sorry”. It’s more like “I messed up and I deserve to be yelled at.”

Being asked to drink tea being Soeharto’s way of gently telling you that it’s time to go is based on https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...dq=pak+harto+teh&pg=PA202&printsec=frontcover

All right, going to take a bit time for the next chapter. Got some planning to do for what's ahead.

You deserved it.

 

[GSD310]

You deserved it.

Lololol

I think regardless of one’s stance towards Tutut and for better or for worse, if you’re into Indonesia althistory, her political career is probably one of the great WIs of Indonesian political history. In OTL, it was a short political career. She became vice chairwoman of Golkar in 1993 and then she became minister of social affairs in 1998. When Soeharto fell from power, that was effectively the end of her political career (except for her short presidential candidacy with the OTL PKPB in 2004) because it would have been hard for her to make the transition to being a Reformasi politician with her being Soeharto's daughter. We've already experienced Soekarno's daughter as president in OTL, how would Soeharto's daughter fare?

Her ITTL "story arc", if you can call it that, is based of a comment I read in a book titled "Dari Gestapu Ke Reformasi" written by senior journalist Salim Said (who recently passed away): https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...etua+umum+golkar&pg=PT386&printsec=frontcover

Salim was saying that Tutut was going to be the next Chairwoman of Golkar and then that would be her stepping stone to the presidency.

And just as a treat, here's something from OTL that looks like it could have come from ITTL if you ignore the small details. I can't believe I didn't find it any sooner:

The OTL PKPI was originally known as PKP. In OTL it's a minor nationalist-oriented party. It did well in the sense that it got into both SBY and Jokowi's coalitions but it never grew to become a major political party.

 

[Kosaki_MacTavish]

Lololol

I think regardless of one’s stance towards Tutut and for better or for worse, if you’re into Indonesia althistory, her political career is probably one of the great WIs of Indonesian political history. In OTL, it was a short political career. She became vice chairwoman of Golkar in 1993 and then she became minister of social affairs in 1998. When Soeharto fell from power, that was effectively the end of her political career (except for her short presidential candidacy with the OTL PKPB in 2004) because it would have been hard for her to make the transition to being a Reformasi politician with her being Soeharto's daughter. We've already experienced Soekarno's daughter as president in OTL, how would Soeharto's daughter fare?

Her ITTL "story arc", if you can call it that, is based of a comment I read in a book titled "Dari Gestapu Ke Reformasi" written by senior journalist Salim Said (who recently passed away): https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...etua+umum+golkar&pg=PT386&printsec=frontcover

Salim was saying that Tutut was going to be the next Chairwoman of Golkar and then that would be her stepping stone to the presidency.

Besides things that i've already know based on the OTL happenings since 1993, Krismon (and the wider 1997 Asian Financial Crisis) is really one big turning point on our history, akin to the 1993 Black October in Russia that got... an interesting timeline when the wishes of anti-Yeltsin politicians went (horribly) right.

And just as a treat, here's something from OTL that looks like it could have come from ITTL if you ignore the small details. I can't believe I didn't find it any sooner:

The OTL PKPI was originally known as PKP. In OTL it's a minor nationalist-oriented party. It did well in the sense that it got into both SBY and Jokowi's coalitions but it never grew to become a major political party.

Despite this ad is cringey notwithstanding Try's presence there, the ITTL 2002 ad would be pack much more weight.

By the way, even in 1999 his voice is already raspy, eh.....

And this is in 2006. Gotta say 2007-8 would be interesting for the Indonesian political scenery.

 

[Kosaki_MacTavish]

Well, found the other, longer and more proper 1999 ad for PKPI.

Considering the ITTL happenings, can't help but tearing up imagining the ITTL version of this ad.

Probably the village gramps in the beginning would have electric lamp rather than oil lamp for the 2002 ad, inserting a Chinese-Indonesian girl for the school sequence, add Meutia Hatta as the lady buying groceries, and lastly adding a Confucian adherent in the religion sequence.

And here we go, the 2002 Election Infobox and Election Results Map by Cities and Regencies. This is largely based on developments on the election results from threadmark 177-180, and also looking on the past legislative elections, including the 1955 one, so the accuracy may be shaky on the unmentioned territories. The party colors used are also based on OTL.

 

[GSD310]

Great job Bung @Kosaki_MacTavish though I think you encountered the same problem I have with the party colors because we’ve got two red parties (PKPI and PNI) and green parties (PKPB and PPP) hahahha.

I didn’t think in terms of cities and regencies but provinces in my election notes.

PKPB wins at:
-West Sumatra (Strong PKPB victory, strong effort spearheaded by Fadli Zon).

-Jambi (Narrow PKPB victory).

-West Java (Battleground province. The PKPI performed strongly in Bandung and industrial cities and played up the fact that the First Lady is of Sundanese ethnicity. But the PKPB’s consistent positioning in rural areas and among devout voters combined with the mobilization of voters in the Banten region by PKPB DPR Candidate Ratu Atut Chosiyah and her father Tubagus Chasan Sochib help push PKPB over the line. Ratu Atut strong candidate for ministerial position had Tutut been elected.)

-Central Java (where Prabowo was Governor of Central Java from 1998-2000 and considered to be PKPB’s main stronghold. In practice, this was a battleground with the PKPI’s Harmoko and the PPP’s Matori Abdul Djalil running as candidates in the province and both parties eager for a strong performance to support their high-profile candidates).

-South Kalimantan (ZA Maulani home province).

-West Nusa Tenggara (Narrow PKPB victory as the PKPB's courting of the rural and religious votes clashes with the PKPI's strong performance in Lombok where the government has been promoting Lombok as an alternative tourist destination).

-South Sulawesi (Seen as the first sign that maybe the PKPI will not get the most seats as this was a province that has done well economically under Try and contains a center of economic growth but the PKPI's votes was only concentrated in Ujung Pandang and its surrounds.)

-Central Sulawesi (Narrow PKPB victory.)

PKPI wins at:
-North Sumatra (A province that has done well economically under Try and has accordingly shown its support for the PKPI. Ironically the PKPI victory at this province, this being Akbar Tandjung's home province, somewhat lowered his stocks in the PKPB and placed him below the radar as he plans his moves for the MPR General Session.)

-Riau (Another province that has done well economically under Try but which the PKPI has struggled to convert into votes. Batam established itself as PKPI country but Yusril Ihza Mahendra put up a good fight for the PKPB ensuring that the PKPI's victory was only a narrow one.)

-Bengkulu (Government handling of 2000 Earthquake at Enggano, Bengkulu along with Meutia Hatta's campaigning paid off with victory.)

-South Sumatra (Another province that has done well economically. The PKPI in this province played up the province's links with Try, highlighting that the President was Commander of the Southern Sumatra Regional Command for 3 years and headquartered in Palembang.)

-Lampung (Victory driven by families whose breadwinners works across the strait in West Java and Jakarta. Syamsurya Ryacudu, a first-time DPR candidate and brother of the Inspector General of ABRI, leading the charge for the PKPI in this province).

-Jakarta (The PKPI's strongest victory in the elections and one which, whether unfairly or not, cements its reputation as the "Cityfolk" party).

-Yogyakarta (Narrow victory as the Sultan's sympathies and Joyokusumo's energetic campaigning overcomes the PKPB's effort to win at Soeharto's home province.)

-East Java (A victory which establishes East Java, in particular Surabaya, as a PKPI stronghold. East Java a province that has done well economically and Surabaya, a growth center which has aspirations of rivalling Jakarta. Madura however is very much PKPB country owing to Hartono having his hometown there.)

-Central Kalimantan (A very narrow victory and a province where the PKPI's main rival was the PPP, who ran a strong campaign here).

-East Kalimantan (Though the PKPI recorded a victory here, this was another case of a province which has done well economically but where the PKPI have only emerged with a narrow victory.)

-Bali (Another victory in a province which has done well economically under Try, especially in regards to tourism. The island views PKPB negatively for courting the devout Islamic vote elsewhere.)

-East Nusa Tenggara (Together with Bali and North Sulawesi, seen as places where the PKPB's strategy of courting the religious vote elsewhere has failed. The PKPI however failed to convert this into votes and only managed a narrow victory as a result of votes leaking the PNI's way.)

-North Sulawesi (A PKPI victory though the PKPB performed decently on the back of Theo Sambuaga's presence and limited to the extent of PKPI's victory)

-Southeast Sulawesi (Another narrow PKPI victory).

-Maluku (Considered a surprising strong victory for the PKPI seen internally as a vote in acknowledgement that the government has increased its attention to fisheries from a province where fisheries is a key contributor to the provincial economy).

-Irian Jaya (This was the "could have been" province for the PKPI. The PKPI narrowly emerged victorious without the ability to campaign on the government's success in securing Freeport divestment as a result of Freeport's request that any divestment be only announced after the election.)

-East Timor (Strong PKPI victory in what is seen internally as a referendum on "Whose government is better for East Timor? Try or Soeharto?").

PPP wins at:
-Aceh (The PPP takes advantage of anti-Soekarno sentiments, anti-Soeharto sentiments, and suspicion that Try's government is "not friendly towards Islam" to direct votes its way).

-West Kalimantan (Part of the internal resentment towards Hamzah in the PPP from the Matoriites was the fact that as Chairman of the PPP's National Campaign, he placed his home province of West Kalimantan higher than it perhaps should be.)

Overall Remarks:
-The PKPB consistently focused on positioning itself as the party of the rural area, of farmers, and of devout Muslims (some will say that it played the religion card a little too much). It was the most well-funded out of all four of the political parties.

-The PKPI positioned itself as the incumbent's party and though it did not necessarily and consciously position itself as such, its main support has tended towards cities; economic centers, industrial centers or otherwise.

-The PPP adopted the stance of a "pragmatic Islamist" party in that main argument it offered to its voters is that the PPP is now part of the governing coalition. Those who could put aside their misgivings about a president who is "tough on Muslims" or "If something happens to this guy, a religious minority will rule over us", voted for the PPP. Those who could not and would not, left the PPP for the PKPB.

-The PNI positioned itself as the alternative to the PKPI in cities. It looked for support among the urban poor, university students and activists, and religious minorities.

How and Why the PKPB Got the Most Seats:
-The PKPB's consistent strategy as the party of rural areas, farmers, and devout Muslims to differentiate themselves from the urban, affluent, and less devout PKPI. They also portrayed themselves as populists as opposed to the PKPI's elitism.

-Though the PKPB clearly did not win in as many provinces as did the PKPI, where the PKPB did emerge victorious its victories are more decisive.

-The PKPI on the other hand was "plagued" with narrow victories and victories that were not as big as they should. Meaning that even in places where they were winning, other parties, including the PKPB, also gained votes and seats.

-The PKPI's "overlap" with the PNI meant that the PNI became something of a spoiler with the PKPI. Internally, the PKPI felt that it could have gotten more votes in West Java and East Java were it not the PNI and that it had to "share religious minority votes" in North Sulawesi and East Nusa Tenggara with the PNI.

-The only thing that prevented the PNI from taking more of the PKPI's vote is that they are perceived as too "politically radical". While those who are politically aware and are of the opinion that Try's regime is still too similar to Soeharto's are willing to vote for the PNI, those equally politically aware but are of the opinion that Try's regime constitutes "just enough change" from Soeharto's do not want to take the risk and would still prefer to vote for the PKPI.

-The accusation that the PKPI has an elitist streak is not without reason. Another reason why the PKPI struggled was its overreliance on incumbency and its communication, namely that it was enough to simply list the government's achievements to win. Both the conservative and liberal wings of the PKPI shared this trait and both shared enough disdain for Harmoko to keep him out of the campaign loop when he pointed that the PKPI need to get better with communication. Harmoko gained a sympathetic ear from Chairman of the PKPI National Campaign Hendropriyono who added to Harmoko's campaign schedule and continued to add to it when he saw that Harmoko was both an effective campaigner and a recognizable face for many across the archipelago from his 14 years as Soeharto's minister of information.

When seeing that Harmoko was having an impact, the PKPI conservative wing's Soeyono used his position as Minister of Tourism to mobilize support from the tourism sector for the PKPI. Though Harmoko was in competition with the other wings of the PKPI, their competition helped to bolster the PKPI's votes.

In the aftermath of the election however, it was found that there was a group of DPR members both re-elected and newly elected alike who felt that they owed their political fortunes to the role Harmoko played in the campaign. The President and those within the PKPI referred to this grouping as the Harmokoites. Embassies and political observers have referred to them as the "populist" wing of the PKPI. Populist not in the sense of policies but in the sense that they wanted the PKPI to be more down to earth.

The presence of this new wing was the reason why after political circumstances meant that Harmoko had to step aside to allow for Matori to nominate and be elected as chairman of the DPR/MPR, the President ordered Chairman of the PKPI Basofi Sudirman to make sure that the Harmokoites were "compensated". This was why Sofyan Lubis, a Harmokoite with a CV similar to Harmoko (both were reporters), has ended up as the new Leader of the PKPI in the DPR. The President had Harmoko in mind as a second choice for the vice presidency in the event the Sumarlin's candidacy did not work out and decided to reward Harmoko with the chairmanship of the DPA when Sumarlin was re-elected.

---
Damn you, that was longer than I had intended.

 

[Kosaki_MacTavish]

Great job Bung @Kosaki_MacTavish though I think you encountered the same problem I have with the party colors because we’ve got two red parties (PKPI and PNI) and green parties (PKPB and PPP) hahahha.

Well, for this one, i made it a bit easier by making PNI's color actually a bit brown-ish red like its color in the 1955 election rather than PDIP's red color. Then i brightens PKPI's color a bit compared to its OTL (digital) 2014 logo to accentuate the differences.

For the PKPB-PPP's green difference, i made PPP's color a bit brighter (see the outer rim on the party's modified 2019 logo) green than its real color (the background color stays).

Damn you, that was longer than I had intended.

Whelp, sorry, haha. I really can't help it to make both the infobox and election map after seeing the other infoboxes on this website and feeling that us Indonesians needs to have something like that in order to spice up our own ATL. Given that as for now, this thread is the only ATL that actively develops Indonesia. Too late to ride on "The Footprint of Mussolini" ATL hype of balkanization of Indonesia, too early to saw another revamp of "Merdeka" ATL which fits right in on my favourite talked topic (East Indies in the Interwar Era and WW2), but just in time to get on "The Presidency of Try Sutrisno" ATL.

I also thought this morning that looking on the 1997 map again, i should've calculated that:

* PPP can have an edge on provinces that Golkar only barely (51-60) win there. Hence why last night i make majority of Central Sulawesi and also Central and East Kalimantan as PPP-won, albeit only barely (34-45 against PKPI and PKPB who fights for their 51-60 portion held by Golkar in 1997). And that's also why i give them a massive win at East Java instead for PKPI. Probably in the next edit i should've give them all of Aceh rather than its Golkar strongholds being given to PKPB, and also Cilacap and less devout regencies and cities at West Java that have a three-way tug-of-war

* PKPI should've win more at regencies that has heavy industrialization and infrastructure projects, especially at northern West Java (i'll made another edit this night). Hence why Manado and Bitung are PKPI-won, but on other regencies has PNI edged out from both PKPI and PKPB tug-of-war in Northern Sulawesi. Probably would give Jembrana, Badung, and Tabanan to PKPI rather than PNI in the next edit, stronger win in some of Bengkulu due to Meutia Hatta's campaigns (although the rest can be given to PPP rather than PKPB), and also some more cities and regecies in East Java

* Meanwhile, regencies that has known Islamist sentiments (Poso, Tidore) could've flipped to PKPB. I made some of regencies at Lombok that aren't PPP-won to be PKPB-won, and also regencies and cities at Riau that aren't Pekanbaru and Dumai to be PKPB-won. Would give them a lot less regencies to account for PKPI and PPP's results above in the next edit

* I gave PNI a few suburban regencies to reflect the fact that "urban poor" choose them over the PKPI. Same as why Bantul is PNI-won rather than PKPB or PKPI-won. Aru Islands as the 'poorer' side of the Maluku Islands are PNI-won too. Also their credential as "the minorities' party" gives them edge in East Nusa Tenggara, Bali, and central-west coast of North Sumatra as they also edged out against the PKPI-PKPB tug-of-war like the case for PPP above

Spoiler: GSD310's actual notes on the 2002 Indonesian election

I didn’t think in terms of cities and regencies but provinces in my election notes.

PKPB wins at:
-West Sumatra (Strong PKPB victory, strong effort spearheaded by Fadli Zon).

-Jambi (Narrow PKPB victory).

-West Java (Battleground province. The PKPI performed strongly in Bandung and industrial cities and played up the fact that the First Lady is of Sundanese ethnicity. But the PKPB’s consistent positioning in rural areas and among devout voters combined with the mobilization of voters in the Banten region by PKPB DPR Candidate Ratu Atut Chosiyah and her father Tubagus Chasan Sochib help push PKPB over the line. Ratu Atut strong candidate for ministerial position had Tutut been elected.)

-Central Java (where Prabowo was Governor of Central Java from 1998-2000 and considered to be PKPB’s main stronghold. In practice, this was a battleground with the PKPI’s Harmoko and the PPP’s Matori Abdul Djalil running as candidates in the province and both parties eager for a strong performance to support their high-profile candidates).

-South Kalimantan (ZA Maulani home province).

-West Nusa Tenggara (Narrow PKPB victory as the PKPB's courting of the rural and religious votes clashes with the PKPI's strong performance in Lombok where the government has been promoting Lombok as an alternative tourist destination).

-South Sulawesi (Seen as the first sign that maybe the PKPI will not get the most seats as this was a province that has done well economically under Try and contains a center of economic growth but the PKPI's votes was only concentrated in Ujung Pandang and its surrounds.)

-Central Sulawesi (Narrow PKPB victory.)

PKPI wins at:
-North Sumatra (A province that has done well economically under Try and has accordingly shown its support for the PKPI. Ironically the PKPI victory at this province, this being Akbar Tandjung's home province, somewhat lowered his stocks in the PKPB and placed him below the radar as he plans his moves for the MPR General Session.)

-Riau (Another province that has done well economically under Try but which the PKPI has struggled to convert into votes. Batam established itself as PKPI country but Yusril Ihza Mahendra put up a good fight for the PKPB ensuring that the PKPI's victory was only a narrow one.)

-Bengkulu (Government handling of 2000 Earthquake at Enggano, Bengkulu along with Meutia Hatta's campaigning paid off with victory.)

-South Sumatra (Another province that has done well economically. The PKPI in this province played up the province's links with Try, highlighting that the President was Commander of the Southern Sumatra Regional Command for 3 years and headquartered in Palembang.)

-Lampung (Victory driven by families whose breadwinners works across the strait in West Java and Jakarta. Syamsurya Ryacudu, a first-time DPR candidate and brother of the Inspector General of ABRI, leading the charge for the PKPI in this province).

-Jakarta (The PKPI's strongest victory in the elections and one which, whether unfairly or not, cements its reputation as the "Cityfolk" party).

-Yogyakarta (Narrow victory as the Sultan's sympathies and Joyokusumo's energetic campaigning overcomes the PKPB's effort to win at Soeharto's home province.)

-East Java (A victory which establishes East Java, in particular Surabaya, as a PKPI stronghold. East Java a province that has done well economically and Surabaya, a growth center which has aspirations of rivalling Jakarta. Madura however is very much PKPB country owing to Hartono having his hometown there.)

-Central Kalimantan (A very narrow victory and a province where the PKPI's main rival was the PPP, who ran a strong campaign here).

-East Kalimantan (Though the PKPI recorded a victory here, this was another case of a province which has done well economically but where the PKPI have only emerged with a narrow victory.)

-Bali (Another victory in a province which has done well economically under Try, especially in regards to tourism. The island views PKPB negatively for courting the devout Islamic vote elsewhere.)

-East Nusa Tenggara (Together with Bali and North Sulawesi, seen as places where the PKPB's strategy of courting the religious vote elsewhere has failed. The PKPI however failed to convert this into votes and only managed a narrow victory as a result of votes leaking the PNI's way.)

-North Sulawesi (A PKPI victory though the PKPB performed decently on the back of Theo Sambuaga's presence and limited to the extent of PKPI's victory)

-Southeast Sulawesi (Another narrow PKPI victory).

-Maluku (Considered a surprising strong victory for the PKPI seen internally as a vote in acknowledgement that the government has increased its attention to fisheries from a province where fisheries is a key contributor to the provincial economy).

-Irian Jaya (This was the "could have been" province for the PKPI. The PKPI narrowly emerged victorious without the ability to campaign on the government's success in securing Freeport divestment as a result of Freeport's request that any divestment be only announced after the election.)

-East Timor (Strong PKPI victory in what is seen internally as a referendum on "Whose government is better for East Timor? Try or Soeharto?").

PPP wins at:
-Aceh (The PPP takes advantage of anti-Soekarno sentiments, anti-Soeharto sentiments, and suspicion that Try's government is "not friendly towards Islam" to direct votes its way).

-West Kalimantan (Part of the internal resentment towards Hamzah in the PPP from the Matoriites was the fact that as Chairman of the PPP's National Campaign, he placed his home province of West Kalimantan higher than it perhaps should be.)

Noted for my next edit.

But i thought PKPI won at Maluku because of their sago-first policy rather than fisheries. Also yeah, i'll add West Lombok as PKPI-won. I also forgot to add Ujung Pandang and Parepare as PKPI-won rather than PKPB, and i've already said my recalculations about East Java. Lots of cities and regencies in East Kalimantan that aren't Samarinda, Tarakan, and Balikpapan i've drawn as PKPB or PPP-won, but overall i agree with your sentiment that PKPI can edged out a win there.

 

[focus9912]

Well...that is quite a map...and

For the PKPB-PPP's green difference, i made PPP's color a bit brighter (see the outer rim on the party's modified 2019 logo) green than its real color (the background color stays).

honestly...I do wonder if there are pro-PKPB Tutut members trolls(that drowning in Golkar nostalgia) in ITTL Wikipedia that would change the PKPB colour to yellow...

Well, for this one, i made it a bit easier by making PNI's color actually a bit brown-ish red like its color in the 1955 election rather than PDIP's red color. Then i brightens PKPI's color a bit compared to its OTL (digital) 2014 logo to accentuate the differences.

as for differentiation between PNI and PKPI...perhaps using their secondary colours (black for the former and white for the latter) is perhaps too much of a sacrilegious act...

I have no comment for the updates (since it would a basically parroting what @Kosaki_MacTavish said, and it seems that he has much more free time...since I noticed he is responding faster to the recent updates...not to mention somehow managed to create a map with the party colours filled in each regency...I would be dead before I have any thoughts of creating one)...

 

[Kosaki_MacTavish]

and it seems that he has much more free time...since I noticed he is responding faster to the recent updates...not to mention somehow managed to create a map with the party colours filled in each regency...I would be dead before I have any thoughts of creating one

Just have a few lucky breaks on life currently....

I mean, us Indonesians got so much non-working holidays for the last three months. I bet this is why GSD310 has been on a roll too lately.

 

[GSD310]

not to mention somehow managed to create a map with the party colours filled in each regency...I would be dead before I have any thoughts of creating one)...

Yes that is impressive indeed. I only got as far as provinces because I only have to think of 27 different reasons why a party wins in a certain province.

But i thought PKPI won at Maluku because of their sago-first policy rather than fisheries.

Ah yes that’s right. Make that sago and fisheries.

Regarding the 2002 Elections, from a writer’s standpoint, the PKPB won because I wanted Tutut to have her moment and give her a possibility of winning at the MPR Session.

I bet this is why GSD310 has been on a roll too lately

hahahaha I just happened to be at a part of the story when I’m certain something’s happened. Usually when I get at this point, this stuff just writes itself.

Despite this ad is cringey notwithstanding Try's presence there, the ITTL 2002 ad would be pack much more weight.

By the way, even in 1999 his voice is already raspy, eh.....

Being a kid when he was VP, I remembered his voice as raspy. I think these days, what's different is that he's now an 88 year old guy looking like an 88 year old guy. Back in those days, he was 60 year old looking 45-50. In that ad he's 63-64 looking 50. Standing next to Soeharto he easily looked 20-25 years younger when in fact he was "just" 14 years younger.

Too late to ride on "The Footprint of Mussolini" ATL hype of balkanization of Indonesia,

I've read enough to know that Mussolini saved the Jews though not enough to know that Indonesia got balkanized.

I know Indonesia ends up quite a bit on the receiving end of this balkanization trope as far Alternatehistory goes .