35. Oscar Stanton De Priest (F-WA)
Term: 1935-1941
Vice-President: John Q. Tilson (F-CT)
Secretary of State: E. Brooke Lee (F-VA)
Secretary of the Treasury: Charles G. Dawes (F-OH)
Secretary of War: John G. Pershing (I-SK)
Attorney General: Earl Warren (F-CO)
Secretary of Agriculture & Labor: Henry A. Wallace (F-SK)
Secretary of Education: Jackson T. Davis (F-VA)
Secretary of the Interior: Theodore Roosevelt Jr. (F-NY) r. 1939
--
Postmaster General: Joseph B. Wells • (F-WA)
Commandant-General: Alexander Vandegrift (I-VA)
Secretary of the Supreme Court: James Baldwin • (I-HU)
Director of the Bureau on Citizenry Relations: Leonard Muller • (F-WF)
“As for tomorrow, I leave you all with a great America. Towers in every city, cooling in every home, and food in every stomach, regardless of color, or gender. It has been an honor to be your President. May God bless you all, and may God bless these United States of America.”
- President De Priest's final address on the NBS
So He Came
President DePriest would have the tall task of succeeding Nicholas Butler. Being the chosen successor for a man considered by many to be an American legend meant nearly assured victory at the ballot -- but it also meant high expectations from the go. All across the country, Americans were in a period of general boom time despite the doomsday warnings of the Christian Populists. But bringing forth Pax Americana, as Butler had, would prove far easier than
maintaining it. See, if everything went to Hell, despite DePriest's best intentions, Butler would be saved of the blame. Such a conclusion to his Presidency would also have a double negative -- Oscar Stanton DePriest was black, and his failures would be disfigured into validation by those ill spirits this nation still harbored, who believed only the Anglo was truly capable.
Those damned fools would be wrong, of course, because President DePriest is, to this day, highly regarded amongst historians as one of the most capable Presidents in American history. The man rose in the immediate aftermath that was the 1920s to such heights as the Speaker of the House in the newly empowered chamber of Congress. He would be the first black man to hold that position, and under it he would pass, with President Butler’s blessing, landmark - if controversial - legislation in the form of what we today refer to as the
Civil Rights Acts of 1934.
Born just north of bustling small city of Tuscumbia, East Yazoo, DePriest’s family would move to Cleveland, Ohio in the late 1870s, where he would be raised. The President would go on to make a fortune as a prominent businessman in the booming growth of early 20th Century Chicago. DePriest would play a prominent role in the establishment of a small, but knit, middle class black community in Chicago, Washington. The 1920s would, understandably, cause much dismay for the man, who would enter politics around 1916, just four years after Booker T. Washington’s historic Presidential campaign.
Just as Washington’s run at the White House had affected DePriest, so to had Du Bois’ ascension, and then assassination, upon reaching that office. Despite disagreeing on policy with Du Bois, DePriest had been quietly ecstatic to see his victory. His murder shook him deeply, a reminder of the hatred that existed in this country, a seeming constant.
That was the beginning of a dark period, yet, here we are, 15 years removed, the United States still standing. Nicholas Butler re-built America, he had brought forth Pax Americana, and he had set the country on a path of “true equal rights for all.” DePriest’s campaign argued it was the embodiment that Butler had succeeded. Some feared that his campaign or election would sour the good vibes that had existed after the turmoil of the 1920s. Others feared that his fate would be tied with that of Du Bois’. Despite all this, DePriest emerged from the second round with a victory at the ballot.
Now He Must Rule
The President made overtures that there’d be no major, immediate shake ups in the cabinet. In fact, DePriest would initially appoint just three new members to his cabinet - Earl Warren as Attorney General, Henry Wallace as Secretary of Agriculture and Labor, and Joseph Wells as Postmaster General. Wether the Cabinet would continue in such fashion remained to be seen at the time, but the moves indicated a reluctance on deviating from what was already present. As the saying goes, why change a ship mid-stream?
Of course, victory at the ballot box was only the first step for The Big O and it was only slight assurance that the man would be able to govern America. Butler had signed both the Anti-Lynching Act and the executive order ending government segregation right at the end of his Presidency, meaning it would be DePriest who would be tasked with enforcing them. DePriest figured civil rights would be a matter of contention at some point considering who he was, and he made the accurate inference that waiting until later in his term would be a mistake.
Following the 1934 elections, the Justice Department compiled its first Voting Rights Report, as per the guidelines indicated in the State Voting Rights Enforcement Protocol (SVREP). The report, upon coming back, showed seemingly little
subversive forces at play. There were isolated instances, however, particularly in areas of southern Indiana, in parts of Tennessee, rural Virginia and elsewhere in specific Midwest counties. In conjunction with the Attorney General and the Secretary of the Supreme Court, DePriest’s first official act President would be the sending of notices to the Governors of those states informing them that certain counties had violated the SVREP, and that they must act accordingly.
The SVREP had always been part of the deal when Butler negotiated with the Workers at the 1926 Convention, even if many men wished to do away with it now. DePriest wished to organize a sub-department to the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) that would specialize in sending NBI agents to ‘states at risk of violating the SVREP.’ This was not part of the protocol guidelines as written and caused controversy amongst many members of Congress. But it wasn’t exactly up to Congress, at least not under the second Constitution. The Justice Department had, essentially, been divided between the Executive and Judicial branches. The Supreme Court, particularly the Secretary appointed by the justices, has ultimate authority over the dealings of the Department; while the executive-selected Attorney General oversees enforcement of the law. Wether or not a sub-department dedicated to overseeing places under SVREP probation would be approved fall on Secretary James Baldwin.
President DePriest argued that a small task force, meant only to assist local counties and ensure things are followed properly, would only be good for the success of the SVREP. Opponents contended that this was the sort of federal overreach that the 12th Fundamental Right was meant to stop. It guaranteed the free access to ballots without federal oversight, did it not? In the end, Secretary Baldwin would approve of the sub-department under strict guidelines that no more than three NBI agents be assigned per county-wide, and no more than 35 per state. They would be under strict orders to maintain observer status. But from there, they were under the orders of Attorney General Warren.
With that early pursuit of SVREP enforcement, DePriest and the Federalist Party quickly made infrastructure, particularly a fully operational interstate highway system, the focus of the remainder of their pre-midterm domestic agenda. DePriest and Secretary Pershing of the War Department orchestrated an extensive plan, and the Federalist Party, using their early leverage into DePriest’s term, passed budgets that provided the funding. Pershing, in particular, had been the mastermind and principal actor in designing what would come to be known as the National Speedway System.
Greetings From The Equator
One of the immediate issues DePriest was confronted by, outside of the domestic realm, was the on-going situation in South America regarding Tawantinsuyu.
In his final months, President Butler had authorized Secretary Lee’s plan of nominal support of the Ecuadorians as Tawantinsuyu descended into anarchy and civil war. When DePriest was inaugurated, the United States had already established channels with the Ecuadorian independence government, the remaining government forces of Tawantinsuyu, and the now dominant Peoples Revolutionary Forces of the Four Regions.
Tawantinsuyu had been a giant behemoth of a nation, with an odd, seemingly dictatorial form of government that persisted for decades. In that timeframe, it had created vast economic networks across the Americas and the Pacific, and it’s collapse into
marxism was deemed as unacceptable by the biggest hawks in the Federalist Party. On the other hand, intelligence indicated that the regime forces held little chance, considering the varying other rebellious bands across the country, of succeeding in retaking control of the situation. With this in mind, Butler had insisted on at least gaining a foothold with Ecuador out of the mess.
In January of 1935, the DePriest government, the Ecuadorian independence government, and the representatives of the Peoples Revolutionary Forces of the Four Regions came to an agreement where-in Ecuador would be recognized by the PRFFR, the PRFFR would be recognized as the legitimate government of Tawantinsuyu by Ecuador, and the US would not involve itself in the ensuing drama. Of particular note was no US guarantee of recognition over any possible marxist regime that emerged.
The treaty, if you will, was brought before the United States Senate with little warning, but would ultimately be passed despite vigorous opposition thanks to cross-bench support as many in the opposition joined, with war hawks in the Federalist Party dissenting. PanAm would be another source of opposition towards the measures being taken by the United States, as leading partners such as La Plata and Louisiana argued against allowing such a powerhouse as Tawantinsuyu to fall to marxism. President DePriest calmed attitudes both at PanAm and at home in Congress by expressing this treaty as the sure fire way to “ensure we can combat the growing disease that is marxism in South America.” The truth was that DePriest was staunchly anti-marxist, a man who had made a fortune off the fruits of the economic model that existed in America. Despite his actions at the Convention, in private he wished to see the marxist regime in both New Grenada and Tawantinsuyu contained, if not eliminated. But to contain what already existed, a base must be established - and that was Ecuador.
Nonetheless, the PRFFR would take control of most of the country by the end of that year and declare the Peoples Republic of Tawantinsuyu. It would become the second nation on that continent to fall to a region specific version of marxism mixed with tinges of national valentinism and Catholic belief, inspired by the earlier revolution in New Grenada. Pablo Merida, a New Grenadian, Catholic pastor and revolutionary (1881-1926), re-envisioned Marx’s utopian communism with a Latin American touch that is today known as
Meridian marxism. His book,
Deus Ad Omnem (1911) has been banned in many schools across the country, deemed as
papist marxist subversion by the most theocratic of Americans.
But in Ecuador, the United States had found yet another ally. Soon, the Republic would be admitted to PanAm, granting DePriest another friendly face in that ever growing body. By securing Ecuador’s positioning, DePriest and Secretary Lee created a makeshift American wall around communist New Grenada. They’d also secured a much better vantage point in the region than the minor Republic of the Galapagos. Still, the immediate reaction proved controversial, with many national papers, especially those holding more ceasarist/custerite themes, claiming DePriest had “gone soft” on the marxist threat. When news came from Tawantinsuyu that business leaders, politicians and the ‘nobleza republicana’ were put on sham, mob trials, many executed by firing squad, their attacks became even louder.
The 1936 Midterms
None the less, with the economy continuing to roar in a fashion unlike anything since the days of President Banks and Whipple when the economy had a major revitalization. Much of this had to do with consecutive budgets that emphasized less bureaucratic focus, and more focus on various infrastructure projects across the country. These projects, in turn, fueled job growth everywhere. It wasn’t lost on the Workers Party or the Christian Peoples Party - oh yes, opposition does exist in this era, if ever farther from power - that in conjunction with these budgets, the military budget had grown the most. This has been, after all, the Federalists’ game-plan for over a century, they say.
They - wether the Workers, who have become the Party of the Urban Laborer; or the Christian populists, who balk at the sight of imperialist warmongers stealing money from Christian hospitals, schools and charities - may have been right. But it didn’t matter, not to the voters, not to the average American. Butler had re-built America, and DePriest had certified its stability.
1936 Midterms
House
Federalist Party - 297 seats (+6)
Workers Party - 126 seats (-43)
Christian Peoples Party - 114 seats (+34)
United Soqualist Party - 15 seats (/)
New Africana Party - 13 seats (+4)
Truth & Light Party - 3 seats (/)
Native Caucus - 2 seats (+2)
Senate
Federalist Party - 50 seats
Workers Party - 21 seats
Christian Peoples Party - 15 seats
United Soqualist Party - 1 seat
New Africana Party - 1 seat
Truth & Light Party - 2 seats
Native Caucus - 2 seats
The midterms would prove that the people had placed their faith on DePriest, the Federalist, and the system Butler left behind him. The roaring economy and civil revitalization across the country would prove louder than any policy or complaint the Workers or Christian Populists could muster. But the Workers suffered more than the Christian Populists, who saw over 34 new members in the House where as the Workers lost 43 seats. If the Workers Party had become obsessed with civil rights and policy wonks, it didn’t matter what their sound words were saying — either you were an American who was enjoying these wondrously good times, or you were the slim minority who weren’t. In the hyper-religious rural regions of the country well-reasoned policy didn’t cut through — enflaming, religious rhetoric did. The Workers, the Christian Populists (some of them former Workers themselves) argued, had abandoned the real, God-fearing Americans for immigrants, papists, city-folk. It’s not that the Workers weren’t still the Party of the laborer, its that the people who understood that weren’t the ones listening.
O Mother Country, What of Thee?
In the meantime, the President basked in the early glory of continued partisan dominance by giving a stirring 1937 State of the Union address to the House. The address highlighted, in what was perhaps a re-assurance to members of his own Party, that he stood committed against the forces of Marxism that plagued the international community. Britain, America’s mother country and longest enemy, was tearing itself apart, its colonies clamoring for independence, it’s monarchy and nobility scrambling for Australasia as it left Ceasarist elements to try and stop the marxist wave. Oh yes, Britain. That desperate damsel, who lost every altercation it had with the United States and still managed to become a hyper power of the Old World. But all of that was crumbling to the ground; like its lands in the New World, Britain’s vast holdings were being siphoned off as it spiraled out of control.
DePriest, like Butler before him, had kept Secretary Lee in continual talks with German allies in Europe as Britain continued to spiral. Admittedly, the decline of Britain had been a long, gradual affair, starting with the loss of the Great War. The National Unity regime of Winston Churchill failed to keep the peace as colonial woes became insurmountable. The regression of Britain had been fueled, at least in part, by the progression of Germany and Mitteleuropa, who were fine with letting Britain collapse so long as they could come in after and take control: of the trade routes, the vantage points, and, of course, of Europe. That gamble had been accepted by US foreign policy, Britain was the traditional enemy and it’s imperial collapse had been the aim of the United States since at least Custer, if not 1812.
But how far would this collapse go? The British woes became the British Civil War in late 1935 as the isles themselves broke out in violence. Shortly after the U.S. Midterms of 1936, the initially meager Marxist bands surged in popularity as the economic reality of the country fell apart. With much of the country side flipping to the marxist bands - who attacked the Church, the monarchs and the nobles; the capitalists who rigged the empire - the situation was becoming extremely dire. The Ceasarist elements in the government were swiftly becoming as radicalized in their persecution of the rebels, as the rebels were in their execution of what they considered justice. The Easter of 1937, known in British circles as Bloody Easter, was a monumental occurrence near the end of the British Civil War. A band of anarchists and marxists succeeded in a covert mass attack that would end with the assassination of Winston Churchill, the evacuation of loyal operations to Northumbria and Scotland, and, a day later, the flight of many within the British nobility (including the royal family) to their territory in East Australasia. With most of England under marxist control, loyal forces stuck in the north, Ireland in it’s gripe between marxist and Irish nationalist forces — it seemed all hope was lost. The Marxists took a bare London, and the world seemed poised to accept the new reality.
All across the colonies control was eroding, if it hadn’t already eroded, rapidly. In many places, British settlers began their own flight for East Australasia, following those that did so in the mother country. In many others, the British forces wrestled for their independence, hoping to not only separate from tumultuous Britain, but to likewise maintain their colonial control over the subjects they oppress. Yet in other colonies, oppressed subjects were seeing victories in paving their own course, fighting against the British minorities that rule them. Some even pledged loyalty to the new Marxist regime — while in India, the Crown Jewel of the British Empire, where rebellion had existed for nearly a decade, the British were finally expelled. President DePriest, who had been okay with taking the off-hand approach advocated by Secretary Lee and former President Butler, became immediately concerned that allowing Britain to fall to marxism would be the biggest mistake of the century.
This would prompt one of the first true military preparedness campaigns between the United States and Germany in decades. DePriest made overtures to Germany immediately after the assassination of Churchill and the flight of the royal family, urging that now was the time to put an end to the depreciating condition on the British Isles. Kaiser Rudolf III of Germany (VI of Austria) approved of this measure, as did the German Minister-President [INSERT NAME HERE], and preparations were made for a summer offensive into Britain. A key issue, however, was the re-organization of loyalist government forces in the main isle as the Fatherland Front, a group that had proven unwilling to talk with the Germans or Americans.
Before summer arrived, the Germans and Americans would realize why this was. The French State would lead an assault campaign from the south against the marxist forces in England proper, providing the Fatherland Front space to push from the north. In a daring and swift action, Darnand’s France would secure its most ambitious international victory. German and American politicians were left stunned, not only at the efficiency of the French campaign, but the ability for the French State to have rebuilt its military to such an extent since the Great War. With French support, the Fatherland Front would re-secure control over Britain, as would it’s Irish equivalent across the water. The aggressive and bloody way in which the marxists hammered through their initial successes had, in fact, created much apathy from a large section of the population. That section would quickly allow the Fatherland Front to re-create British government; anything to stop the madness. The Ceasarist/Gardist regime put in place in both Britain and Ireland (known as the British Free State and the Irish Free State, respectively) would oversee brutal retaliatory actions against the ‘traitors,’ but with peace seemingly at hand, the populace fell under the sway of the rhetoric of the time. The new regime in Britain would prove to be eugenicist, racially motivated, nationalist and shunned any talk of re-uniting the “savage parts of the Empire.” However, the new regime, though accepting of an independent Ireland (really Darnand’s demand) vowed to take back control over Britain’s ‘settler colonies.’
The world, the President, the Germans; everyone was shocked as the old order finally collapsed and the new, perhaps more dangerous one, took shape. Late President Butler would admit, before his death, that his biggest regret was ignoring the crisis in Britain — President DePriest, too, would show regret for allowing Britain to fall, first to marxism and then to hyper-ceasarism (Gardism, as it’s called in France). The world was being divided between the powers that lost the Great War and their reactionary/revolutionary, violent regimes, and those that won it and were attempting to create a peaceful order. At the very least, DePriest saw it this way, as did much of the Federalist Party.
The Calm Before The Storm
For much of the rest of his presidency, DePriest worked extensively to prepare the United States military capabilities, becoming convinced that radical elements across the globe would lead to a second Great War sometime in the near future. Although he became weary of race-based Gardist forces, DePriest gave heed to the traditionally Ceasarist elements of his party. Under the guise of his America Works programs across the country, DePriest would use the additional funding to build equipment, weaponry, armored vehicles, fighter planes and the likes. The Department of War would be renamed the Department of Defense near the end of 1938.
Additionally, DePriest began more openly criticizing marxist elements within the United States as well. The United States Communist Party (USCP) would be banned following the NBI busting of an alleged terrorist plot in June 1938, and despite that party being particularly irrelevant it caused an uproar. Libertarian types across the country deemed the action a violation of free speech, while the left-wing groups deemed it as just the beginning of the Federalists plans to make America a one party state. With the 1938 midterms coming, the opposition groups were eager to find anything to rile up the base.
The Workers in particular, one of the big two of the Third Party System, were desperate for a turn around. The Christian Populists had proven effective at taking in the disaffected rural voters of the Workers Party, who once were the main faction. But as urbanization occurred, as the party shifted towards the cities and it’s policies began to reflect that, the religious, rural voters felt shunned. When the Federalists abandoned the federal religious subsidy program and the Workers leadership failed to act, the CPP swept in. If it wasn’t evident following the 1934 elections, it surely was following the 1936 Midterms where the Workers lost out across the Frontier and Midwest rural communities to the CPP.
So the Workers leadership turned to its new base. The 1936 Workers platform abandoned much mention of the rural groups that abandoned the Party, and instead hammered in on the economic realities facing workers in the new economy: the cities or the factories. An alliance was declared with the United Socialist Party months prior to the elections, a decisive move that cemented the shift of the Workers Party — along with cementing the place of the CPP, at least for now. Many Workers members across the country remain weary about the Party’s newfound alliance with the USP, the main philosophically soqualist and socialist party in the nation. For many of the more christocratic members that for some reason hadn’t left yet, this was the last nail. But the move would cement a growing number of city voters for the Workers Party.
Of course, the Workers leadership didn’t expect to take back Congress just as a result of the merger. Nor did the Federalist feign much concern. In truth, the economy continued to roar (despite large gaps between the poor, middle and upper classes) like it had been doing throughout the entire decade. The National Speedway was already being laid down for miles on end across the country, unemployment remained low, and generally the era of Pax Americana continued. Most Americans weren’t intricately worried about the future, and it would have been odd to see the opposition sweep into power. But what the Workers were betting would occur - and what the President and the Federalists expected to - was an end to the back to back losses at the Congressional level the Party had suffered. They’d prove right in that gamble, despite remaining in the opposition.
1938 Midterms
House
Federalist Party - 291 seats (-6)
Workers Party - 138 seats (+12)
Christian Peoples Party - 118 seats (+4)
New Africana Party - 15 seats (+2)
Truth & Light Party - 3 seats (/)
Independent - 3 seats (+3)
Native Caucus - 2 seats (/)
Senate
Federalist Party - 49 seats (-1)
Workers Party - 23 seats (+2)
Christian Peoples Party - 15 seats (/)
New Africana Party - 2 seat (/)
Truth & Light Party - 1 seat (-1)
Native Caucus - 2 seats (/)
For the Workers, 12 gained seats was stark improvement to the dives of the last few election cycles. Furthermore, they had cemented their position amidst Federalist glory days; the future was where their hopes lay. As a matter of fact, the only party not to make any gains during the Midterm was the Federalist Party, who lost six seats in the House. None-the-less, the Federalists maintained their majorities and hoped to continue business as usual.
So He Goes
With term limits squarely in place, DePriest made no overtures of maintaining power. Instead he continued to promote the efficient government that Butler and he have led to prosperity. With his days in office becoming numbered, DePriest began enacting more personal, impassioned goals. Through appeal to the House, DePriest would oversee the creation of interesting national holidays, namely Liberty Day and Equality Day. Liberty Day would be observed every September 21st, marking the anniversary of Gustave Strebel’s attempted coup against Nicholas Butler, and celebrating the dawn of the Second Constitution. Equality Day is to be observed on February 23rd, the birthday of late President DuBois, in honor of the life of the first black President.
Likewise, DePriest would also continue to push out NBI agents to varying counties where election interference was reported. The lynching of 3 black men in rural Sauk caused particularly concern for the President, whose sending of NBI agents received backlash from Sauk officials. Though the backlash was kept at a political level, white Federalists, Christian Populists and Workers alike decried the expanding reach of the NBI. Surely, the President insisted, they could not compare the work of the good men and women of the NBI to the past military presence at ballots. But, opponents argued, what good was ending ‘military occupation’ if the generals were replaced with men in suits running the local counties? Wether or not this was true was irrelevant because enough people had begun to buy into it. None the less, DePriest enforced his will and the SVREP through executive authority and the good grace of the SCOTUS.
In the Summer of 1939, the President was hit with a scandal involving fraud and perhaps money laundering. The suit came from the Workers Party camp, but was quickly echoed by the Christian Populists, who demanded a Congressional inquiry be set up. Federalists, at the urging of the President and with a big election coming up, refused to do any such inquiry. DePriest maintained his innocence, though a leaker had released enough information to see sub-department heads in the Treasury and Interior Departments fired, and one indicted. None the less, DePriest was insulated from the attacks, as was the Treasury Secretary. Secretary of the Interior Roosevelt, though never implicated in the mess and with substantial evidence proving no involvement, resigned anyway during the Christmas break that year prior to the Federalist primaries. The Workers hoped the scandal would break headlines, and it did in some circles, but with the economy still raging and DePriest America Works programs going strong, opinion on the President remained steady. The Federalist Party is eager to get to the elections, but party heads fear voter fatigue may kick in.
Just as the primaries are set to start, France and the Eurasia sign a Non-Aggression Pact, proving troublesome to the President, the Secretary of State, and America’s allies in Germany. President DePriest kicks into election mode hoping to see his Party maintain control of government. His tour across the country prior to the primaries touches on various subjects, namely the rising threat of Gardism and Marxism around the globe. Closer to home, and chief on PanAm's watch had been the re-emergence of Mexico onto the international scene with the unexpected Mexican-Chiapan War of 1936, when Mexican forces blitzkreiged into Chiapas and annexed the country. That move prompted Guatemala, El Salvador and Costa Rica to re-form the United Provinces of Central America. Aside from foreign policy concerns, the President also made enduring equality a core message of his pre-1940 election tour. Wether or not the tour will benefit the Federalists remains to be seen, but it was widely panned by Americans as successful. DePriest would go down in history as one of the Country's most loved Presidents.
