The Battle of Marston Moor
  • But providence doth often so dispose. - Oliver Cromwell

    July 2nd, 1644.


    Richard reckoned it had been about an hour since the battle started when the Bradford company were called to reinforce the left. The men had almost immediately begun to speculate on what that might mean for the course of the battle, though Richard found it difficult to make out any one voice over the howl of the wind and rain.

    They paused their discussions for a moment when their Scottish lieutenant called for quiet and relayed their new orders, his practiced voice carrying relatively well over the cacophany of sounds that followed an army wherever it was: the rattling of weapons and armour, the clinking of bandoliers, the latent chatter. Richard still didn't hear full sentences from his position in the third rank, but he got the point quickly enough when the men around him had began to move. They were finally off to battle. Richard felt his heart start to beat faster.

    They resumed chatter with their steps, though Richard could only hear the man on his immediate right.

    "Cromwell's on the left. He's the best we have. If he's in trouble, then we are lost." His voice was pained, as if already resigned to defeat.

    Richard turned to look at him and thought through what he'd learned about the man standing next to him all day. Samuel Gibbs. Haberdasher. Bradford born. Proud of his grammar school education. A proper Reformed man. Richard took a few quick steps out of rank to clap him on the shoulder.

    "It is no mistake that we have met them on this day, Sam. God will not suffer his elect to die in vain, least of all against Papists and idolators. We will win this day, and with it the north for Parliament, and for God."

    He was glad for Sam's easy nod to that, since it meant he'd judged the nature of the man's doubt rightly. It was just after sundown, and none of them had eaten a proper meal since breakfast. They'd been standing in ranks for nearly twelve hours, unable to see any of what was happening outside of the defile that hid them from their enemy throughout the day, and then unable to see anything much more than thirty feet in front of them for the last hour thanks to the dark and the rain, save for the occasional flash of lightning. Messages from the battle's progress were sparse and rarely made it to the common soldiery, and Richard had done his best to calm some of the younger men after they'd claimed that they saw men retreating back in flashes of lightning. It was a long day, a hard day. Hard on the body, hard on the mind, hard on the faith. A day that might break a man, but not Sam. Sam Gibbs was a good man to have on his side.

    They marched the remainder of the way without much speaking, the men unprepared to strain their lungs further as the marches quickened pace winded them. After what must have been no more than a few minutes but which felt much longer, they arrived at their destination and formed up on a patch of muddy ground, clearly torn up from thousands of hooves. Richard had seen enough such ground to know it was terrible to fight on, but still orders were given, group by group. "Hold the ditch." People in front of him began to disappear in groups of five or so, the lieutenant speaking to each groupin turn and sending them on their way. He met Richard's eye for a moment before speaking, though his words were directed to a man next to him instead of Richard.

    "You know the state of things, Andrews. We're expecting the Ironsides may retreat to regroup - your job is to give them space to do so. Take ten, keep your colours flying, and hold the ditch."

    He didn't know ensign Andrews, since he'd had little enough cause to associate with the officers. But looking at him now, he cringed. The ensign was a boy, no more than sixteen. The son of someone important in Bradford, most likely. The colours he held were simple, a small cross of St George in the canton over a light blue field, atop an oak flagpole.

    They spoke little as they moved forward to the ditch that they were to defend, though thanks were muttered after Richard helped a man stand from where he'd slipped in the mud, caking himself in it from head to toe. The ditch wasn't much to behold. Though a lull in the rain had increased their visibility somewhat, they still couldn't quite make anything on the other side in the dark of the moonless night. They paced up and down some ways, noting that the ditch was lined and filled in some few places with hedges and a handful of corpses, both of men and horses. It was impediment enough to kill a careless man riding at a gallop, and Richard silently prayed that the Cavaliers might do just that. More importantly for their purposes, they noticed a section where the hedges were sparse and the incline less steep, being generally the best terrain to climb out of the ditch for some distance. They set up just behind it, since the slope would help to funnel Cavaliers into their musket's limited effective range.

    Richard noticed that the wind had also began to die down when he began to hear the sounds of drums beating and trumpets playing in the distance, a familiar and upbeat tune that he'd heard the men playing for most of the day. It was hard to be sure given his deaf left ear, but he thought that the battle music was coming from either side of them, further along the ditch.

    He was so focused on the drums that he felt the hoofbeats before he heard them, a rumble felt in his feet and belly. He made a point of turning to face Andrews as if to receive a command, Andrews nodding and ordering the muskets loaded. Richard quickly leaned his musket on the ground so that the barrel came to his torso and reached for a vial of powder from his left shoulder. The hoofbeats in the distance became audible. He discarded the first such vial he picked out, finding that it hadn't been watertight, the powder too damp to use. Reaching for a second of his Twelve Apostles, he was relieved to find that this was dry, and so he poured the powder into his musket's muzzle, before gathering a spherical lead shot from a pouch on his bandolier and adding that too. Just as he was ramming powder and shot down, he raised his head to see a cavalrymen become visible in the ditch, more as a darker silhouette than an actual visible figure. He navigated the ditch slowly, his mount kept to a trot just faster than a walk.

    "Ready your weapons, but hold your fire. These may be Ironsides." Andrews' voice was quiet and measured. Not terrible for a boy.

    As the rider began his ascent, Richard called to him with a mind to checking his allegiance.

    "For Parliament!"

    "For England and Saint George!" the approaching cavalryman called back, his relief palpable to Richard's ear. It wasn't a royalist response, and so Andrews had the men lower their weapons and brandished his colours to meet with the man, but it seemed the rider had no intention of stopping - as soon as he crested the lip of the ditch, he kicked his mount into a trot and proceeded onto the mudplain behind them, quickly disappearing into the night. Richard wiped a kicked-up bit of mud off his face.

    Two of the Bradford men then admitted that their matchchord was out and couldn't be lit, so they wouldn't be able to fire their muskets. One had let their matchchord get wet, and the other had let all his matches go out. Both mistakes Richard had made fighting on the Continent; easy to forgive. To fix the problem, he retrieved one man's dry matchchord and cut it in half before lighting both and handing them to each man.

    The next encounter with a cavalryman was much the same as the first, a pattern that Richard found was repeated again and again, each man a Roundhead and each man more interested in fleeing than talking. They'd taken turns calling out to the approaching riders, and Richard had just completed his third call when the reply came back "For the king!", almost surprising them. The man kicked his horse into a gallop as he crested the ditch and made straight for them, but there were eight muskets pointed his way and the hedged terrain worthless for gaining speed. Andrews called for fire and the Cavalier died, his corpse falling from his horse which kept trotting until it was gone from view.

    "Reload." Again, Richard added powder and then shot to his musket. Stealing a glance up, he noticed another rider in the ditch. He began to ram his shot down, once, twice, three times. The rider crested the ditch, this one for "King Charles!". They levied their muskets - or at least he and Sam and two others did, firing off their shots. The rider came crashing down, his mount shrieking with him as he fell. Richard passed his musket to one of the men he'd helped before and drew his sword from his hip, approaching the downed rider. The man was stunned and crawling but unhurt, his horse shot and flailing in pain. He ended the man for duty, and the beast for mercy.

    Richard retrieved his musket and set to reloading again even as the next rider came up. There was no more expectation that any of the riders might be for Parliament, and so they didn't bother to call. Only Richard and Sam had finished reloading this time, but Richard's failed to fire, his powder too wet from the ongoing drizzle. Leaning out of his saddle as he made his pass at them, the Cavalier swung his sword, dealing one of their number a lethal blow. One of the other Bradford boys finished his own reload then and shot the man, but no sooner was he dead than two more riders were upon them.

    None of them had loaded muskets this time. He felt a lump of fear rise in his throat. Perhaps God was not with them after all? Drawing his sword once more he stepped forward; Andrews was next to him, levying his flagpole at the approaching riders. It was no pike, but it was closer than Richard's sword. Close enough that one rider approached Andrews carefully at a pace, only to stop, draw a pistol, and shoot Andrews dead before charging ahead over his corpse. Richard heard an agonied cry and the wet thud of a sword contacting bone, but focused on keeping his eye on the other rider as he charged for Richard. The rider's form was good, but his weight shifted in his saddle as his mount slipped its footing on the muddy terrain, making his swing early. Keeping his own centre of mass low to limit slipping, Richard extended the tip of his blade to neck height as the man's mount carried him forward into it.

    Withdrawing his sword from his victim's neck, he turned to face the rest of their company. The rider and mount were down, but had collapsed on top of one of the Bradford men who was screaming over his pinned leg, which was no doubt broken. One other man was dead, the source of the wed thud before, and two more were wounded, one from his musket's own misfire. "God almighty," he heard himself mutter, before offering a quick apology for blaspheming.

    As Richard and Sam knelt down to free their injured comrade from under the Cavalier horse, the sound of massed hoofbeats grew louder again. A flash of lightning temporarily lit up the battlefield, and Richard could see that though the ditch was temporarily free of enemies, a large organized group of riders was gathering in the distance ahead. Richard understood then that the men that they'd dispatched had been undisciplined; gloryhounds eager to tell the story about how they'd swept Parliament's finest cavalry from the field. They were fools, and they'd died for it. The next men to come wouldn't come in ones or twos, but as an army.

    Kneeling to gather the pistol that had killed Andrews, Richard took stock of their situation. Not ten minutes ago they'd numbered eleven, but now three were dead including Andrews, three more were wounded and, as Richard now discovered, three men had parted with their courage and with their company. That left just Sam and Richard left standing, against an unknown number. Against too many. Richard offered a quick prayer for Andrews as he retrieved the company colours from his body and turned to face the men, but found himself at a loss for what to say. He was surrounded by corpses, some belonging to the young men of his home town. Both wounded men and mounts cried out in agony, and shots sounded off in the distance in seemingly every direction as if to remind them that the battle wouldn't wait for them. Trumpets and drums repeated their tune for the someteenth time, and he couldn't see anything beyond the carnage around him and a ditch they would inevitably fail to defend. He couldn't see God in this, could not see how his impending death would serve the cause, could not hear His voice over the sound of hoofbeats - too close, too loud.

    Too present. Two riders and two riderless mounts arrived behind their small group, slowing to a stop a few metres away, one quickly dismounting and approaching. Even in the dark, Richard could tell that their horses were small by their silhouettes. If the horses were nags, that meant that these men were dragoons. Mounted infantry. Was the plan to keep manning the ditch? That would be suicide, a waste of the elect. The thought itself stirred Richard to anger.

    "You have succeeded here, men," the rider spoke, "You are to withdraw from here to meet for further orders. Follow us. If any of you are too wounded to walk, you can mount up. We have a few spare."

    They did as the rider bid, and within a few minutes they came to meet with a group of infantry and dragoons. The infantry were in part other Bradford men - not nearly so many as there had been 20 minutes before, but more than Richard had hoped. Other groups gathered not far from them in rough battle lines, and they milled about for a few minutes, braggards filling the time talking about how they'd shot half a dozen Cavaliers or cut no less than three out of their saddles. All the while, their numbers swelled as mounted dragoons escorted more infantry into one group or another. Eventually the dragoons themselves formed into lines, and one rider set out in front of the gathered mass of perhaps a thousand men.

    "You have done well to keep your colours, friends," the rider said, stopping before the Bradford group. Richard felt that perhaps the man was looking at him, though wasn't sure given the gloom.

    "You have done England proud."

    Richard was thrown off for a moment, unsure what to think. He certainly didn't feel like he'd done well, given that their detachment had been effectively spent as a fighting force, too dead, too wounded or too demoralized to fight on.

    "You have all done well to keep your colours, and your trumpets too, and drums. You have done Bradford proud. And so too have all men here done your homes proud."

    How did he know about Bradford? Who was this man? The rider paced along the line, calling out once in turn in front of each mass of infantry.

    "You have done Selby proud."

    He was clearly in charge of the dragoons. Richard lamented that he hadn't paid more attention to the officer staff.

    "You have done Halifax proud."

    The dragoon was in command. That was enough for Richard, for now. He let go of a breath he didn't know he'd been holding.

    "You have done Leeds proud."

    The rider stilled his mount, as near to the middle of the grouping as was possible.

    "You have done all of England proud. When this battle is over, England shall want to know how it went. I tell you truthfully that I believe the tale will be told of the brave men of Bradford, of Halifax and Leeds and Selby. Of the men who let their will be known first by Root and Branch, and second by force of arms. Of those who would not sit idly by whilst an overreaching king ran roughshod over their freeborn rights and consciences, who stood with the Commons, those true representatives and stewards of England's common weal. They will speak of how their banners never fell and their trumpets and drums never silenced, because they fought for something beyond themselves: they fought for a free England."

    Sure enough, the trumpets and drums maintained their beat, even now. His regimental colours were still flying, aloft by his own hands. He'd never thought much of it, but the blue they'd used for the company flag's field was from indigo rather than woad. The expensive dye had been donated by a local gentry merchant, but it had only been on hand because they were a clothworking community. It was unique. He found that he liked holding it. It meant Bradford was still in the fight.

    The dragoon continued. "You have done your duty here. Even now the Ironsides rally, given space to do so by the bravery you men have shown this night. But the battle is not yet over, for our right is imperilled. I for one will not put down my arms for so long as England lies in chains. I ask you now, men of Bradford. Of Halifax. Of Leeds. Of Selby. Will you join me?"

    Richard raised his colours, shouting "For England and St George!"

    The echo around Richard was thunderous. Richard swallowed his fear. God was louder some days than others.


    ___

    The battle at Marston Moor was the largest yet in the British Civil War, and also the bloodiest. The combined armies of the Northern Association, Eastern Association and Scottish Covenanters numbered some 24,000 men. The Royalist force facing them under Prince Rupert and the Marquise of Newcastle had been somewhat smaller, approximately 17500 men.

    The battle had begun just after sunset and alongside rain, ensuring that the bulk of the fighting was by hand rather than shot. Commanders on both sides lacked a clear picture of what was happening in the gloom, and so the fighting was often disorganised, with regiments or companies falling to their own commanders rather than any over-arching strategy.

    As with most of the battles of the English Civil War, Marston Moor was decided predominantly by cavalry. In the early stages of the battle, the left of each side gained an upper hand, with Oliver Cromwell breaking Lord Byford's first line in the west and George Goring defeating Thomas Fairfax in the east. Though it seemed as if the Ironsides would punch through Byford's second line, Prince Rupert personally reinforced the Royalist right, and a sustained melee developed in which a stray musketball hit Oliver Cromwell in the neck, killing him. As word of Cromwell's death spread a panic grew among the Ironsides, eventually resulting in a rout.

    Their rout was only temporary, however. Lieutenant Colonel John Lilburne, commanding a regiment of dragoons, organised for a forlorn hope to line the ditch on Parliament's left. The presence of the forlorn hope, which prevented a royalist pursuit, along with the mass of Lilburne's own mounted soldiers proved decisive in rallying and regrouping the Ironsides, who eventually charged once more and defeated the cavalry of the Royalist right.

    The meantime was bloody, however. George Goring's cavalry had free reign on the east side of the battlefield, and although many of his troopers displayed poor discipline in looting the Parliamentary camps, enough retained their organisation to repeatedly hit the Allied right flank. Perceiving the battle as lost, Manchester and Lord Levan called for a retreat, but in the confusion of the stormy night many of the soldiers on the front lines never received the order. Whilst many of those who remained in the fight would eventually rout in disarray, the Scottish regiments under the Earl of Lindsay and Lord Maitland held firm, their spine stiffened at the last minute by the arrival of Lilburne's dragoons and those who had manned the decisive forlorn hope.

    After winning the west of the battlefield, the Ironsides sought to take command of the east, too. Perceiving that his opportunity to achieve a decisive breakthrough was already spent, Goring lead a retreat of the remaining Royalist cavalry that quickly spread to the infantry, too, save for Newcastle's own regiment of infantry, the White Coated Lambs. Leading a staunch rearguard to buy their fellows time to retreat, they successfully held their ground for just over an hour before the fifth that yet survived surrendered. In this they were successful, as the bulk of the Royalist infantry made it make to York safely despite being harried by the Ironsides.

    Assessing the losses of the battle, with some 2800 allied dead and 3400 Royalists dead or captured, it would be easy to mistake the battle for a draw. In practice, though, it was a Royalist strategic triumph. Firstly, they had successfully kept the northern theatre of the war open despite the Scottish entry to the war. Second, nearly two-thirds of Allied casualties were Scots. And thirdly, they had killed Oliver Cromwell, Parliament's most capable cavalry commander and among their most ardent supporters of war. Leveraged correctly, the Royalists had sewn the seeds of a split between the Covenanters and Parliament.



    Welcome to For Want of a Musketball, a British Civil Wars timeline. The point of divergence here is that the wound Oliver Cromwell took to the neck at Marston Moor kills him. What follows is a deliberately optimistic take on the aftermath that will see men firmly ahead of their time in the driver's seat of a revolutionary Commonwealth of England.

    In the short term, I'll be writing the events of the more properly British civil wars as Parliamentary and Scottish unity is threatened, King Charles negotiates in bad faith, the Welsh discover a useful technicality, and Freeborn John Lilburne leads the Levellers and unlikely allies to victory.
    In the medium term, the plan is to follow the Leveller Commonwealth through the 1650s. Domestically, we'll take a look at what full male suffrage and a free press in the 1650s looks like, and we'll ride a wave of neo-Elizabethanism to both the high seas and, in women's case, to the pulpit. Diggers will be permitted to dig, and coffee houses will meet public libraries in a wave of literary culture. In the foreign sphere, we'll investigate what the Commonwealth thinks of Dutch "true freedom" and trade policy, The French Fronde, and the Reaper's War down in Catalonia. Eventually, the fires of revolution will burn out and the tide of royalism will come creeping back in as those formerly of wealth and privilege claw their lordships back.
    But the light of liberty won't die, for long term, the plan is to follow the Republic of Jamaica as it fights to restore liberty to the motherland.

    My intention at the moment is to make at least one post a week that's substantial enough to be worth reading post by post. Generally speaking, I'll look to write some character level content, and some geopolitical/state level content, since I really enjoyed the mixed format in An Age of Miracles.

    Looking at the threads for other timelines, I find the speculation and questions that fill the comments are both entertaining as a reader, and I imagine very useful to the author. I've done a decent bit of research into the British civil wars, but about zero percent of the total library of research and writing about the period. It is incredibly easy to miss details and cool facts that would be worth including, so please always feel free to point out cool things you think I should know, or ask questions you'd like answered.

    For now I'll sign off asking you a question: who is your favourite historical actor from the British civil wars period?
     
    Free Oath To Scotland
  • That we shall... endeavour in our several places and callings, the preservation of the reformed Religion in the Church of Scotland... and the reformation of Religion in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland; And shall endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three Kingdoms, to the neerest conjunction and Uniformity in Religion.

    -The Solemn League and Covenant, 1643

    A siege could destroy an army. He'd seen it plenty of times in Germany.

    Shit food, dysentery and the plague. The constant fear of cannon and musketballs, or shrapnel, or a sally. The cold of thin canvas tents and the screams of the wounded at night, the inescapable wet of regular showers, the mud that clung to everything. And all that was to say nothing about worries over homes being in danger, of Catholics stalking their families with long knives, sacking their cities and slaughtering their folk. Or of having to work with unwelcome allies, be Scot, crypto-Papist or Presbyterian. they. Worst of all was the belief that victory was impossible, not just of the siege but of the war. All things that tested a man and his conviction. All things that made men desert.

    The Scottish alliance was meant to turn the tide in the North, and the war more generally. Instead the battle that was supposed to be their decisive entry into the war had been a draw, and now Newcastle's infantry held out in York, resupplied and reinforced by Prince Rupert's. The Prince and his cavalry had long since departed, rushing off south somewhere before their investment of the city had been completed. The last word they'd heard from the south was that Essex had stopped his pursuit of the king, leaving Sir William Waller to stand alone in his pursuit of the king's army.

    It stung him how little news had come their way. Richard had always been a voracious reader, seeking out accounts of war, of battles, of exploration and, most dear to his heart, theology. He had to hand pamphlets discussing Reformed theology, including several from William Prynne, who Richard had looked into after Laud saw fit to mutilate him. He'd read John Pym's speeches and had kept abreast of Cromwell's moves besides, but it seemed to him that the Independent cause in England was not well developed, for they had reached for a scapegoat. The general mood among the elect was that they had met with defeat on the Moor because God condemned the Scottish entrance to the war and indeed, that the Scots had lost them the battle. He'd talked at length with Hendrie about that, seeking a Scottish perspective.

    As far as Richard reckoned, the Solemn League and Covenant was a liability. So long as Independents might fall under the authority of what they viewed as a foreign Scottish church they had no interest in, they would not make good allies to Scots. But the oath could hardly be negotiated, having been spoken by the entirety of Scotland, and by an increasingly large number of Englishmen. It was foolish. The Scots were good Reformed men, their reformation more complete than the English one in almost every respect. He did not begrudge them their church, but it was not his, nor would he have it imposed on him.

    The army had been wildly speculating that the Eastern and possibly also Northern Association armies were to be recalled south, to contend with Prince Rupert's recently departed cavalry, or maybe to intercept a march on London, or on East Anglia. The only reason that their own cavalry had not already been detached was because they were leaderless, and would neither accept Manchester's appointment nor resolve the leadership crisis themselves.

    Such was the confusion that every morning since they'd reestablished the siege, Richard would patrol through their camp and rapidly assembling siegeworks, and every day there were fewer bodies. Lookouts wouldn't wake their next shift, sappers would fail to report for duty, and many work assignments went undermanned as a result. But far more disturbing to Richard was the divide that had developed in the camps that remained, as Independent soldiers increasingly came to establish their tents towards the east of the line, making the west increasingly Presbyterian. Lilburne's dragoons, and therefore Richard and the Bradford company, had refused to move from their own camps in the center of the field, a statement of army unity.

    He'd taken to carrying the Bradford colours everywhere he went. It meant his hands were mostly always full, but it was worth the regular claps on the shoulder from Bradford men, or from those who knew the role they'd played at Marston Moor. He found that sharing war stories with people was a good way to learn about events going on around camp - about William Packer's latest speech blaming the Scots for their 'defeat', for example, or of Edward Whalley's appeal for the position of Lieutenant General of the Horse. He'd also made somewhat of a friend in Thomas Hammond over morning prayer, finding him a man of obliging conscience and loose lips, having offered that Manchester was planning a response that day.

    He was busy chasing a lead when the news came. "Taylor! Ensign Taylor!" Richard turned to see a young man weaving around a nearby team of engineers, his eyes on Richard, lungs working hard. He arrived a moment later, but took a few deep breaths before speaking again.

    "It's Packer, sir. They're arresting him for failing to swear the Covenant."

    In essence, The Solemn League and Covenant committed the swearer to a Presbyterian Church of England. The problem for Independents like Richard and Packer was that they weren't Presbyterians. They had no interest in being yoked to a national church filled with idolators, papists or sinners. They had no interest in swearing the oath.

    "Where abouts, son?" Richard asked. The scout described a point behind lines about mid-way between the Ouse and Foss rivers, on the plain to the north of the camps, where the Independent cavalry had taken to meeting. He set his posture as if to run with Richard, but Richard shook his head.

    "Find Lilburne. Have have him rally the others and bring him there."

    He set off at a jog, Richard holding his colours near to the base of the flagpole so that they were visible from a great distance, and waving it around. A few Bradford men spotted him, and began to gather around him in rough lines and ranks, though they routinely had to thin out due to the chaotic tent and barricade city that was their camp, siegeworks and unfortunately, latrine.

    Richard could tell as soon as he spotted the mass of gathered men that Packer's arrest had not been uncontested. Several hundred cavalrymen, probably the Ironsides Packer commanded, faced off against a larger number of infantry - mostly pike, but some muskets. Some few wounded were being ferried off on flaxen stretchers, but were soon away. There was perhaps sixty yards between the two sides as they squared off, though the Presbyterian infantry rested atop a hill with a shallow incline, much to their advantage. The infantry's formation's right flank was anchored to the camps of the besiegers, but their left was exposed. It appeared as if both sides were receiving some slow trickle of reinforcements, as more and more men across the camps learned what was happening, the partisans among them joining a side, the rest joining Richard in watching from the sidelines. A lone cavalryman rode up and down the line of mounted warriors, shouting out to them, his voice carrying well in the still midafternoon air.

    "We did not start this war so that we could have a foreign church imposed upon us, nor to trade trade the tyranny of bishops for the precepts of presbyters.
    It is beneath the dignity of England to accept a Scottish church, or a Scottish occupation! We are for an English church of English-make, a war won by English arms..."

    Richard found that his jaw was clenched, and set it loose again. It was stupid. Parliament had barely been holding on before the Scottish entered the war, with Newcastle's army poised to march south and join that of King Charles. If the Independents were going to have a chance at victory, Parliament had to win the war against Charles first. And Parliament wouldn't win without the Scots. He set to try and identify the banners carried by the cavalry when he was interrupted by a Scottish accented voice.

    "Taylor, report." The speaker was Hendrie Kerr, who since his battle promotion on the Moor had become captain of the Bradford company. As a Scottish officer to English men, he was exactly the sort of Scottish thumbprint on the English civil war that the Independents resented. But few in Bradford doubted his qualifications, his practiced voice having coordinated their counterattacks in the dark.

    "My man says they've arrested Packer. The officer speaking right now is Henry Ireton, if I'm not mistaken. I don't know who this other group belongs to, but you can see them well enough. I suspect they don't want to risk dispersing so long as there are cavalry arrayed against them."

    "They're with Crawford, Manchester's major general of foot. Word is that Crawford has been chomping at the bit to arrest Independent officers for months now, but Cromwell had been stopping him. With Cromwell gone, and Manchester free to consolidate his control, he's starting with examples. Officers he knows won't swear. Packer's on the shit list."

    "Alright." Richard heard himself speak before he'd even finished thinking. "So we need to stop both. We need to stop Ireton from doing something he'll regret, and then we need to free Packer."

    Hendrie looked at him expectantly, as if asking to be convinced. Richard and Hendrie had collected perhaps 60 men between them on their respective ways to the arrest site. They didn't have nearly enough troops to pose a threat to either side, making their negotiating position weak.

    "I know what you're thinking, Hendrie, but it's not going to come to blows, not really. Ireton isn't stupid enough to actually start a fight, he just wants to intimidate Crawford. We'll prevent tempers from getting too hot. Besides, I sent the soldier who told me about the arrest to find Lilburne. We just need to buy the others time to arrive."

    A stony glare. Another problem with interposing between the two armies was that it would place them firmly within effective musket range of both sides. They'd be sitting ducks.

    "If there's a battle we can't lose it. If one of them attacks us, whoever doesn't will take us to be their allies and will reinforce us. Hendrie, if we don't do this, the army will destroy itself. We will lose the Scots, or we will lose the Independents. Don't let it come to that. Let Bradford stand for England again. Let us do this."

    The stony glare continued, and in the quiet between them Henry Ireton's words cut through:

    "We must not allow men of conscience to be mistreated for being true to their faith, and to God. We must free William Packer!" The Ironsides roared their approval in response, men standing up in their saddles in excitement. Richard thought he saw the Ireton's arm raise, as if to call a charge.

    "Ok, Taylor. You win. They're not my people to risk." Hendrie said quietly, just to Richard, then much louder to address the troops, "Five by twelve!"

    They went for it. Wanting to impose some sort of impediment to a developing fight as quickly as possible, the five-dozen Bradford boys who gathered around Richard or Hendrie formed ranks, and followed him and his colours as he made his way into the sixty yard no-man's land that existed between the two armies. As they marched out of the camps they quickly came to obstruct the right of the Presbyterians where it stood against the Independent left, coming to a halt about a third of the way into the space between the forces, the men all panting, their lone drummer starting to pound out a familiar beat.

    No sooner had they stopped than had Henry Ireton rode up to meet them, flanked by a small group of horsemen.

    "Ah, Bradford company," he called nonchalantly, as if unsurprised to see them occupy his battlefield. He didn't make any move to dismount or to speak privately, instead simply shouting to the entire Bradford group.

    "I understand that you are now Lilburne's men? Since you are men of discerning conscience yourselves, perhaps you would like to better know who you serve? I happen to have with me a copy of Lilburne's recent battle report to Parliament." He made a show of retrieving a piece of paper from his breast pocket, unfolding it before him.

    "He writes of your victory on the Moor: 'The Scots under Lord Maitland and the Earl of Lindsay were key in achieving our salvation, for everywhere they were assaulted, their stern wall of pike turned the Cavaliers back.' Even now so many learned men are gathered in Westminister, looking to the future of the Church of England. They gather word from all corners of the kingdom, seeking the good opinion of the faithful - what hope have we for our consciences to be respected if we require the salvation of the Scots? What-

    "What hope do we have for our consciences to be respected if King Charles wins the war?" Richard interrupted. "We will have an easier time persuading Presbyterians than prelates."

    "But they will not give us the chance! So long as we remain in his army, Manchester will seek to stifle the Independent faith through obliging the Covenant, as he has just now tried with lieutenant Packer, who would not so swear. But they do not only seek to crush us here, for even now Presbyterians talk in secret with Charles, intending to make a peace with him. A peace that will see our souls no safer than they were before we took up arms against Archbishop Laud!"

    The tone of Ireton's voice shifted from heavy to cheerful, the man pivoting from stick to carrot.

    "But you could help save us now! I know that Bradford is a place abound with proper Reformed men. We intend now to free William Packer, whereupon we will offer our arms to lord Ferdinando Fairfax, who is much more accommodating of the Godly. It would surely please God for his chosen people to work together. Join us if you would, and we will shape the future of England together."

    Richard could have said anything. All he really needed to do was keep Ireton distracted, to buy more time for Lilburne's dragoons to arrive. Actual dragoons, he hoped, with horses.

    "But what then, Ireton? Surely you must see that there is no victory to be had in this war without the Scots? Or do you suppose that it is an accident that the faithful of Britain have made common cause against bishops? Do you not see God's hand at play?"

    "I see God's hand well at play, in striking down Cromwell so that he would not suffer the indignity of fighting further beside cowards."

    "Is that where his hand lay, Ireton? Perhaps it did rather fall on John Lilburne," he said, pointing towards the camps, "who did rally the Ironsides and save us from defeat?"

    Ireton opened his mouth to respond but broke off in a disgusted noise, taking notice of the camps, where a group of dragoons were now trotting onto the would-be battlefield, lead by Lilburne himself. Ireton seemed to shrink in his saddle as he retreated back to his line, his troops losing unity of purpose and discipline as the Dragoons of the Moor became their would-be enemies.

    They had parried Ireton's blow; now to reverse Manchester's.

    ___

    Lilburne's tent was small by the standards of an officer. A group of empty beer barrels covered by planks of wood made for a table, which was covered now in an assortment of Mercurius Britannicus broadsheets, written manuscripts and printed pamphlets. Lilburne himself sat at what might have been the head of a proper table, fresh parchment and pen arrayed before him, whilst a little over two dozen others were packed between the canvas walls, the officer staff of Lilburne's dragoons and those companies like Bradford that had become attached to it, as well as a few representatives from some of the more reasonable Independent troopers.

    "What we need to do is knock the sword out of Manchester's hand entirely. We need to go above him, to the Committee of Both Kingdoms," one man had begun. Richard had heard the man called Sexby, and understood him to be something of Lilburne's second.

    "To what end?" a second man interjected. "Manchester is only enforcing the rules set by Parliament, and the rules say the Solemn Oath and Covenant is mandatory. Manchester has every right to require it of his men, and clearly intends to do so. The Committee won't relent."

    "No man hath a right to intrude on another's conscience," Lilburne chided softly, "though you speak accurately of his intentions. The difficulty Manchester faces is that without Cromwell to corral them for him, Manchester has lost his cavalry. They will not accept a leader imposed upon them, and so they themselves must first be replaced."

    "Unless we present the Committee with an alternative, before Manchester can consolidate his control," Sexby added. "We have allies on the Committee. Henry Vane is as firm an ally as we may hope for, and will help us if we only given him opportunity. We must make it easy for him, for the Scots and Presbyterians surely won't."

    "And does any man here have such an idea?" Lilburne asked.

    Richard gave a nervous glance to Hendrie. Though he had long since thrown off the anxious shackles of youth in favour of the certainty of God's hand, he could not help but feel his nerves stir in Lilburne's presence. Richard's own copy of Lilburne's pamphlet Come out of her, my people lay on the table, making a case for an Independent church. He'd been a youth serving in the Dutch army when he'd bought it, then a reminder that England was not yet lost to popery, now an example of the godly realm that it may yet become. He took a half step forward and began to speak.

    "To Henry Ireton, William Packer and many others, the Scots are the enemy." He paused for a moment to gauge the reaction, noting some glances suggesting that some present may just fall into 'many others.'

    "Ireton did not fight in Germany. He did not fight for the Reformed Dutch against Imperial Spain; he did not march with the Lion of the North in the destruction of the Papists, nor make good the defence of the Protestant cause in Europe. He did not do these things. The Lord of Levan, Field marshal to Gustavus Adolphus and a son of Scotland did these things. Scottish sons, brothers and fathers fought and bled for God on the Continent. For my part, I believe contributions to the cause entitle them to their own church."

    As planned, Hendrie took his own half-step forward and continued for the both of them, easily talking over some few voices of protest.

    "I did not spend ten years fighting bishops on the Continent to come home to them, nor did any of the other sons of Scotland I served with. Yet we came home to bishops just the same. In that moment we came together as a nation and swore that the English church would never again threaten the Kirk. We swore than we might make the Church of England Presbyterian, so that its bishops might never work to repeal our Reformation."

    "For all the calls against the Scots these past days, I forgive them for thinking that the Independents seek to destroy their church. I have heard such slurs that would not be fit but for Irish. Yet I am Independent, and I do rather feel that the Presbyterian church is to be yoked upon me. I say it fairly; to the Scots their religion, to we English ours. For each nation a church. This is nothing new, for it was said before these latest German wars, Cuius regio, eius religio. Whose realm, their religion. But I stand with John Pym in saying that the Commons are supreme, that this realm belong not to that man of blood, but to the English; that the Church will be ours, not his. And so long as I get my church, I will so swear to uphold the Scottish kirk, for I see that it is the will of the Scottish people. I will swear to stand with them against bishops, against popery and superstition, and for the Reformation, but I will not swear to make our church as theirs, for in keeping with my conscience I rather prefer a gathered church of the willing."

    Much debate followed, the eventual consensus being that the Independents would seek to make an oath that would appeal to the Scottish desire for security in their church, whilst expanding upon the wiggle room that Henry Vane had worked into the Covenant. The result was an oath that borrowed much from the Solemn League and Covenant, but which emphasised the need for Reformation in England, but without necessary uniformity imposed.

    The oath was drafted, refined and written in a fine hand before being signed by each of the officers present. This copy was to be circulated amongst the Independents and presented to Manchester, whilst another made their way from Lilburne's desk to Sexby's hands and then away to London.

    ___

    Four days after the Battle of Marston Moor, on July 6, word of the defeat reached London via a ship from Hull. Not a fortnight before, word had reached the city that Sir William Waller's army had been defeated in a minor battle against the king, his army dissolving thereafter. In desperation, the Committee of Both Kingdoms had repeatedly ordered Captain-General Essex to return to face Charles' army; only when Essex received word of the defeat at Marston Moor did he finally relent on his march towards Cornwall, perceiving that he may be required to save London for a third year in a row.

    The mood of London was one of panic and desperation, variably calling on the Scots to make a more valuable contribution to the war, condemning them for their ineffectual entrance to the war, and polite Presbyterian papers calling for patience, that Scotland might yet make itself a valuable ally. It was into this mood that the Free Oath of Scotland made its entrance to London.

    In perhaps any other set of circumstances, the Free Oath may have been dismissed outright. Not only did it run contrary to the Presbyterian consensus that was developing both at Westminister and among the Committee, it technically stood in violation of Parliament's alliance with Scotland. The Free Oath did however have three advantages that made it politically popular in the moment.

    Firstly, it would resolve the absence of leadership in the Independent cause by cementing John Lilburne's reputation as an Independent champion, though one who would work properly with Scots and Presbyterians. This allowed Manchester to detach his cavalry to help against the joint armies of Charles and Rupert, which were rumoured to be assembling not far from Oxford; Lieutenant General of the Horse John Lilburne would ride south.

    Secondly, it kept the army of the Eastern Association together for logistical purposes. The Eastern Association army was the best supplied of the Parliamentary armies by virtue of the untouched nature of its constituent counties, the fighting not yet having reached East Anglia. An exodus of Independent troops to Ferdinando Fairfax's Northern Association would have strained its resources beyond their limit, whilst Manchester's mass of infantry would have been left as sitting ducks. Instead the Eastern Association army remained cohesive, and a capable fighting force.

    Thirdly, it established the right of England and Scotland, as seperate nations, to have seperate churches, an argument that was well suited to English vanity, and which would be well exploited by the Welsh in their turn.
     
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    The West Country, 1644
  • In early July of 1644, the Royalists appeared to occupy a commanding position. Parliamentary defeats at Cropredy Bridge and Marston Moor had left their forces disorganised and demoralised, with commanders blaming one another for poor performance in the field rather than planning future actions. Illustrating Parliamentary disunity, both the Western Association army under William Waller and the main army under Captain-General Essex had ignored the commands of the Committee of Both Kingdoms until news of the defeat at Marston Moor had made its way south, after which they only reclutantly accepted mutual recall towards London. Simultaneously, Major-General Browne of the London militia resisted Waller's authority, and John Lilburne's Free Oath to Scotland only narrowly avoided the dissolution of the Eastern Association army.

    The Royalists, by comparison, were following up on two strategic triumphs. Firstly, King Charles had successfuly extracted himself from the Midlands surrounding Oxford, evading the superior numbers of Waller and Essex to position himself in the borderlands with Wales. Secondly, the stalemate at Marston Moor ensured that the Northern Association army and Scots would remain outside of the southern theatre of the war, leaving the Royalist army under King Charles as a free agent, able to choose its next target.

    Hosting a council of war at Worcester on July 7th, the same day that the Royal forces learned of Marston Moor, several campaigns were considered. A conservative campaign was suggested by a faction of moderates lead by Edward Hyde. At the council, Hyde argued that the war could never be concluded by force of arms. Rather than seeking to defeat the Parliamentarians in a decisive battle, a strategy that had produced the last two years of 'national tragedy' and had brought them no closer to peace, Hyde reasoned that it was best to prepare for a fresh round of peace negotiations in the winter whilst occupying as strong a position as possible. Advocating for the capture of Glocester and other Parliamentary holdouts in the West Country, the goal was to produce a continuous territory of Royalist control stretching from Wales to Cornwall, from which Royalist armies could march out of in confidence that their homes were safe, and through which supply lines could run uninterrupted.

    A second much more aggressive plan was devised by George Digby, who advocated for an attack on the Parliamentary heartlands of East Anglia, the Home Counties, and the South-East. Digby reasoned that these counties provided a disproportionate amount of Parliament's manpower and resources, and that attacks against them would both harm soldier's confidence in the safety of their homes, and would see them go unpaid. Such a campaign would promote an atmosphere of fear in London, from which support for a peace would ferment.

    King Charles, ever eager to keep his options open, opted for a campaign that mixed elements of both proposals: Prince Rupert would raid East Anglia to stoke fear and therefore support for peace in London, whilst Charles would defeat their Captain-General in battle and secure the West Country, before marching towards London. From that position of strength, they would negotiate Parliament's surrender.

    Since this divided campaign would define the progress of the war in the latter half of 1644, it is worth discussing the factors which lead to it. Firstly, the reports of Marston Moor delivered at Worcester painted an inaccurate account of the battle. Delivered by several troopers from George Goring's cavalry, who had routed their opposite number under Thomas Fairfax and subsequently looted Parliamentary camps, they mistakenly believed that the Royalist victory was much more decisive than it was, eliminating the Eastern Association army as a cause for Royalist concern. Secondly, Queen Henrietta Maria was in Cornwall, recovering from the birth of a daughter on June 16th. Charles consistently placed a high value on the safety of his family, and was eager to intercept Essex before he might have an opportunity to capture his wife. Third was the animosity that existed between various Royalist advisors and supporters. Digby sought to keep Prince Rupert away from the main army, as in the German's absence he was able to wield considerably more influence over the king. By keeping Rupert's forces away in East Anglia, he aimed to be a lead negotiator in the hoped-for winter peace settlement.

    ___

    Major actions in the southern theatre:

    July 19th: The Earl of Essex finally receives word of the Battle of Marston Moor, and accepts the Committee of Both Kingdom's order that he recall towards London.

    August 1st: The Battle of Glastonbury. Much as they had done just under two years before at Edgehill, the armies of King Charles and Captain-General Essex awoke to discover they had made camp just a few miles from one another; King Charles had expected Essex to be much further south-west down the peninsula, whilst Essex lacked recent reports of King Charles' whereabouts entirely, many of his scouts having been captured or killed by Cornishmen during his brief foray into the peninsula.

    The forces at Glastonbury were roughly evenly matched with about 10,000 troops each, though the Royalists held the advantage in cavalry.

    The morning began with skirmishes between the troops that were the first to wake up and make ready, before a sustained cavalry engagement began in which the Royalists gradually gained the upper hand. Fearing that a rout from his cavalry would leave his infantry exposed, Essex deployed his foot such that their rear and left were covered by the local wetlands, before ordering his cavalry to retreat from the battle to instead keep the way back to Taunton clear. Though initially hot in pursuit, much of the Royalist cavalry broke off to loot the Parliamentary camps, giving the Parliamentary cavalry time to regroup and begin to defeat smaller detachments of Royalist horse that sought to chase them off.

    What followed was an afternoon of infantry fighting in which commander of Parliamentary foot Philip Skippon was seen wherever the fighting was thickest, drawing on the trained band's London roots, declaring "If London is to be saved, we must first save ourselves." The foot resisted successive waves of Royalist assaults, inflicting heavy casualties which worked to eventually end the battle after the Welsh company tasked with the next assault refused the order, one Lieutenant Morgan questioning "Will English lust for Welsh blood never be quenched?"

    Taking advantage of the Royalist infighting, Essex managed to punch through the Royalist line and lead an orderly withdrawal from the battlefield. Although harassed for the first 5 miles on the way back to Taunton, the good order of the Parliamentary cavalry convinced their opposite number to retire.

    The casualty report of Glastonbury told the tale of a Parliamentary victory, with some 600 royalists dead or captured to Parliament's 200. Yet strategically, Glastonbury was another defeat for Parliament; rather than successfully extracting himself from the Peninsula and blocking the way towards London, Essex was soon to be besieged in Taunton.

    August 3rd: The Royalist siege of Taunton begins.

    August 6th: Sir William Balfour leads a breakout of 2500 cavalry, running racing east in order to link up with anticipated Parliamentary reinforcements.

    August 9th: The besiegers at Taunton are reinforced by Prince Maurice's army from further down the peninsula, bringing the besieging army's total to approximately 16,000 men.

    September 13th: Under the cover of night, a majority of Taunton's besiegers follow King Charles east. On the 15th of September they intercept an army under William Waller intended to relieve the defenders of Taunton at Sparkford. Although most of Parliament's cavalry escape in the resultant rout, the majority of the Parliamentary infantry are captured, including William Waller himself. Leaving 6000 men at Taunton under Prince Maurice to keep Essex bottled up, Charles continues east towards Reading and London, although his progress is slowed by Parliamentary cavalry.

    October 3: The Royalist siege of Reading by King Charles' army begins.

    October 20: Reading falls to the Royalist besiegers. A delegation is sent to London, proposing peace talks.
     
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    Map, late 1644
  • Hi folks,

    I've had less time to write this week, so you may notice that the content is shorter than usual and with a different style. I'm still experimenting with things, since I felt that my pacing was a bit slow and I wanted to cover ground more quickly.

    I'll aim to catch up with Richard some time this weekend, but I'll leave you for now with a map showing the state of the war in late 1644, possibly subject to change:
     

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    The Battle at King's Lynn
  • George Goring stood impatiently, his head swimming from a pain behind his eyes, as his men set about their work casting off from the west bank of the Great Ouse. Some nine-hundred of his men were aboard a collection of commandeered river barges, ferries, small merchantmen and hastily constructed rafts, variably poling or rowing into the 600ft wide river in a bid to finally catch the Parliamentary ships that had delayed his crossing for nearly sixteen hours.

    It was infuriating. He had spent the entire march south reminding Rupert that he had won his own flank at Marston Moor, whilst the German and Lord Byford had lost theirs - that he had earned his command twice over. It was only right that he command Newcastle's horse, who he'd already lead to victory once. But just a few written sentences from the king put the foreigner in command, on a charge to "Raid, harry, disrupt or otherwise hinder" the counties which constituted Parliament's Army of the Eastern Association, "in any way whichsoever is advantageous to the King's cause, and which offers detriment to the enemy."

    He'd seen Rupert's interpretation of the king's orders as they'd crossed Lincolnshire, and he wasn't impressed. The Parliamentarian gentry of the land they carved through handed over supplies with murderous glares and cold voices, rather than with screams of terror. Militias had gathered in not a small few parishes, sending off looters with wounds and fallen comrades before their own inevitable deaths when the looters returned with reinforcements. Soldiers slept in tents when farmhouses were free but for tenant farmers, and manors had their wealth merely confiscated rather than burned, as if they were subjects in good standing being taxed and not traitors. And the beer ration - it was barely enough to wet a man's lips, let alone quench his thirst. It was no way to treat the soldiers, no way to reward them for their loyalty to the king or to inspire them to acts of bravery.

    Only five days prior, with news of a Parliamentary army of unknown size in close pursuit, did Rupert finally relent and grant him his own command. He was to take three thousand horse and ravage East Anglia. He'd relished the moment, soon exhorting his men to "relieve the Puritans of the notion that they are God's chosen." They'd already be about their work across the river, if not for those whoreson sailors.

    Three ships had arrived yesterday afternoon, and had almost immediately begun to secure the surrender of his almost empty riverboats and barges as they'd disembarked their men and horses and crawled back across the water to the west bank, the impressed ferrymen aboard looking to the new arrivals as their saviours. He'd lost six vessels that way, before he was able to send boarding parties to prevent the loss of more; the ship captains were cowards though, catching the wind and floating away each time any of Goring's men came close enough to climb aboard. He'd lost perhaps a hundred men over his three such attempts as cannonballs dashed vessels apart or swords and muskets threw boarders back, though he thought that some of his men might have swum to safety upon the other shore, joining those few who had already made it across. His men had managed to capture the smallest of the three Parliamentary vessels on that last attempt, but its store of powder had ignited on its way to Goring's camp on the riverbank, killing all aboard and burning some men nearby. After that failure he'd attempted a night crossing, but his enemy had set vessels filled with pitch on fire upon the river, illuminating his attempt and catching at least half of the men so sent.

    None of that would happen this time. This time he'd sought to surround his enemy, launching vessels from upstream, downstream and parallel simultaneously. He'd even waited nearly four hours for the wind to die down, becalming the one enemy vessel that remained, the other having disappeared between the night crossing attempt and dawn. Since his own men were propelled predominantly by pole or oar, they could not help but catch their quarry.

    As they crawled across the gap between them and their quarry, rowstroke by rowstroke, he tried to swallow his nausea. The river's current had done nothing to help it, his feet feeling as if they were a foot out of line with his head. He thought of Rupert, and the shame of an English war being lead of a foreigner. He thought of Marston Moor, and how his victory had been squandered. He thought of the riches of East Anglia just waiting to be reaped by he and his men, of next meeting King Charles as a conquering hero. His heart began to beat faster, his thoughts resolving into the clear focus of battle. Of the work to be done. Of killing.

    "The first man on deck gets to tap the next keg," he bellowed to a roar of approval as the ferry that bore him came up alongside the Parliamentary vessel at the same time as two others. Immediately he had a makeshift grapple to hand, a bent tentpole tied to a length of rope. It felt right as he twirled and released it, the metal weight landing upon the deck and catching the ship's railing as he pulled it taught. He set about climbing the eight feet onto the deck, confident that his men would be right behind him, but not truly caring. His muscles cried out with the strain and he moved hand-over-hand, his ankles shuffling up the rope, but it was nothing his well-built from couldn't handle.

    He unsheathed his sword with his right hand as soon as he grabbed the ship's railing with his left, before bringing his head above deck with a final muscular effort, only to immediately duck to dodge the thrust of a sailor's sword. Rising once more he put his sword ahead of his face, catching the sailor's next attack and turning it aside. Thrusting forward with his own blade to win himself space, he climbed atop the railing and brought his blade down in a wide arc, the sailor's own attempt at a parry caving, his own sword hitting him before Goring's did.

    Stepping onto the deck, Goring marched two paces aft to cut down at a man attempting to remove another boarder's grapple, offering his hand to the soldier as he finished his climb. Turning to face the deck, he saw a trio of men levy their muskets - and yanked hard, bringing his man between himself and the enemy's shots, the man screaming in pain as lead met his body. Letting the man collapse, Goring closed the gap with the musketeers. One drew a pistol, but Goring slashed at the man's hand, fingers and firearm clattering to the deck in a spray of blood that he felt carried into his face with too much force. The two other men tried to step forward at the same time, each in the other's way; Goring stepped nimbly to his right before making three quick strikes that ended both of them, neither man's blade readied for fear of hitting the other.

    He took a moment to observe the developing battle, noting that perhaps a third of the men on deck were now his own, though he did not see any more grapnels. He quieted a voice in his head that told him something was wrong by dancing once more into a melee, though to his surprise this new opponent's swordwork much better than that of his peers before him.

    "General Goring," the man said, each word in time with a thrust of his blade. The lack of 'Lord' irked him, as it was meant to. It irked him even more that he let it. It wouldn't have bothered him if the damned pain between his eyes would go away.

    "Nice of you to finally make an appearance. The captives did say that you'd come to tear the captain's head off."

    Goring laughed in response, his full belly shaking.

    "Did they say what I'd do to the corpse?" He kept his tone jovial, but his grin spoke of death.

    He watched his opponent, hoping for a flinch or - there it was, hesitation. Goring lunged, a single step with blade outreached - only to slip, the deck shifting beneath him, his weight unbalanced. He'd lunged too far, too close. The man took a small step of his own, slipped his blade near to the base of Goring's own and, with a twist of his wrist, flung the sword from Goring's hand.

    The deck had moved. The grappling lines were gone. The blood spray was off.

    The ship was moving, no longer becalmed. Had not been becalmed for a while, in fact. He turned to face the fore of the ship, to see where it was sailing.

    It wasn't right. He'd already boasted that he'd put the King back in King's Lynn, a line that had gone well with both the men and the camp followers. It was supposed to be the first jewel he seized. He sat down and then lay on his back, finally giving in to the pain behind his eyes.
    ___

    On the 12th of August, 1644, approximately 2700 cavalry serving under George Goring were intercepted by 7000 cavalry commanded by John Lilburne near King's Lynn in Norfolk. Lilburne's cavalry were able to catch Goring's forces before they crossed the Great Ouse due to the efforts of one captain Thomas Rainsborough of the third-rate ship Swallow, with the aid of two smaller vessels. The Swallow had made berth at King's Lynn on the 9th of August as a part of Rainsborough's ongoing effort to recruit a regiment of infantry, and therefore the Parliamentary vessels were packed with well-armed albeit largely green marines, in addition to their complement of sailors.

    Thanks to the efforts of the Swallow, many of the soldiers serving under Goring had been awake for more than twenty four hours, having worked through the night either constructing rafts or attempting a crossing. Further, they had been beset by a series of disasters, with more than a hundred of their number drowned, stabbed, burned or captured in failed attempts to clear the Parliamentary blockade, including George Goring himself. By the time the Parliamentary cavalry arrived the Royalist soldiers were already demoralized, exhausted, and without leadership. Though the battle itself lasted just ten minutes before the Royalists began to surrender, it took John Lilburne another half hour to slow the slaughter, by which time a little over 300 of Goring's troopers remained alive on the west bank of the river.

    Almost immediately, competing narratives of the violence began to emerge. The Parliamentary newsbook Mercurius Britannicus reported on August 15th that "Those who had done much to sow death and despair did reap their just harvest", elaborating on the atrocities committed by Rupert's army on its progress through Lincolnshire and Cambridgeshire. Having reportedly killed ten thousand on their march and left Boston "empty but for corpses and wailing widows", a number of the dead had also been hung from trees, branded and mutilated in the fashion of the Puritans mutilated by Archbishop William Laud.

    Whilst a closer examination of parish death records accounts for a much more conservative 600 killed by Rupert's host, this historiographic oversight obfuscates the real feelings of terror experienced by the parliamentary troops. Tales of the worst atrocities encountered by Lilburne's scouts had circulated throughout the army, with many of the victims being friends, family or neighbours of the Parliamentary troopers. Moreover, the Royalist army represented a continued threat to their properties, loved ones, and the Parliamentary cause to which their consciences and political futures were dependent. Nevertheless, the killing of over 2000 Englishmen in what approached cold blood represented a significant escalation in the violence of the civil war, with such summary executions having been previously reserved for the Irish.

    The competing narrative penned by John Birkenhead of the Royalist newsbook Mercurius Aulicus was that Parliament sought to make excuses for the massacre after the fact, stating that Parliament "...Would look to their wardrobes and under their beds for the bloody deeds of King's men, but not even to their own fingernails for the gore that yet sat beneath them." In the weeks after the battle, the Royalists saw an uptick in recruitment, particularly among counties in which Catholics and Arminians were overrepresented, such as Lancashire and Herefordshire.

    Despite its controversy, King's Lynn represented one of the most significant Parliamentary victories of 1644 to date, second only to William Waller's victory at Cheriton back in March. It would both shape the nature of Rupert's campaign to come, and would have a significant role to play in the peacetalks of the winter of 1644/5.
     
    Scotland, East Anglia and the North, late 1644
  • The Scottish Theatre

    July 20th:
    The Battle of Warwick Bridge

    Responding to scout reports of a small Royalist force near Carlisle, a detachment of 3000 Covenanters were defeated by a similarly sized Royalist force commanded by the Marquise of Montrose. Though the battle was little more than a skirmish, the Covenanter troops were shocked to find such a large group had escaped their notice until that point. Unable to force a crossing without a numerical advantage, they retreated in good order.

    When the Scots still besieging York got word of this defeat, they withdrew all but 6000 foot and 3000 horse to Newcastle, where a siege was ongoing, in case the troops would be required to defend Scotland.

    July 28th: Montrose's force of English and Scottish royalists met up with the predominantly Gaelic forces under Alisdair MacColla. Most of these soldiers were Kilkenny Confederation Irish, sent as a part of truce negotiations with the the Earl of Ormond, though Gaelic scots from the Highlands and Hebrides were represented too.

    September 2nd: The Battle of Perth.

    The battle of Perth began after the Royalist besiegers, who lacked artillery, achieved several breaches in the walls of Perth with mines. The storming of the breaches was left to the Irish brigades, who achieved a lasting breakthrough on their second attempt that won them control of the walls. As the gates of the city were opened and Irishmen rushed off into undefended sections of town, Montrose proposed the city of Perth a deal: they would surrender control of the city to him as representative of the king, and would agree to pay a "contribution to the Restoration of His Majesty King Charles of Scotland, England and Ireland". In exchange, he would prevent the sack of the city by his Gaelic troops. What resulted was a series of Royalist cavalry patrols through the streets, in which a few dozen Irish soldiers were hanged before discipline was reasserted.

    The mood in the aftermath was highly polarised. From the perspective of Montrose and his English and Scottish Royalists, they had successfully negotiated the surrender of the town in a manner which recognised King Charles' authority in Scotland without any casualties. Their army had even grown, with a number of surrendered militiamen opting to join the Royalist cause. By contrast, the Irish brigade under MacColla were mutionous - of their dead, nearly half were hung by their allies. Writing of the Royalist's treatment of his Gaelic forces, Alasdair MacColla wrote "We have no allies on the battlefield - there are only those that seek to kill us, and those who seek to have us killed." The Gaelic forces were only quietened when eventually granted a portion of Perth's 'contribution.'

    September 4th: Following a Royalist sally at York that left many Scots dead, David Leslie marched north to Newcastle to regroup and make his manpower available in Scotland.

    September 13th: The surrender of Aberdeen.

    The Early of Huntly, head of the Gordon clan, held extensive properties in and around Aberdeen. He had started a Royalist rebellion as recently as March, only to be disarmed again by the Covenanter government by May. This hadn't been Huntly's first attempt either, with an earlier attempted Royalist rising by Huntly had been negotiated down by the Marquis of Montrose, back before Argyll's dominance had pushed Montrose out of the Covenanter regime.

    The Earl of Huntly therefore met Montrose's inducement to join him warmly, glad to finally be a part of a Royalist faction within Scotland. Not only was the city of Aberdeen handed to Montrose without a fight, George Gordon, Huntly's son, and 800 Gordon troops would join Montrose's growing army, bringing his force to around 5500 men.

    September 17th: The Aberdeen Campaign

    With Covenanter army of unknown size marching north to defeat him, Montrose had a decision to make. On the one hand, if he wanted to inspire a general Royalist rebellion within Scotland, it was necessary that he prove he could defend his allies. Defending Gordon territory around Aberdeen would help to convince others who resented Argyll or the Covenant that the traitorous regime's hold on power was not absolute. On the other hand, Montrose's army was likely smaller than the force coming to meet him. Whilst defending Gordon territory was important, keeping the Royalist cause in Scotland alive was his actual remit from King Charles.

    Deciding not to risk a direct confrontation, Montrose and his forces garrisoned Aberdeen. Yet when Argyll arrived a week later at the head of 8000 men, he had a problem on his hands. The year's campaign season was almost over, with insufficient time to properly establish a siege of Aberdeen before the winter set in. An assault didn't seem likely to succeed, yet he couldn't afford for Montrose to maintain Aberdeen throughout the winter, as it would doubtless prove a base of reinforcement and resupply for a campaign the following year.

    Fortunately Argyll, the Covenanter regime had seen fit to confiscate most of Aberdeen's food supplies following the town's previous rebellion, meaning the Royalists would need to ration their food. Intending to exacerbate the problem, Argyll ordered many of his men to fan out throughout Aberdeenshire, intercepting recently reaped harvests before they could make their way to Gordon foodstores.

    On the 28th of September, perceiving an opportunity to defeat his enemy whilst their forces were divided, Montrose set out to attack. Leaving Aberdeen under the cover of night, Montrose's army attacked Argyll's Covenanter force in a dawn raid where they made camp near a bend in the river Dee, 10km south-west of Aberdeen. In the early fighting it seemed Montrose's men had established a decisive advantage, with many Covenanters being cut down or fleeing before they could find their arms and make ranks.
    Yet enough veterans came together to form a block in the middle of their camp that bought panicked men time to recover, even beginning to push Montrose's forces back. The decisive moment of the battle came with the late arrival of MacColla's gaels, who set about burning and looting undefended sections of the camp. This prompted many of the greener Covenanters to break and flee, leaving the veteran core exposed. Rather than risk being butchered, these Scots surrendered.

    The result was a disaster for the Covenanters, their army completely eliminated as a fighting force. Of their original 8000 men, some 300 were killed, and 2000 more were taken prisoners. Whilst survivors would gradually regather under the Covenanter banner, they would not do so quickly enough to make a showing in 1644; Montrose's pocket of Royalist support was safe for now. And with that safety began a slow trickle of supporters, as those alienated by the Covenanter regime or who feared Charles' retribution began to declare openly for the king. The first of these was the Earl of Atholl, whose episcopalian leanings had lead to his political alienation from the Covenanter regime, though more would join them before the campaign season of 1645 began.

    Although Montrose was quick to paint his victory at the River Dee as a victory over all Scotland, he was not in quite so dominant a position as his boasts. By mid October, Argyll had successfully rallied many of the troops who had fled at the River Dee and was garrisoned in Stirling Castle. By virtue of their strict adherence to Presbyterianism, most of the Scottish Lowlands still supported the Covenanter government, and that was unlikely to change with winter fast approaching. Yet in late October, Montrose could be forgiven for his optimism - in the four months since Marston Moor, he had seemingly restablished Royalism as a serious force in Scottish politics. So, how had he done it?

    The first major consideration in Montrose's success was in the unpopularity of Archibald Campbell, the Marquiss of Argyll, who was the de facto head of Scottish government. Owing his political power to Campbell dominance in the Scottish highlands and his work with the English Parliament during the Bishops Wars and the forming of the Solemn League and Covenant, Argyll had accrued a reputation for corruption and general self-interest that left many wondering that he might have aspirations of claiming the throne for himself. For those who were on the out with Argyll, Montrose presented a much more appealing alternative than ongoing Campbell dominance. Perhaps equally importantly, he had totally failed in his remit to defend Scotland - what was the point of accepting Argyll's protection, if enemy armies were able to operate unchecked in Scotland anyway?

    A second consideration was the war with King Charles, and the alliance with Parliament. Although Scotland had seemed poised to make a decisive contribution to the English Civil War at Marston Moor, by the end of 1644 King Charles appeared to be in a dominant position, with Essex's army bottled up in Taunton and a strong Royalist army just outside London. With the imposition of a Presbyterian settlement on the king appearing unlikely, many Scots hoped that a repositioning of Scotland as a loyal realm would win them concessions from the King once peace was finally secured.

    And to his credit, Montrose encouraged this belief. At Perth and Aberdeen, Montrose had positioned the King, and himself by proxy, as champions of the constitutional victories enjoyed by Scotland over 1639-1640. According to Montrose, Charles was prepared to offer generous concessions to his loyal subjects, the implication being that even the removal of bishops was on the table. Working in the background here was Henrietta Maria, who had joined her husband in the siege camps of Taunton, and who had quickly reasserted herself as a key figure in the Royalist court . The court's orders to Montrose reflect the queen's belief that promises to heretics meant nothing, and with Charles co-ordinating the Reading campaign he allowed his advisors unusual leeway in acting on his behalf. Montrose was therefore allowed the flexibility to offer concessions that Charles himself might not have approved - indeed, Charles would prove less than enthusiastic about abolishing bishops in the winter's peace talks, allowing Argyll to start the following campaign season in a position that was not entirely hopeless.

    ___

    East Anglia, Cambridgeshire and The North

    August 12th:
    The Parliamentarians scored a decisive victory against 3000 troopers serving under George Goring at King's Lynn.

    August 21st: John Lilburne is elected MP for Cambridgeshire in a recruiter election for the seat left vacant by Oliver Cromwell's death at Marston Moor. Lilburne owed much of his political capital to his recent victory at King's Lynn, which was seen as justice by many of the electors, whose lands had been ravaged by Rupert's host already.

    September 3rd: A Royalist sally lead by Marmaduke Langdale attacked the Scottish camps surrounding York, inflicting high casualties. Coordinating with Langdale from outside was Sir Charles Lucas, who had been recruiting and gathering supplies from Yorkshire and Lancashire. Although the Scots were able to regain control after aid was sent by Lord Fairfax, the Royalists were able to smuggle food and supplies into the city. The next day, perceiving that their numbers were too few to maintain the siege, Lord Fairfax and David Leslie agreed to break off the siege, with Fairfax garissoning Selby, Hull and Leeds, and Leslie marching north to Newcastle.

    September 5th: The Battle of Peterborough

    Parliamentary troopers caught up to Rupert's cavalry upon the banks of the River Nene in the late afternoon, enabling Lilburne to force a battle. With approximately 5000 cavalry each, it was the largest battle fought exclusively by cavalry of the civil war.

    The battle was a stalemate, as though William Packer was triumphant on the Parliamentary left, Henry Ireton was defeated on the Parliamentary right. This meant that Parliament no longer had the Royalists pinned against the river, and with dusk approaching, the Royalists escaped north.

    Fewer than 300 troopers died on either side.

    September 6th: Newcastle sent several thousand infantry on a lightning march north to intercept the last 3000 Scots to leave the siege at York. The Scots dissolved in their rout, though some 1200 would gather in Hull under Lord Balmerino, and most of the rest to the siege at Newcastle.

    September 12th: The Earl of Manchester, commanding the foot of the Eastern Association, received a suggestion from John Lilburne that he funnel Rupert's army towards Manchester, so that they could smash it in a pincer movement.

    September 22nd: The Earl of Manchester's infantry contested the crossing of Rupert's cavalry at Spalding. Rupert's third wave established a substantial beachhead, allowing them to force Manchester's army back. Although Manchester was able to avoid a complete disaster through a retreat which made skilled use of the local wetlands, a little over three thousand Parliamentarians were caught on the wrong side of a canal and surrendered. Worse, Rupert's army was able to escape to the west - John Lilburne would not be able to engage it again before the end of the campaign season.

    October 5th: John Lilburne is ordered by the Committee of Both Kingdoms to withdraw his forces to London, to defend it from the encroaching army of the King. King Charles' siege of Reading had been established on October 3rd.

    October 15th: Rupert begins to besiege a few Midlands settlements, consolidating the Royalist link between Wales in the west, and Oxford in the East. Plans for an army to assemble at Worcester the following Spring are developed, in the event that the peace talks with Parliament fail.

    October 17th: The same day that Reading falls and the Scottish Perth Parliament meets, John Lilburne's army arrives to garrison London.

    ___

    Parliament's campaigns of The North and East Anglia in the latter half of 1644 are best characterized by their disunity. Despite the stalemate at Marston Moor, the Parliamentarian position in the North had remained strong - they had three armies besieging York with Newcastle bottled up inside. Yet the Royalists were able to save York through attacking the Covenanter and Eastern Association home regions, forcing John Lilburne and Alexander Leslie to respond to Royalist activity rather than preempting it, leaving the Fairfax father-son duo alone to contend with Newcastle.

    With the exception of John Lilburne's victory at King's Lynn, the campaign season was a failure on all Parliamentarian fronts. Montrose's Scots had won half of Scotland to the king's banner, Rupert had successfully evaded Lilburne, Newcastle retained York, and King Charles was threatening London. Yet whilst this outwardly looked to be a Parliamentary failure, John Lilburne and the Independents were only too keen to place the blame on the Presbyterians.

    According to Lilburne, he and the Independents had won their contributions to the war, successfully holding at Marston Moor and bringing victory at King's Lynn. The Fairfaxes had at least avoided defeat in the North. But everywhere the Presbyterians commanded, Parliament was defeated. Essex's army was starving behind the Walls of Taunton, William Waller's relief army had been crushed, and Manchester had allowed Rupert to slip from his grasp, losing half of his army to boot.

    But the problem John Lilburne and the Independents of the army faced in October 1644 was that just as they were popular among the radical Independents of London's outer wards, so too were they feared among the Presbyterian nobility and gentry. It was well understood by the Parliamentary elite that John Lilburne intended to upend the social order - and so they took methods against him.

    The first on the 18th of October was Parliament's appointment of Major General Browne to command the London Trained Bands, in Philip Skipon's absence. This was a provocative move as Brown would insist that in the event that Charles marched on the city, they would be commanded independently of Lilburne's troops.

    The second, coming on the 27th of October, was the formal announcement of peace talks, to take place at Uxbridge beginning on November 7th. A large peace faction had developed over the latter half of 1644. Some of these men were Presbyterians who believed that they had no way to achieve victory in the war, and would therefore be best served by appealing to the king's mercy. Others believed that it was important that they end the war right away, so that Lilburne's radical troops could be disbanded before they could produce any real harm to the social order.

    On the 29th of October, Lilburne summoned a general meeting of officers and friends of the Independent cause at the Whalebone on Lothbury St in central London, to address the impending possibility for peace. It appears that this meeting was something of an attempt at reaching out on the part of John Lilburne, as a greater variety of men were present than usual. Some historians have argued that the mood in London was one that viewed peace as a certainty - Lilburne was therefore desperate, and was eager for a solution that would prevent the war ending, even if the Presbyterians made a deal with Charles. Others have contested that Lilburne had not yet completed his own radicalisation, and so was not yet the First Citizen he would become. In either case, the army would commit to a conservative position that sought the removal of King Charles, rather than an abolition of the monarchy entirely.

    Pastor John Goodwin, minister to the haven of Independents that was St Stephens, was credited with mediating disputes between stout Congregationalists such as Hugh Peter, or radical Seperatists like Roger Williams. Hugh Peter and Roger Williams were old rivals, having debated the proper form of the churches of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Hugh Peter's Congregationalist model posited a loose affiliation of independent churches, which would be self governed providing they adhered to a basic set of uniform principles, like Trinitarianism and predestination. Williams' demand meanwhile was for full toleration, arguing that an individual's responsibility to God was too important for any laws of man to ever get in the way, and that the civil authorities therefore had no business intruding on an individual's conscience. Goodwin's compromise was to remind the theologians that both of them would be victim to the same Presbyterian tyranny if they didn't first come together to win the war.

    Over the next week, the Independents set about their preparations for the sabotague of the Royalist-Presbyterian peace summit at Uxbridge.
     

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    A Meeting with the Elector Palatine
  • It were better one family should be destroyed than many - Henry Marten

    Whitehall Palace was well guarded. No small few Presbyterians were living and working inside the complex, and so a few dozen men were kept to patrol the grounds and man the walls and entrances. Those guards weren't just to keep Royalists and rabble like Richard out, though - they were meant to keep certain people inside.

    The flaw in the Whitehall security was in the servant's entrances and quarters. Richard and some of the Bradford men had caught up with palace servants as they went about their duties in town, or as they prayed at gathered churches. It hadn't been difficult to convince a number of servants to help out - their masters might be supportive of yet another reppressive church, but they were men and women of conscience. They'd seen to it that Richard and his men had what they needed to get inside.

    He only found what he was looking for because he'd been told to look for a few lighter coloured wooden panels. The servant's door was almost perfectly camoflagued, with only a thin crease around it and a few newer wooden panels giving it away. He offered a quick prayer to God that He might make the day bloodless. He knocked on it slowly three times, then quickly four times, before taking a step back.

    He heard the door being unbarred on the other side before it swung open, a guard in a bright silk uniform standing in the now open doorway.

    "And you are?" The guard gave him a scanning look, so Richard made sure to avert his eyes down, as he figured a tailor might when confronted with a large, sour-tempered man.

    "I'm a tailor, sir. Here to take the measurements for one lady Tate." The lady's husband was Zouch Tate, a rare Presbyterian member of parliament who still supported the war, and was willing to open a few Presbyterian doors for them.

    The guard furrowed his brow, a hand dropping to his swordhilt, sizing Richard up as a potential foe. "Another? She's had a string of tailors in and out all week, but never with any clothes that might back up their claims. Where are your credentials, then?"

    Richard made a show of reaching for a pocket at his breast, producing a folded piece of paper and handing it to the man, who opened it and began to scan intently.

    "The lady has been seeking to redress her household staff, sir." He offered by way of explanation. "I suspect the others may be my competition. I pray that you let me in, so that I might yet win the contract." He tried to sound frustrated and important. "I am already two days behind!"

    Technically, Richard was a tailor by patrimony, and would be allowed to practice tailoring in his own right. Nevertheless, the credentials he carried were forgeries, albeit excellent ones, being made by Sexby on paper from Whitehall itself. He knelt casually as if to adjust his boots, hands near to the dagger that was hidden by his shin. He took a deep breath, envisioning how he'd kill the man. The doorway into the building was two steps high, so the guard towered over Richard. He'd need to go for the ankle first.

    "Very well then," the guard sighed, extending the forgeries back to Richard, which he took with only a slight tremble. The man took a step inside the door to let Richard pass. No sooner was he through the door and around a corner than he let his breath out, a wave of nervous tension rising in him in a dry retch. He didn't feel suited to this. The battlefield was easy, God's will always clear. He knew that Providence meant for Richard to meet Lilburne, to be his hand in some manner. He just hadn't expected that it would involve so much uncertainty. His instincts were honed for death rather than discourse.

    What didn't bother him so much was that the plan was, to hear the gentry tell it, 'debasing.' Ireton, Packer and Whalley wanted nothing to do with a plan that involved sneaking around in servant's clothes. Nevermind that the servant's door was just an entrypoint. Once inside, he followed the directions a Joan had given him after they'd shared communion, finding his way into a room used by servants to wash up throughout the day. Lying amid an array of uniforms fit for maids, cooks, gardeners and manservants was an ensign's uniform, a red coat with white facings, save for two at the sleeve which were Bradford indigo. He was studying the inlaid lions when a voice called out to him from behind, belonging to a well-built man he didn't recognise.

    "You there, tailor?" Perhaps it was just Richard's nerves, but he thought he might have heard Taylor. "Can you spare a moment? My master requires a last minute adjustment and, well, it's very hard to find good work at the moment." He gestured towards the uniform that Richard had been admiring. "Yours, I trust? Suitable. Follow me, please."

    Either the work was his, or he'd need to think of a lie that might put him there in that room. Which meant-

    "Yes," he said, not entirely convincing himself. "But I'm afraid You've caught me at a bad time I- I'm terribly short for time. Per-"

    "I am afraid this matter is quite pressing. My master allows that I may compel you, if necessary." He stood just a foot from Richard, now gesturing to the room's exit.

    "Very well, but this must be quick, you understand?" He began walking, the man stepping in just in front of him. Perhaps he should knock the man out, or run? He was searching for something blunt to do that work with when a thought occurred to him: they were going the right way.

    God's hand was yet on him. His heart slowed its rapid pace with the knowledge.

    Turning out from the warren of narrow corridors and facilities that made up the servant's quarters into the much broader main corridor, Richard was struck by its beauty, and he had to fight the urge to gape. The walls, where they were not interrupted by doors, were laden with art - of portraits of past kings, of scenes of past battles, of things left behind when Charles had fled the city. The carpet was of vibrant reds, blues, and yellows: of cochineal, indigo and indian yellow; expensive dyes from Mexico and India. White marble pillars bore aloft a great painted ceiling, and though Richard could not quite discern it, he thought that it might perhaps be an idolatrous depiction of a Popish saint.

    They reached the chambers of the Elector Palatine, Richard noting with a small flutter of relief that his Presbyterian guards were missing. He was let into a reception room where he was 'invited' to stand straight, arms extended, so that he might be patted for weapons. He cringed as the manservant found his dagger, though if the man was surprised to find it he acted better than Richard did, his expression remaining impassive. When the man was done, he gestured for Richard to sit.

    Richard was exactly where he wanted to be, just not as he'd intended. He was supposed to meet the Elector Palatine dressed smartly and on his own terms, not summoned like a pet. It was a stain on the army's dignity, for him to be so dressed for such important work. Still, it did not change the facts. The army needed Charles Louis.

    Eventually the manservant returned to gesture him through to a room strewn with furniture, a small corner of which was occupied by a pair of upholstered chairs arranged around small table. The table was made from a rich dark wood, upon which sat an ornate gilded tin, a ceramic tray full of ash and a burning match, and a still smoking pipe. Seated at the table was a man with brown eyes and black hair. Well dressed, but not majestic.

    Still, Richard bowed. "Thank you for agreeing to see me, your majesty." Richard noticed the man's left eyebrow rise.

    "Oh, is that what has happened here? Dispense the fiction. My man already found your blade." He seemed to take some cheer in Richard's surprise. "Do sit, though. I've a few questions to run by you before my men take their turn."

    Leaving Richard in tension, Charles Louis leaned forward in his chair, emptying his pipe into the tray, opening the tin, retrieving fresh tobacco leaf, and packing his pipe to take three steady draws. Richard understood that he was being given enough rope to hang himself with, that he was supposed to start seeking mercy. He wouldn't do it. Grovelling was far beneath the army's dignity, and therefore beneath his as representative.

    "I'm not an assassin, your majesty."

    The assassin rumour hadn't been their idea, though Sexby had suggested that they amplify the message through an anonymous pamphlet. If Charles Louis thought the Presbyterians might assassinate him, he'd have all the more reason to seek Independent protection.

    "It is rather my honour to convey you to your loyal army."

    "My army, is it? The Presbyterians have no need of me. The Fairfaxes, perhaps? No, the Fairfaxs aren't men of politics. John Lilburne is." He returned to puffing his pipe.

    Charles Louis hadn't been everyone's first choice. What mattered was that he was their only choice.

    "Yes, your majesty. It is the opinion of both learned men and John Lilburne's army that Charles Stuart has acted unlawfully in the prosecution of the war, most seriously in the inducement of a foreign Catholic Irish army to invade England. As the nearest blood of the kings of England that is not so tainted by treachery, we intend to proclaim you King Charles II of England."

    "Oh, you intend to proclaim me, do you? Am I to be a barracks emperor, spitting on the law and ruling by the sword? I would surely need to be, if I was to make common cause with the butchers of King's Lynn. Why would I accept so flimsy a crown?"

    Richard frowned. Despite everything, he took objection. Pride overcame his nerves.

    "England's crown is not flimsy, your majesty, only the man who wears it."

    "Yes," Charles Louis said in a flat tone, as if Richard had rather missed the point. "Quite. But no doubt you can understand my hesitance to tie myself to the fate of an outnumbered, outsupplied army, which exists in service to a faction which will cease to exist in a week? What hope does this army of yours have, except that it might lose me my head?"

    "Your majesty, my father was a soldier before me. He raised me on stories of Elizabethan heroes - of Sir Francis Drake and his raids against Spain, in the fear and disorder that they did sew into the hearts of the vile arch-Catholics. England had been a proper home, then, a place to be proud of. We ruled the seas and fought for the Protestant cause. But that was Elizabeth's day, before the Stuarts did come from out of Scotland. England has not been home for brave Godly men since. We have been weak, as a mere gnat next the bloated mass that is Catholic Europe. Gone are our victories, replaced with failures. My father died for the Reformation at La Rochelle, betrayed by that man of blood who would rather marry a French Catholic than fight one."

    He leaned forward, intent.

    "Your Majesty, I bid that you look me in the eyes. Trust me when I tell you that I, Richard Taylor, will be your loyal servant, if only you agree to make England home again. Home for brave freeborn English men, men of pride and conscience. There are another fifteen thousand like me ready to so swear in London. In turn you need only swear the Free Oath, and be our king."

    Charles Louis stared at Richard long after he'd finished speaking, seeking evidence that Richard was not who he claimed to be.

    "Suppose that I would rather a more well-ordered Church?"

    "His majesty would regrettably remain his grace." Charles Louis raised another eyebrow, his body language otherwise unexcited.

    "Well, Taylor." He definitely meant it as a name, though Richard could not remember giving it. "You do have my interest, and my ear. Convince me that John Lilburne can win."
     
    The Uxbridge Declaration
  • The mood felt right to Edward Hyde as he took the lead in the Royalist procession, through the great oak doors of Selby house and into the hastily renovated great hall that might've served as a ballroom or feasthall in more peaceful times. Two sets of benches were arranged on either side of a long table, with room enough for the 20 official delegates of either side, in addition to a number of smaller tables for their aides and the inevitable development of subcommittees.

    The Uxbridge peace negotiations represented Hyde's foremost political victory. He had been advocating for a mixed monarchy settlement comprised of King, Commons and Lords working together since before the outbreak of the war, and the peace talks represented a mutual commitment to a constitutional settlement between King Charles and his English subjects. The Scots weren't invited: the Covenanters were not seeking peace given their weak negotiating position, and Montrose's Royalists sought no concessions they hadn't already been promised. Even better, a large army of almost exclusively English Royalists was camped a little over 20 miles away at Reading - the Parliamentarians had to know that their only realistic choice was accepting whatever terms could be agreed upon.

    Once both processions had found their seats, Hyde stood to give the commencement address.

    "It is my privilege and honour this day to welcome the representatives of England here to Uxbridge, as we gather under the auspices of God and of peace. I thank each of you for your attendance, for in coming here you have shown a commitment to bringing this woeful national quarrell and its manifold butcheries, innovations, subversions and sects to an end. Today we begin the great work of mending England, bringing the kingdom once more under the guidance of God and his lieutenant on Earth, King Charles Stuart."

    He paused for a moment for the applause, which was too enthusiastic to merely be polite, to subside. John Birkenhead of the Royalist newsbook Mercurius Aulicus had spent the last several months ensuring that when Hyde spoke of butcheries and sects, the Parliamentarians understood that he spoke of John Lilburne and his army of upjumped apprentice radicals.

    "Before I invite Lord Denzil Holles to commence these negotiations for the betterment and peace of the realm, I would like to invite Nathaniel Hardy to lead us in prayer."

    Hyde sat back down, Hardy standing to replace him near the head of the table. Despite being a Royalist delegate at the talks, Hardy was a known Presbyterian preacher. Since it was clear that the success of the peace talks hinged on a religious settlement, Hyde had thought it prudent to offer such a show of good faith. Though an Episcopalian himself, keeping the illiterate spinsters of London's Independent sects away from the pulpit was more important to him than the precise role of bishops in the Anglican Church.

    When Hardy finished reading from the Book of Common Prayer, the leader of the Parliamentary delegation, Denzil Holles took his place. Holles had lead the abortive Parliamentary peace faction back in 1643, and he and Hyde had shared no few letters in preparing the talks.

    "Firstly, that all Members of Parliament and their duly appointed officers be pardoned for any actions taken in the pursuit of war, excepting those who have spoken or acted with deliberate malice against the king or the constitution of England."

    Hyde let a small smile curl his lips. Parliament had made several strident lists of demands over the course of the war requiring that key Royalists be brought to trial. That they acknowledged it would be their own peers facing justice spoke well of the Royalist position.

    "Secondly, that whilst it has been the sole prerogative of the crown to raise armies, appoint commanders and declare wars without consultation, and whereas it has been the habit of such armies to be funded by means other than legal Parliamentary taxation, be it by sundry fines or shipmoney charged even in corners of the kingdom that are without harbours; Parliament should henceforth be consulted on all matters concerning the defence of the kingdom, including but not limited to..."

    There were a number of lines Charles had said he wouldn't cross, and surrendering control of the military was one of them. Though the Parliamentarians were perhaps presumptuous to ask for such a significant concession given the weakness of their position, there was perhaps some wiggle room. If Hyde could find a Royalist commander who was well regarded by the Presbyterians, they might be able to skip a consultatation that Charles felt was contrary to his royal prerogatives.

    Holles continued "Thirdly, that the Church of England shall be brought into the nearest uniformity with that of the Church of Scotland, and that King Charles shall swear the Solemn League and Covenant, so that the realms of England, Scotland and Ireland be unified under a single Presbyterian Church."

    He had to stifle a sigh at that. Whilst Hyde and other Royalist delegates might've been prepared to discuss the matter of bishops, Charles himself took after his father. King James had said "No Bishop, No King," by which he meant bishops were essential to the security of royal authority. Whilst Hyde believed he could convince Charles to accept a change to the role of bishops, the requirement that Charles himself swear by Presbyters would require much more work.

    * * *

    Rather than miring himself in the minutia of subcommittees that had developed to discuss the fate of the army and the church, Hyde had taken to speaking with Holles directly after hours, since both men were prevented from speaking candidly in public. Hyde had to stick with Charles' demands, else he would forfeit his position as a royal delegate, and Holles had to seek a leinient Presbyterian settlement, else the Parliamentary war party may regain support. Alone, they could cut through the bullshit.

    "And where are we on the matter of the army?" Holles asked, leaning forward in his chair to pick up a set of silver tongs, pinching off a small section of sugar loaf to add to his hot chocolate.

    "As you know, the king guards all of his prerogatives carefully. He will not agree to consult on army appointments as a matter of principle. I have however passed along your suggestion that Ralph Hopton be considered for a position of greater esteem."

    Holles sipped from his ceramic cup, his face momentarily contorting in pleasure before resuming a diplomatic neutrality. "And?"

    "And he's prepared to consider it. Hopton's army besieging Taunton is the King's third largest in the field, and Digby has made sure that Rupert's underwhelming performance in East Anglia has cost him some of the king's favour. The queen doesn't like Hopton, as he's far too vocally anti-Catholic - though that matter is doubtless in our favour. My delegates like that he's an Episcopalian, and yours appreciate his work fighting in Bohemia. He's a good pick, Holles. You should thank your man for suggesting him."

    Though Hyde had carefully obfuscated his role in the matter, Hopton had been his own first pick for a compromise military figure. He had arranged the release of William Waller, who had been captured after the battle of Sparkford earlier that year, precisely because he was an old friend and advocate for Hopton. Waller had spent the last fortnight advocating for their mutual friend without any direct prompting from Hyde.

    Holles let out a snort of frustration.

    "You've said much the same thing before, Hyde, but if we're to make any actual progress here we need actual terms. We can't live off maybes and promises forever - the king needs to make up his mind! I don't know what Lilburne is planning, but he isn't sitting idle.

    "And he is, Holles, he is. There any just many voices in his ear, and some are louder than others. Queen Henrietta Maria barks for negotiations to be replaced by hangings and for a new Irish army to be raised, and Rupert would much rather the king turn his attentions to plans for next year's campaigns. I write to his majesty as often as I've anything new to say, but the matters here have become the king's second priority. Why win a negotiation when he can simply win the war? If we want the king to come around on Hopton, we need to make it easy for him."

    * * *

    Richard shivered, the cool evening breeze cutting through his threadbare linen shirt. He stood near a short pier surrounded by a dozen of his men, huddled around a small fire for warmth, dirt covering their faces, as if waiting for the ferryman to pole on by.

    "Y-you know, Richard" Sam stammered, "You must be the only officer in the army that has it worse than the enlisted. Most people get better clothes when they're promoted."

    "Oh I wouldn't say that it's all that bad, Sam. At least we get a warm glow in our gut, knowing that we're saving England," Harry added, sarcasm heavy in his voice.

    "Is that what that is?" Wat interjected with a quick laugh. "I was worried maybe I'd caught the shits from that peasant's porridge. There were more rats in that barn than hay, you shoulda seen-"

    Richard raised a fist, and the men went silent again. "Remember, lads, we're refugees. Poor. Weak. Hungry. We don't have any officers, and we don't laugh. We're far too meek for that."

    Silence made for a boring wait, but it had never bothered Richard much. He had always found that the silences before action were the best times to speak with God, and to divine His purpose. For example, what were his intentions regarding the civil war? If He intended to have it draw to a close, then He could certainly see it done. He could guide the Godly to make peace directly, or perhaps Richard and his men could be scattered by wind or rain. Their intelligence could be faulty, and so their target could fail to appear, having taken another path, bridge or ferry. He could arrive too heavily armed, too well guarded.

    He didn't, though. When he arrived just a few hours after he was expected, William Waller was dressed for warmth rather than combat, save for a sword at his hip. He rode with just three other men, all of them dismounting to see to their horses. They kept their distance from Richard and the Bradford crew, becoming wrapped up in their own conversation. Richard added a fresh batch of wood to the fire, moist branches and leaves billowing a thick cloud of smoke.

    It was about 10 minutes before the ferry arrived, a broad flat-bottomed boat with a shallow keel. Richard hung back, allowing Waller and his escort to approach the ferryman first. Coins changed hands, and the gentry's horses were carefully lead onto the ferry, an offer of hay being necessary to coax one of the mounts onto the craft, which bobbed slightly with each equine step. The gentry soon followed, occupying much of the rest of the watercraft.

    With Waller aboard, the ferryman turned to Richard and his crew, arms and fingers waving as he counted them, the numbers beyond eight replaced with loud tuts. He shook his head.

    "Twelve is too many with horses. Only eight may cross. You choose eight, or you all stay."

    They made a brief show of arguing amongst themselves before eight of them produced the penny toll, all but forcing the coins into the ferryman's hands before they boarded the craft.

    "No no!" the ferryman called, exhasperated. "You must balance the craft! You two left, you two right!" He weaved between them, directing Richard and Harry to the middle port side of the craft, shoulder to shoulder with one of Waller's guards, who took the opportunity to push him roughly. "Mind yourself," he spat. Richard turned away from the man, worried that his face wasn't meek enough.

    A few more corrections later, the ferryman was ready to pole off, a single push bringing them about two yards out into the water. Richard watched as his men ripped up the tarpaulin left beside the fire, retrieving the muskets left below and beginning to load.

    "Ambush!" one of the guards yelled, another echoing him with a scornful laugh. Richard noticed the man who had bumped him reach for the sword at his belt, only to give up when he realised he didn't have nearly enough room to swing it. Instead he made a quick jab at Richard's face, catching Richard in the nose and leaving him momentarily stunned. Harry intervened before the man's other fist could find Richard, pinning one arm to his side in a low wrestler's grip. Recovering, Richard stepped in behind the guard brought his right foot down hard behind his knee, forcing him to the boat's deck, allowing Harry to adjust his grip to the man's neck.

    "Pole out, you swine!"

    Richard turned to see Waller, sword extended towards the ferryman's neck. "Pole out or I will gut you where you stand."

    The ferryman, a Bradford veteran very much in on their plot, didn't flinch.

    "Kill me and you'll be shot, Waller. Don't be stupid." Sure enough, the four men left on shore had their muskets raised. Though the ambushers on the ferry had brought Waller's guards to the deck to open up their line of sights, the horses ensured that misses weren't impossible, despite the meagre distance.

    "This doesn't have to end badly for you, Waller." Richard said. "You have fought for Parliament and for England. With God as my witness, I will see that no further harm comes to you or your men if you continue that fight."

    Waller's sword clattered to the deck.

    * * *

    "But Ussher, a bishop who serves as an equal to church elders can hardly even be called a bishop. The prelates must be held above the laity for the good order of the church."

    "But bishops and elders are the same thing! In Acts 20:17,28, Paul speaks of the same men both as bishops and as elders. Acts 14:23 holds that the elders are elected and equal to one another, and in Acts 1:21-26 Jesus, as head of the church, chooses Matthias to replace Judas as apostle, but not before he has been nominated by his congregation. It is right for the bishops and elders to be held in equal esteem, for they are regarded as such in scripture."

    Hyde thumbed the letter in his pocket as the Subcommittee for Religion once more devolved into scriptural quotes that he couldn't follow. He understood that James Ussher stood for a formulation of 'primitive bishops.' According to Ussher, primitive bishops lay somewhere between the Royalist Episcopalianism and the Parliamentary Presbyterianism, and was most in line with scriptural teaching. Bishops, he said, had the same roles and authorities of elected elders, only their appointment was to be by the head of the church. In practice, he said, King Charles would have the prerogative to appoint a number of bishops to an otherwise elected synod of presbyters. In theory, both sides would get what they wanted. In practice, neither group appeared entirely happy with Ussher's formulation.

    Hyde had not yet opened the king's response to his last letter, which had explained the Subcommittee's slowly emerging position. In his heart, he knew that Charles wouldn't agree to 'primitive' bishops unless forced to, and there was not nearly enough consensus to move the hand of a king.

    A loud knock at the door interrupted his thoughts, a soldier rushing through a moment later. The man scanned the room and, upon spotting Hyde, moved to approach him - only for the doors to burst open behind him. A series of trumpets tooted a regal sounding tune, a herald announcing "His Grace Charles Louis, the Elector Palatine", followed shortly by "Lieutenant General of the Horse, John Lilburne."

    Charles Louis, Lilburne, and half a dozen other men trotted in on white stallions, the Elector Palatine wearing royal purple.

    "Denzil Holles," Lilburne began, footsoldiers fanning out to fill the room behind him. "You are hereby arrested upon suspicion of treason, for conspiring to induce the improper surrender of a duly appointed English commander" As if to underline the point, Hyde noted William Waller ahorse behind Lilburne.

    Hyde sought to call for guards, for decorum, for something, but there was nobody to call for. Security for the peace talks was thin by design, neither set of officials trusting their protection to the other.

    "Furthermore, on behalf of the people of England, and of its Parliament, I do declare that King Charles Stuart, resulting from attempts to rule without the elected Parliament of England and in the waging of war against its people, has abdicated the right to the English throne, as Richard the Second before him; and henceforth, that Charles Louis, being the nearest heir not stained by tyranny, be the true and rightful sovereign of England."

    ___

    Well, that post really didn't want to get written.

    Historiographic voice with an outline of immediate consequences and some edits (dates, mostly) to follow tomorrow - for now I am to bed.
     
    The Presbyterian Coup and Self Denying Ordinance
  • N.B: Hereafter, I will refer to Charles Louis by his German baptismal name of Karl, and he will be given the nominal regnal name of Karl II. This is to avoid confusion with King Charles I and his son who will later be King Charles II, since this timeline hardly needs three King Charles.

    On the 2nd of December, 1644, the Uxbridge peace talks were interrupted by a group of Independent and northern gentry who claimed to be belated delegates to the peace talks, with approval from Parliament. Though their over-grand entrance was allegedly intended only as a service to Karl II's royal Majesty, it wasn't viewed as such in the moment. Painting the display as an act of military aggression, Presbyterians and Royalists sought to exclude the Independent arrivals, however they lacked the physical means or willpower to do so. Though not all the delegates had approval from Parliament, all were duly elected MPs, save for Karl himself, who was protected by the ambiguity of his royal status.

    The purpose of the Independent Uxbridge delegation was to present a viable alternative to peace with King Charles, and so prevent the Presbyterians from making peace with him. They feared a scenario in which the Presbyterians and Royalists made a peacedeal which would force the disbandment of Lilburne's army, snuffing out their hopes for a religious settlement that would grant them freedom of conscience. Since the army was largely viewed as full of dangerous radicals by the good opinion of the realm, it was understood by the Independent MPs, and pushed by lawyer John Selden, that they needed to make a move in the conservative direction if they were to win back alienated members. Selden had argued that King Karl II was the solution to their radical image problem, and sought to provide a pretext by which he might take the crown. Fortunately for Parliament, they had already used a Richard II precedent back in 1640 in a bid to force Charles to open what would become the Long Parliament. Favouring a version of history that emphasised a comparison with the 1399 Convention Parliament, the Independents argued that just as that Parliament had crowned a king, so too could the current Parliament crown their own.

    In practice, Karl II's debut fell flat. The problem wasn't with the principal of an Independent-monarchist alliance, but rather the context of their arrival. The Presbyterian and Royalist delegates had been largely self-selected due to their personal commitment to peace between Englishmen of proper means. In this sense, the Uxbridge talks can be understood as a direct response to the massacre of King's Lynn and the election and generalship of John Lilburne, and the resultant fear of Independent radicals it had produced. No matter proposed by the Independents was welcome there - especially not the crowning of a puppet king who facilitated a radical church. That Karl had only Independent support, and not Parliament's, was barely addressed.

    Instead, the Presbyterian and Royalist delegates quickly signed a truce agreement on December 3rd. Unprepared to engage in further discussion in front of the Independent affiliated delegates eager to sow discord, Edward Hyde and Denzil Holles agreed to terms which reflected the subcommittee discussions over each original proposal. Firstly, Holles agreed to turn over a list of Parliamentarians who had displayed "deliberate malice" to the king and constitution - a list that included MPs and Independent army officers. The second term was more difficult, concerning the drafted agreement for Presbyterians to serve under Sir Ralph Hopton. The plan had been contingent on William Waller's cooperation, as Waller was personal friends with Ralph Hopton and so was prepared to facilitate the agreement. But with Waller seemingly aligned with Karl II, a new deal was necessary: the Presbyterians would retain the right to appoint their own commanders for the duration of the war, but would coordinate with Royal forces. A more permanent solution would be negotiated after the Independents were defeated. Thirdly, the Westminister Assembly would be reassembled with a more appropriate composition. The new collection of priests, scholars and MPs would exclude Independents, thereby enabling focus on a well-run church. It also contained fewer Scots, in an emphasis of the Englishness of the peace settlement.

    On December 4th, the Presbyterian delegation's truce agreement was put before parliament. Given that they had secured a nearly two-thirds majority in agreeing to the peace talks, the Presbyterian delegation was optimistic. After all, they thought, it was in the best interests of MPs to disband Lilburne's army of radicals as soon as possible. In this hope the Presbyterians displayed a lack of imagination. Although discussion at Westminister was dominated by the Independent-Presbyterian split, neither faction made up a plurality at Parliament. Instead, a large group of MPs from the north, midlands and west country counties under Royalist occupation had developed. To these internal Exiles, John Lilburne's army sure didn't seem like a threat to their properties, but rather their only means to liberate them.

    So when the Presbyterians summoned the London City Militia arrived to arrest John Lilburne and others accussed of "deliberate malice", the Parliamentary response was one of rage. Save for a core of the staunch Presbyterian peace party, nobody was prepared to break parliamentary privilege to see these men arrested. Instead, most MPs worked to hide the Independents, allowing them to escape back into the city in something of a repeat of the non-arrest of the Five Members back in January 1642. Before fleeing, the Independent MPs presented their narrative of events: Denzil Holles, the Independents warned, had already been caught attempting to orchestrate a coup for the king back in the winter of 1643/4. This new attempt was just further proof that the Presbyterians were traitors who claimed to fight for the religious rights of Englishmen, but who simply sought to replace one form of tyranny with another.

    The Presbyterians used their sudden control of Parliament to attempt to force a vote ratifying the Uxbridge Truce, only to be delayed by war faction Presbyterians such as Zouch Tate and William Waller. This bought time for the Independent MPs, who hadn't fled far but were instead connecting with the army in London. A resultant muster of the Lilburne's horse dispersed the London militia bloodlessly. Explaining the Independent's easy victory, London's experienced fighters were starving behind the walls of Taunton, and many of the recruits of the Presbyterian aligned militia were raw. But the militia weren't just inexperienced, they were unmotivated. The militia were Londoners, who considered Lilburne to have saved their city from King Charles' army; they certainly weren't prepared to die arresting him. With most militiamen refusing to muster in first instance, and many others being prevented from doing so by Lilburne's troops, those few hundred who did show dissolved upon a feigned charge.

    This allowed the Independent MPs to return to Parliament in the late afternoon, only this time the Presbyterian peace faction was excluded, as the core peace Presbyterian delegates fled Westminister. Subsequently, Parliament's momentum swung in an Independent direction for the remainder of the month. Their first order of business was holding the Presbyterians accountable for their coup. In this pursuit a trial between John Lilburne and his commander, the Duke of Manchester, was resurrected, and quickly universalised to encompass all Independent complaints against Presbyterian running of the war. Finding that Manchester and Essex's poor military performance was a sign of their treason, the Independents argued that the role of military commanders was to secure victory, not negotiate peace. The result was the Self Denying Ordinance, which posited that peace-seekers had forfeited the trust placed in them, and hence denied their right to command. The Self Denying Ordinance would therefore see key Presbyterians like Denzil Holles, The Earl of Essex, the Earl of Manchester and Edward Massie excluded from military decision making.

    But the Self Denying Ordinance was only the beginning of the Parliament's military reforms. Parliament's existing forces were a divided mishmash, paid and supplied by seperate County Associations or the city of London. In many places their command jurisdictions were unclear, with some counties being pressed for resources by multiple different associations, or even acting independently. It had also been unclear whose authority was highest - was Essex in command as Captain General, or did the Committee of Both Kingdoms hold sway, or were Associations supreme? Further, Essex and Waller's mutual mistrust of one another had prevented them from capturing Charles in June, whilst Manchester's fear of Lilburne gaining credit for victory allowed Prince Rupert to escape their attempt to surround him at the end of the campaign season. The joint Independent-Exile solution to Parliament's military chaos was the New Model Army, a single army with a unified system of organisation, recruitment and supply.

    The commander of this new army would be the northern gentleman Thomas Fairfax. Fairfax was the son of Ferdinando Fairfax, commander of Parliament's Northern Association, and had proved himself an able officer in the battles of Selby and Marston Moor, showing great personal courage. A part of the Exile political group, Fairfax had remained steadfastly apolitical throughout Presbyterian and Independent infighting. He was popular among the Independents for supporting his men's freedom of conscience, but his personal conservatism and Presbyterianism left him untainted by an air of radicalism. Subsequently, he had support in both camps. That support was important, because the Self Denying Ordinance was not popular in the House of Lords. Most of those excluded by the Self Denying Ordinance would be Presbyterian members of the Lords, and the aristocratic body was reluctant to forfeit their traditional control over the army, especially if it was to become mired in radicalism that threatened the social order. On December 10th, a new provision was added to the bill that would require all MPs with an army commission to resign, in a calculated move to remove John Lilburne. As Lilburne's support was concentrated in the army and streets of London rather than the House of Commons, the provision and the ordnance were able to pass; Lilburne and other MPs would have 40 days to resign their commissions, or be in violation of the Ordnance.

    The New Model Army began to muster at Turnham Green, in an open show of defiance against the Royalist army camped at Reading. Calling for an army of 21,000 men, the core of the New Model Army would be pieced together from Manchester's foot and Lilburne's horse, with another 10,000 men to be raised in a series of recruitment drives throughout Parliament controlled territory. The existing Army of the Northern Association would fall under Thomas Fairfax's overall command, though Fairfax would leave fellow northernor and cavalry commander John Lambert in place as he helped to organise the new army.

    The New Model Army would be supplied and paid for with a new monthly assessment of 45,000 pounds on the counties controlled by Parliament, although the bulk of it would be raised from London and the parts of the Eastern Association that had yet to be touched by war. Before the army was even ready for fighting, the efficiencies of its national character were already on full display. Rather than counties, associations and generals competing for resources and being forced to pay with flimsy promises, the New Model Army was able to place bulk orders for materiel and pay with hard coin, facilitating the purchase of some 9000 swords, 6000 pikes and 1500 dragons, short muskets used by Dragoons and the fulfilment of orders all before the end of January. Unlike many of the war's armies to date, no New Model soldiers would be forced to fight with pitchforks or clubs. Further, this system of national supply enabled the army to clothe its soldiers too, with New Model Army soldiers sporting red coats with blue facings (the Fairfax family colours) and grey britches - the first of the Redcoats, who would later come to haunt the crowned heads of Europe.

    ___

    With his debut at the Uxbridge Declaration an embarassing failure, one might expect King Karl II to have faded into the background. For some in the coalition between Lilburne's army and the Independents, the alliance with Karl had never been popular to begin with. For proto-Leveller republicans like Thomas Chaloner and Henry Marten, the Civil War represented England's greatest chance at removing kings and their Norman yoke altogether. Marten, perhaps the most radical man in the House of Commons and the first to have acknowledged Lilburne's election to the body back in August, was particularly incensed, writing of Karl as "The least useful man in the realm, being a second king in a land that had already tired of but one." Yet after the Presbyterian coup failed and the Independents secured the city, Karl II established a court for himself at Whitehall Palace, his kingly dignity financed by Independent backers.

    Part of the explanation for Karl's continued support rested in the lack of uniformity in the Parliamentary camp, even among the Independents. Although Lilburne and many of his rank and file favoured comprehensive freedom of conscience and sweeping reforms to England's constitution, most Independent MPs favoured a Congregationalist system of loosely affiliated churches adhering to uniform core principles. For some these latter men, Karl II's promise to uphold the constitutional victories of the Long Parliament were security against the radicals with whom they had made common cause.

    The other source of the continued Independent-Karl alliance was a conscious recognition of the British character of the war made by Independents back in November. So long as King Charles could rely on support from Cornwall, Wales, Scotland and Ireland, victory in the war seemed unlikely. In addition to the smaller Stuart realms fearing an English Parliament unrestrained by a British king, they also wanted little to do with an Independent church settlement. The Scots remained strident in their demands for a Presbyterian settlement throughout the British isles, whilst in Wales the Church of England remained popular. King Karl, the Independents reasoned, would be a useful intermediary between them and the other British realms.

    And on December 11th, Karl II proved them right. Whilst attending a Sunday mass at the Scottish confessional church St Columba's in London, Karl affirmed the principle of the Free Oath to Scotland that acknowledged the Scottish nation's right to their Presbyterian church. Playing on Scottish resentments at having been excluded from the Uxbridge peace talks and Parliament's abandonment of the Committee of Both Kingdoms, Karl also promised the Scots a permanent seat at his table.

    The seat at the the table Karl offered was a reconstituted Committee of Both Kingdoms, now to be known as the Committee of Britain. With English Presbyterians freshly excluded by the Self Denying Ordinance, the English delegates of the body were now split between Exiles and Independents. Joining them would be the existing Scottish delegates, and two Welsh delegates, Sir Hugh Owen and Simon Thelwall.

    Two regiments would also be set aside in the New Model Army to be made up of majority Scottish troops, and Scottish officers would be permitted to remain in the army providing they did not have a history of harassing independents.

    In an early sign of a future rift, these proposals were not popular among the more ideologically minded of Parliament. Many Independents remained bitter at the Scots for their indecisive showing at Marston Moor, and were not eager to serve alongside Presbyterians, given that they had so recently excluded them. Others forsaw the Scottish involvement as an imposition on a rightfully English army and English war. Yet the more pragmatic minded Exiles didn't care where their troops came from: Parliament had a manpower problem, and Scots were welcome to help fill the gap.

    In exchange for these concessions, King Karl bargained for something extremely precious in the bitter winter of late 1644: coal. In the midst of a fuel crisis that saw many of London's poorest without sufficient heating, the special shipments from Scottish-held Newcastle were heralded by the pilot issue of the Karlist newsbook Pax Britannica as the first of many fruits of renewed Anglo-Scottish cooperation. The coal would also prove critical in the final major development of 1644: the London City elections.
     
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