For God, Crown, and Country: The Commonwealth of America in the Cold War.

This project was inspired by Lord Caedus's American Commonwealth world, as well as @EvilSpaceAlien's Into the New Millennium. This isn't meant to be the most in depth or realistic project, just a neat look at the politics of a more Canadian-ish America from 1968 through the millennium. Think of it as something of an ISOT without the ASB element. As I go on, I will give more information on the background of this ATL.

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The Commonwealth of America as of 2022.
Born from the nexus of history and philosophy, the Commonwealth of America is the foremost economic and military powerhouse on the North American continent and one of the most critical member states of the British Empire. Extending from the Atlantic to the Pacific and from the Gulf of Mexico to the Arctic sea with a population of just over 350 million citizens, the Commonwealth is the predominant English speaking nation on the North American continent. The capital is located in the city of Philadelphia, though other prominent cities include Atlanta, Baltimore, Boston, Calgary, Charleston, Chicago, Cleveland, Dallas, Detroit, Halifax, Houston, Los Angeles, Liverpool, Miami, Minneapolis, Montreal, New Orleans, New York, Phoenix, Pittsburgh, Quebec, San Francisco, Seattle, Toronto, and Winnipeg.

A highly developed nation, the Dominion boasts an abundance of natural resources and a long tradition of industry. With the seventh highest GDP per capita and ranked first by the Human Development Index, the Commonwealth of America is both the foremost economic power of both North America. Its advanced economy, one of the largest in the world, relies on well-developed trade networks, agricultural and industrial export, finance, technology, and tourism. America is part of several major international and intergovernmental institutions or groupings including the Council of Nations, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the G7 (formerly G8), the Group of Ten, the G20, the North American Free Trade Agreement and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum.

The Commonwealth of America is a federal parliamentary democracy and constitutional monarchy, with King Charles III serving as head of state, though he is represented in this role by a Governor-General. Political power is wielded by the Prime Minister, who is drawn from the House of Commons, the lower chamber of the bicameral parliament of the Commonwealth. The other being the less influential Senate, which consists of two members from each province elected by the legislature. The Commonwealth is officially bilingual, with a large Francophone minority in Quebec. It ranks among the highest in international measurements of government transparency, civil liberties, quality of life, economic freedom, and education. It is one of the world's most ethnically diverse and multicultural nations, the product of large-scale immigration from many other countries.

Various indigenous peoples have inhabited what is now the American Commonwealth for thousands of years prior to European colonization. Beginning in the 16th century, British and French expeditions explored, and later settled, along the Atlantic coast. As a consequence of various armed conflicts, France ceded nearly all of its colonies in North America in 1763. What followed after was a period of unrest over taxation, colonial autonomy, and corruption led to the ultimate Confederation of Britain’s continental holdings. The unrest was quelled, but this began an accretion of provinces and territories and a process of increasing autonomy from the United Kingdom. This widening autonomy was highlighted by Confederation and the subsequent adoption of the Constitution's in 1860.

Prime Ministers of the Commonwealth of America.
1860-1865: Abraham Lincoln (Liberal-Conservative) (1)**
1860 (Maj): Liberal-Conservative (Abraham Lincoln) def. Southern Anti-Confederation (Geoffrey Davis), Northern Anti-Confederation (Joseph Howe), Constitutional Union (Samuel Houston)
1864 (Maj): Liberal-Conservative (Abraham Lincoln) def. Constitutional Union (Edward Everett)

1865-1868: John MacDonald (Liberal-Conservative) (2)
1868-1876: Horatio Seymour (Liberal) (3)
1868 (Maj): Liberal (Horatio Seymour) def. Conservative (John MacDonald)
1872 (Maj): Liberal (Horatio Seymour) def. Conservative (Hannibal Hamlin)

1876-1880: James Blaine (Conservative) (4)
1876 (Maj): Conservative (James Blaine) def. Liberal (Horatio Seymour)
1880-1884: Edward Blake (Liberal) (5)
1880 (Maj): Liberal (Edward Blake) def. Conservative (James Blaine)
1884-1892: James Garfield (Conservative) (6)
1884 (Maj): Conservative (James Garfield) def. Liberal (Edward Blake)
1888 (Maj): Conservative (James Garfield) def. Liberal (Adlai Stevenson I)

1892-1900: Adlai Stevenson I (Liberal) (7)
1892 (Min): Liberal (Adlai Stevenson I) def. Conservative (James Garfield), Populist (James Weaver)
1893 (Maj): Liberal (Adlai Stevenson I) def. Conservative (Benjamin Harrison), Populist (James Weaver)
1896 (Maj): Liberal (Adlai Stevenson I) def. Conservative (William McKinley), Populist (William J. Bryan)

1900-1901: William McKinley (Conservative) (8)**
1900 (Maj): Conservative (William McKinley) def. Liberal (Adlai Stevenson I), Populist (William J. Bryan), Socialist (Eugene Debs)
1901-1912: Joseph Cannon (Conservative) (9)
1905 (Maj): Conservative (Joseph Cannon) def. Liberal (Adlai Stevenson I), Populist (William J. Bryan), Socialist (Eugene Debs)
1910 (Min): Conservative (Joseph Cannon) def. Liberal (Charles Clark), Populist (William J. Bryan), Progressive (Theodore Roosevelt), Socialist (Eugene Debs)

1912-1919: Woodrow Wilson (Liberal) (10)*
1912 (Maj): Liberal (Woodrow Wilson) def. Conservative (Joseph Cannon), Progressive (Theodore Roosevelt), Populist (William J. Bryan), Socialist (Eugene Debs)
1916 (Maj): Liberal (Woodrow Wilson) def. Conservative (Charles E. Hughes), Progressive (Theodore Roosevelt), Populist (William J. Bryan), Socialist (Eugene Debs)

1919-1920: Thomas Marshall (Liberal) (11)
1920-1923: Warren Harding (Conservative) (12)*
1920 (Maj): Conservative (Warren Harding) def. Liberal (Thomas Marshall), Progressive (Robert LaFollette), Socialist (Norman Thomas), Populist (William J. Bryan)
1923-1930: Calvin Coolidge (Conservative) (13)
1924 (Maj): Conservative (Calvin Coolidge) def. Liberal (Thomas Walsh), Progressive (Robert LaFollette), Socialist (Norman Thomas)
1928 (Maj): Conservative (Calvin Coolidge) def. Liberal (Thomas Walsh), Progressive (Hiram Johnson), Socialist (Norman Thomas)

1930-1932: Richard Bennett (Conservative) (14)
1932-1945: Franklin Roosevelt (Liberal) (15)*
1932 (Maj): Liberal (Franklin Roosevelt) def. Conservative (Richard Bennett), End Poverty in the Commonwealth (Upton Sinclair), Social Credit (William Aberhart), Progressive (Thomas Crerar), Commonwealth (Huey Long)
1936 (Maj): Liberal (Franklin Roosevelt) def. Conservative (Charles Curtis), Commonwealth (Huey Long), Socialist (Norman Thomas), Social Credit (John Blackmore), Progressive (Theodore Roosevelt Jr.)
1940 (Maj): Liberal (Franklin Roosevelt) def. Conservative (Robert Manion), Socialist (Norman Thomas), Social Credit (John Blackmore), Progressive (Theodore Roosevelt Jr.), Commonwealth (Charles Coughlin)

1945-1953: Harry S. Truman (Liberal) (16)
1945 (Maj): Liberal (Harry Truman) def. Progressive Conservative (John Bracken), Democratic (Henry Wallace), Social Credit (Solon Earl Low)
1948 (Maj): Liberal (Harry Truman) def. Progressive Conservative (Thomas Dewey), Democratic (Henry Wallace), Provincial Rights Alliance (Strom Thurmond), Social Credit (Solon Earl Low)

1953-1962: Harold Stassen (Progressive Conservative) (17)
1953 (Maj): Progressive Conservative (Harold Stassen) def. Liberal (Harry Truman), Democratic (Glenn Taylor), Provincial Rights Alliance (Strom Thurmond), Social Credit (Solon Earl Low)
1957 (Maj): Progressive Conservative (Harold Stassen) def. Liberal (Adlai Stevenson II), Provincial Rights Alliance (Strom Thurmond), Democratic (Tommy Douglas), Social Credit (Solon Earl Low)

1962-1963: John Kennedy (Liberal) (18)**
1962 (Maj): Liberal (John Kennedy) def. Progressive Conservative (Harold Stassen), Provincial Rights Alliance (Strom Thurmond), Democratic (Tommy Douglas), Social Credit (Robert Thompson)
1963-1968: Lyndon Johnson (Liberal) (19)
1965 (Maj): Liberal (Lyndon Johnson) def. Progressive Conservative (Robert Stanfield), Provincial Rights Alliance (Strom Thurmond), Democratic (Tommy Douglas), Social Credit (Robert Thompson)

11:30 AM, Wednesday, April 3rd, 1968:
190 High Street, Philadelphia, PA.

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Center Block hovered over Philadelphia like an albatross, with the neogothic Confederation Tower casting a long shadow over the Commonwealth's capital. One by one, a string of black Lincoln's pulled down the corner of High Street, entering through the gates that sealed off this small street from the rest of the city. Passing the various government buildings and ministerial residences, each vehicle came to a stop in front of 190 High Street, which for over a hundred years had housed the leader of Her Majesty's government in America. One by one, they were greeted by the uniformed equerry, and escorted into the building in anticipation of a cabinet meeting that was to take place. Outside, two motionless uniformed sentries from the Royal American Marines watched each arrival, standing guard outside of the residence in a tradition that dated back to the days of the republican revolt. First to show up was Hubert Humphrey, who was the Deputy Prime Minister and Deputy Leader of the governing Liberal Party. He was followed by others, including Defense Minister Stuart Symington, Foreign Minister Henry Jackson, Justice Minister Peter Rodino, and Finance Minister John Connally, each arriving in rapid succession.

The entire cabinet had been assembled in the cabinet room around the large mahogany table that dominated their environs; they arose, in unison, as Johnson entered. All of the men (there were no women in Johnson's cabinet, even though the Liberals had a number of female MPs) stood in silence until Johnson hastily waved his hand, signaling for them to take their seats. They did so, with a few murmurs and quiet grumbled greetings to the Prime Minister and one another.

"I don't want to start this meeting by talking about policy. I want to start this meeting to discuss some business" Johnson snarled in his thick Texan drawl; "I 'wanna know who if anyone here has been approached by Bobby."

Paul Hellyer, the former Minister of Defense who had recently been demoted in the latest cabinet shuffle to the position of Minister of Housing and Urban Development, rolled his eyes slightly. This went unnoticed by Johnson, who was known to throw pens and other common desk items at anyone who dared to do so in his presence. His temper was well known in Philadelphia for decades, and his relations with his own parliamentary caucus were frequently strained throughout his tenure as leader of the party. Johnson's near obsession with Kennedy went back to his time as Deputy Prime Minister to Kennedy's late older brother John, when he frequently clashed with Bobby, then Chief of Staff and gatekeeper to his brother, the Prime Minister.

A desire to aggressively pursue civil rights legislation led Bobby Kennedy to stand for the House of Commons in the riding of Albany, with Johnson appointing him Justice Minister on his very first day as a member of parliament - an unprecedented move that helped fuel the narrative being formed around Robert Kennedy's meteoric rise. Though together they had managed to pass sweeping legislation that dramatically changed the fortunes of millions of Afro-Americans living under Jim Crow in the southern provinces, it was not enough to bridge the growing gap between the two, which was widened by their disagreements about the war in Malaya and America's involvement in the Imperial military campaigns being waged by the broader British Empire. It had been nine months since Kennedy left the government, and there was growing speculation that he would soon attempt to launch a leadership spill.

"He's approached me" said Connally with confidence, "offered me Hubert's job."

"Well?"
asked Johnson.

"I declined, of course" replied Connally, "I wouldn't be here if I said yes. The people around him have loose lips. Even if I wanted to put a knife in your back, I couldn't. Not with his crew."

Johnson was skeptical of Connally, who spoke with typical bravado. Connally was in for John Connally, surmised Johnson. He may not be loyal, but he wasn't stupid. He knew who buttered his bread.

"Anyone else?"

"I haven't been approached by Bobby"
said Paul Martin, a veteran MP from the province of Canada who was a relatively reliable ally of Johnson going back some three decades, when they were both elected to the House of Commons in 1936.

"But you've been approached by someone else?"

"Yes."

"Who?"

"Teddy."


There were some lighthearted chuckles amongst those present. But to the Prime Minister, it was no laughing matter.

"Let it be known" he said sternly, his gaze turned to Pierre Trudeau, the Attorney General who effectively was Kennedy's Deputy during his time in the government, "that I will personally see to it that any and every one of his supporters in this caucus will be deselected before the 1970 election. Got it?" Trudeau couldn't help but think that Johnson's words were mostly directed towards him. Mainly because they were. Johnson had passed him over for the aging Peter Rodino after Bobby had quit after all.

"Now" continued Johnson, "I believe Henry is going to brief us all on the impending negotiations with the....."

2:15 PM, Wednesday, April 3rd, 1968:
Somewhere over Indiana.

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Ever since his election a months earlier in August 1967 as leader of the Progressive Conservative Party, Richard Nixon had treated every day as a day on the campaign trail. Though the nation was two years away from the next federal election, Nixon had spent virtually all of his spare time outside of the parliament's sittings to campaign for the Tories across the country. His efforts were paying off; the political infrastructure he was building across the country was a well oiled machine, his caucus was by and large united around his leadership, his message about law and order was taking hold, and most importantly, the donation money was rolling in to the Progressive Conservative Party's coffers.

As the leader of the opposition, Nixon's job was to effectively prosecute Johnson at the dispatch box during question time; he was a relatively awkward orator in parliament and on the stump, and in the House, he frequently was made to stutter slightly or lose his place due to the incessant heckling and mocking jeers from the Liberal Party MPs on the government benches. Ever an ambitious man, he knew that the day would come when they couldn't kick Nixon around anymore. As Johnson and his cabinet met for their weekly meeting, Nixon was having his own summit of sorts in the skies, where he and a loyal traveling aide named Pat Buchanan were passengers on a flight bound for Saint Louis.

"Pat," he said quietly, his gaze fixed on the view out the window, "I don't know what will happen. I've never felt so...in the wilderness. If Bobby runs, he'll create a fissure amongst the Grits. The problem, I think, is that if a leadership spill is held, and it goes to a convention, than Bobby wins. And if I have go up against Bobby, we'll lose."

"The Daley machine is key"
answered Buchanan, "he'll be the kingmaker."

"How can we move the needle?"
asked Nixon in exasperation, "there has got to be a way for us to exploit a schism."

"The problem with the Liberals is that they fall in love and fall in line at the same time, no matter who there leader is."

"FDR taught them to play tough back in the '40s, and they've mastered it like an art. They are ruthless. We need to be ruthless, Pat!"
He pounded his fist against his knee to add emphasis.

"Just give it some time" said Buchanan, who was wiser beyond his 29 years, "this country is a powder keg waiting for a spark to hit it."

And we're off. More to come tomorrow.
 
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Sorry for the delay. Other projects kept me preoccupied.

8:15 PM, Friday, April 4th, 1968.
Philadelphia, PA.

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Walter Cronkite announces the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.
"Good evening....Martin Luther King, the apostle of non-violence resistance in the south, was slain this evening in LaSalle, Tennessee. Police at this hour are still searching for the gunman, a young white man, who reportedly opened fire on Doctor King and his entourage from a flop house across the street according to a companion. Police had been keeping a close watch on the 39 year-old Nobel prize winning negro leader, and rushed him to the hospital where he was pronounced dead from a bullet wound to his neck. The city, which has been teetering on the edge due to ongoing racial tensions, will implement a curfew in the aftermath of the assassination of Doctor King as the manhunt for his killer or killers continues.....there are already reports trickling out of the city of large crowds of angry youth taking to the streets, though rioting is not being reported at this time...."

Tommy Douglas watched in stunned silence as Walter Cronkite announced the news to a stunned nation; the Democratic Party leader had come to know Doctor King in the early 1960s, when the Democratic Party involved itself proactively on the side of the growing Afro-American civil rights movement, with King himself standing for parliament in Birmingham in 1965. He was once again on the ballot in the riding for the next general election, but alas, that was not to be. The Democratic Party's leader was still standing in front of the television in a near daze when the phone rang in the kitchen, and he raced inside to grab it, pulling the receiver to his ear in order to hear the familiar voice of one of the switchboard girls from Center Block. "Mr. Reagan from the ABC is on the line, Mr. Douglas. Are you available to speak with him?"
"Um...tell him to give me a wring in a hour or so...I'm....I'm in the midst of a situation."
"Certainly, Mr. Douglas."

After a few pensive moments of internal debate over what to do next, Douglas returned to his desk, picked up his phone's receiver, and dialed the switchboard. His efforts to reach Mrs. King were doomed from the start; she had already departed her residence in Atlanta for LaSalle, and was already on a flight bound for that city. He then phoned his Deputy Leader, tracking him down to his office on Parliament Hill, and hurriedly summoning him to come by his own office. Within ten minutes, George McGovern, the MP for Dakota, had arrived.

"I tried reaching Mrs. King but had no luck" began Douglas, ending his sentence with a sigh.

"I'm sure you'll be able to reach her...or somebody...by tonight. Please extend my condolences as well."

"Naturally, George, naturally."

"He would have made a great MP. He was a gifted orator"
lamented Douglas, who was mindful of the fact that King would have to be replaced on the ballot in the riding of Birmingham.

"We lost a star player, no doubt about it" agreed McGovern, "have you spoken to the press?"

"Reagan called earlier"
replied Douglas, referring to the American Broadcasting Corporation's leading political correspondent. The Illinois born broadcaster had gotten his start in Iowa radio, rising to become an early television presenter known for his folksy demeanor and professional, almost Hollywood quality delivery of breaking news in times of crisis. It was well known that Reagan's sympathies were with the Tories; this put him at odds with Cronkite, the ABC's lead anchor and the man Reagan aspired to one day replace, who Douglas wish had been the one to call instead - Cronkite had given Douglas softball interviews in the past, and had developed a good working relationship with him.

"Leave it to Lyndon to pull the strings and have them send Ronald Reagan to interview me of all people" cracked Douglas bitterly, "the Tories might have a point about bias at the ABC after all."

"It could be worse"
McGovern noted, "at least they'll criticize Johnson too. None of the fawning Camelot crap."

"I suppose"
said Douglas. The phone rang again, and he went to pick it up. This time, the switchboard operator identified the caller as Helen Thomas, one of Philadelphia's leading print journalists, who was looking for the Democratic Party's reaction to the event.

"Give her the scoop" insisted McGovern upon being informed of the caller's identity, "she's earned it, and it could help blunt Reagan's fangs."

"You're right"
whispered Douglas.


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Tommy Douglas in happier times.

3:00 PM, Friday, April 5th, 1968.
Philadelphia, PA.

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Bobby Kennedy was pissed. The night before, Martin Luther King had been assassinated in LaSalle, Tennessee.

Teddy had done a head count of the Liberal Party's parliamentary caucus, and found that the loyalties of many of Jack's allies were fleeting. For one year, for one bright shining moment, America experienced what the late Prime Minister's widow described as "Camelot." It wasn't so rosy of course, between the near nuclear war, the introduction of American combat forces to Malaya, and then that final day in Dallas....yet in the hearts of many Liberal MPs, the legacy of "Camelot" lingered long after Jack had been slain by an assassins bullet. Which was why, naturally, that Bobby was so perplexed.

"How can they still fawn over Jack so fervently" said Bobby bitterly as he and his brother walked through the halls of Center Block, "don't they know that it was us? We were a team. We are the keepers of the legacy. The guardians of a dream. And yet, they stick by this backcountry hick and his machine. I just don't understand it."

"At least the Tories will stab you in the front"
grumbled Ted, "and look you into the eyes while doing it."

"Liberals won't stab anyone"
Bobby replied, "unless they're other Liberals." Bobby stopped to smile and nod briefly towards Abe Ribicoff, a friend and Democratic MP from Connecticut who passed him in the hall. Ribicoff turned to say something, but the Kennedy brothers continued on down the hall, too busily engaged in their own conversation.

"I told you approaching Connally was a mistake, Bobby."

The pair of Kennedy brothers stepped through Center Block's Confederation Hall, briskly walking as they continued their conversation.

"How the hell would I know that he would immediately go to Johnson about it" answered an exasperated Bobby, "for a guy who boasts that his ambitions are as big as Texas itself, he sure seems to be up Johnson's ass. Another "friend of Jack" I guess."

"Connally was never Jack's friend, and he was never going to be your friend. It's Paul Martin who you shouldn't be forgiving."
"Paul is old, and he will be out the door come 1970...if he doesn't croak before then. He's a relic. I'd rather remember him for the good that he's done."

"Well what good has Connally ever done you?"

"Good point."

"Look, Bobby, there's no reason to count your grudges when we should be counting who is in our favor. You have Bayh in your favor. You have William Clay. Paul Hellyer. Hart."

"Phillip Hart is on board?"

"Yeah."

"Holy shit Ted...why aren't we amplifying that? Everyone loves him. They'll listen to him."


Bobby continued down the front steps in front of Peace Tower, the central clock tower that dominated the skyline of Philadelphia and the most notable architectural aspect of America's Houses of Parliament casting a shadow over them. Ted stood at the top of the stairs while Bobby hailed an awaiting cab. "There's just one caveat."

"What is it"
grumbled Bobby, who turned back to face his brother.

"He won't commit unless you commit. Unless you formally announce your intentions first."

"Shit."


More to come in a bit.
 
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interesting story, but I have a comment, under the British Commonwealth the French speaking minority in Louisiana and Acadia would not be repressed by the government and finally I don't think in this TL the term "african american" would exist
 
interesting story, but I have a comment, under the British Commonwealth the French speaking minority in Louisiana and Acadia would not be repressed by the government and finally I don't think in this TL the term "african american" would exist
They are not necessarily repressed, but the nationalist/regionalist movement's leadership say otherwise, lets put it that way. More to come tonight!
 
Back on this. I finally completed lists of MPs for every election through 2019.

9:15 PM, Saturday, April 6th, 1968.
New York City, NY.

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It had been a rough couple of days for Richard Nixon, and things were only about to get worse.

There was of course the chaos that followed the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr., the riots, the looting, and the demonstrations that swept the country dominating the headlines for days still to come. These events gave the Tories a relative degree of cover, however, as they gathered at the Waldorf-Astoria for a high dollar fundraiser. Nixon nervously surveyed the room when he arrived; he was never comfortable at these black-tie affairs, but he knew he had to project confidence if he wanted to collect the funds needed to revitalize the Tories and challenge the Liberal Party juggernaut that Johnson had assembled. There were several familiar faces - Jacob Javits, Barber Conable, Charles Goodell, and Seymour Halpern to name a few MPs who left Philadelphia by train to make it in time for the event. There were also the titans of industry, banking, and finance, some of Wall Streets best and brightest, and a plethora of party faithful who paid the steep $100 dollar fee to attend, mingling over hors d'oeuvres and cocktails quietly in anticipation of Nixon's speech.

Nixon's gaze fell upon one particular figure that he loathed; Nelson Rockefeller, the Premier of New York, leader of the provincial Progressive Conservative Party, and an MPP for Southern Manhattan, was the host of the fundraiser and responsible for a wide variety of wealthy attendees being present. Nixon resented Rockefeller for a myriad of reasons. For starters, the Californian MP and party leader had risen from humble beginnings in Southern California, and the original "Orthogonian" had a chip on his shoulder when it came to the wealthy and powerful. While hardly a populist in any sense of the term, Nixon despised Kennedy, and loathed Rockefeller with an equal passion. Nixon, though pragmatic and welded politically to the Tory establishment, still sat comfortably amongst the conservative wing of the party, also distrusted Rockefeller's progressive politics, and considered him to committed to the consensus, too willing to play by the rulebook written by the Liberals. Then there were of course Rockefeller's certain indiscretions and moral failings, which collimated in a controversial divorce and remarriage all within a matter of months (a scandal that many believed doomed the New York Premier's 1966 leadership campaign).

But what bothered Nixon the most about Rockefeller wasn't his privilege, politics, or personal passions, but rather his ambition. The Progressive Conservative Party was not a big enough tent for the both of them to coexist peacefully within. Rockefeller wanted to be Prime Minister one day, and Nixon was determined to beat him to the job first. He watched as Javits walked over to the Premier, staring over another attendee's shoulder to catch a glimpse of the two New Yorkers locked in what seemed to be a deep conversation. His paranoia took over, and he walked enough towards them that he was in audible distance of the two.

"Nelson, I want you to be the first to know...I've decided to stand aside from public life. I will not be seeking reelection in my riding, and I think you and I both know what this means."

"You want me to stand in Manhattan South?"
asked Rockefeller.

"Yes. You've revitalized New York. You built a fairer, stronger, wealthier province here. I know you can do it in Philadelphia too."

"You're too kind, Jacob."

"Nelson, I don't have to flatter you. I don't have to flatter anyone. I mean it. Let's be real, Dick doesn't have it."


Javits gaze turned over towards the crowd in search of the party leader, and his eyes locked with Nixon when he spotted him. Nixon's eyes nervously fluttered and he looked away, resuming the conversation he was clearly having with another attendee only to give him some cover. Javits continued, whispering to Rockefeller in a low voice.

"You need to run for my seat. This year, next year, or 1970, it doesn't matter when. You need to stand, because when Dick eventually gets the shaft, you'll be the one waiting in the wings to take over."

9:00 AM, Sunday, April 7th, 1968.
NBC Studios, Philadelphia, PA.

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ROGER MUDD: Mr. Kennedy, I'll begin with a question that many people in town are asking...are you harboring greater ambitions?

ROBERT KENNEDY: Right now, my focus is on representing my constituents from South Albany. But it's hard to represent my constituents in Philadelphia as just one voice - they elected me in 1962 as a Liberal Party MP, and they were voting for the broader agenda of the Liberal Party as much as they were voting for me. They sent me and my brother to Philadelphia to effect real change in this country, and for a while, the Liberal Party delivered on that promise of change. But now I see a party that is moving backward, and I'm worried it's taking the country backwards with it.

ROGER MUDD: That's a very expressive form of saying neither "yes" nor "no"....

ROBERT KENNEDY: Well it is true that there are, uh, there are others in the Liberal caucus in the House who have asked me to stand for the leadership of the party. There have been others who have expressed their regret about the Prime Minister deciding to rather unceremoniously sack me. I know that Mike Mansfield and others in the leadership have expressed their indignation at the very notion that some MPs may be, in his words, "disgruntled," but the truth is that we're not a united party at the moment.

ROGER MUDD: Have you given thought to running, seeing as you are confirming that you have been approached to run?

ROBERT KENNEDY: If someone asks you to run for the party leadership, you naturally think about it. At present, I don't think the Liberal Party caucus is looking for a change in leadership so much as it is for a change in direction. But I have full confidence in the Prime Minister and the cabinet's capability to change the course we are on, without the need for a divisive debate over who should be in charge.

ROGER MUDD: Do you believe they will listen to you, though?

ROBERT KENNEDY: That is up to them....
 
Cabinet of Lyndon Johnson (1963-Present)
Prime Minister: Lyndon Johnson (1963-Present)
Deputy Prime Minister: Hubert Humphrey (1963-Present)

Minister of Foreign Affairs: Henry Jackson (1963-Present)
Minister of Finance and Revenue: Paul Martin (1963-1965), John Connally (1965-Present)
Minister of National Defense: Paul Hellyer (1963-1967), Stuart Symington (1967-Present)
Minister of Justice and Civil Rights: Robert Kennedy (1963-1965), Peter Rodino (1965-Present)
Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries: Carl Perkins (1963-1965), Vance Hartke (1965-Present)
Minister of Commerce and Industry: Melvin Price (1963-1965), Lloyd Bentsen (1965-Present)
Minister of Culture, Media, and Sport: Birch Bayh (1963-Present)
Minister of Health, Education, and Welfare: Paul Rogers (1963-Present)
Minister of Housing and Urban Development: Paul Hellyer (1967-Present)
Minister of the Interior and Indian Relations: Stewart Udall (1963-Present)
Minister of Labor and Employment: George Smathers (1963-1965), Donald Macdonald (1965-Present)
Minister of Public Works: Wilbur Mills (1963-1965), Al Ullman (1965-Present)
Minister of Transportation: Daniel Flood (1963-1965), Jean Chretien (1965-Present)
Minister without Portfolio: Paul Martin (1965-Present)
Attorney General: Pierre Trudeau (1963-Present)

Speaker of the House of Commons: John McCormack (1963-Present)
Leader of the Government in the House of Commons: Mike Mansfield (1963-Present)
Leader of the Government in the Senate: Carl Hayden (1963-Present)
Chief Government Whip: Thomas "Tip" O'Neil (1963-Present)
 
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Loving the idea behind this timeline! Quick question, about how many members are in either champer of the Parliment in this timeline?
 
Interesting that this version of British North America still encompasses the Mexican Territories. Canada did have its own way of manifesting destiny too, so I guess it makes sense.
 
Interesting that this version of British North America still encompasses the Mexican Territories. Canada did have its own way of manifesting destiny too, so I guess it makes sense.

Agree. IMO there should be ratherly pre-Mexican-Americna War border. Not too sure if Russia would still sell Alaska to Brits/British America would conquer that.

And generally I would had liked see more different world. Now this is pretty much mirroring OTL.
 
Not too sure if Russia would still sell Alaska to Brits/British America would conquer that.
Probably they would, yes. The idea IOTL was to sell it to get something out of it before the British would get the chance to take it. IIRC they did try to interest the British IOTL but the US jumped on it, were probably willing to offer more and it was more palatable for the Russians anyway.
 
This timeline makes me think that my Great Great Great Grandfather would have stayed in IL instead of considering moving to Canada in the 1880s.
Also, question, how many seats are there in the parliament?
 
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