Well basically the same thing than in the previous edition, just with more precisions.
Sorry to desappoint you again.
Eagles and Hawks
- Thread starter LSCatilina
- Start date
Sorry to desappoint you again.
great update, I've been following this TL for a While and really like it. Here is hoping that part of Hispania remains independent.
Well, depends both your definition of independent and "part of Hispania". Blanks are "spoilers", aka not shown in the previous TL avatar, but present in Part II (762 - 818) and III (818 - 872) notes.
Al-Andalus will eventually form, pretty much as OTL except with a greater presence of factions : Kalbits, Qaisits, Gotandolos (Banu Awilmund, Banu Artabas, Banu Qasi for the most famous), Ummayads, Fihrids, Maslahmids for the most importants. It would make Abd al Rahman I's life a little more complicated.
And an even more paranoïd emir as well.
Gothia will survive in bad shape : limited to Septimania (without Carcassone) and to coastal Tarraconensis, in "benevolent" Aquitain then Frankish influence.
It would eventually form a transpyrenean kingdom, centered in *Catalonha, aka Septimania
The pyreneans lords would eventually be on Aquitain, then Gascon influence and suzerainty.
No Kingdom of Pampleune, Sobarbre, etc. But a March of Gascony.
Austurias and Cantabria would merge under Cantabrian's rule to form the Kingdom of Cantabrias (that would take Galicia as well) and it would be both more expanded and more strong than OTL Kingdom of Asturias, but more divided among the cantabrian nobility. But it would be the only "true" Hispanian independent part (more or less on nominal suzerainty of Al-Andalus tough)
It would be repetitivly cutted, reunited, cutted, etc.
Cuāuhtemōc
Banned
I like it. I can't criticize you for that since I'm doing the same thing here.
You're doing a good job.
It's not that that will make the reeditions coming faster, considering that the take of notes for Parties II and III weren't really helping, but MNP comments about maps convinced me (after some tentatives to reuse this basemap) to remade all the maps from 0.
It's not only the comments but also innacuracies regarding names in VIII-IX period, misplacments, etc.
So if you have remarks, suggestions, advices, it's the right time to do so.
But i promise you a little story about treason, blood and murder soon (maybe tomorrow).
It's not only the comments but also innacuracies regarding names in VIII-IX period, misplacments, etc.
So if you have remarks, suggestions, advices, it's the right time to do so.
But i promise you a little story about treason, blood and murder soon (maybe tomorrow).
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This extract from Avibro (Abu Ibrahim) is full of details, as precises they are fantastical.
In order to give a more comprehensive lecture to the novice, some points are explained or developed in the following notes.
¹ Arțabās is most probably the count Ardabast , who owned many land in the land of Cordova. Despite his surname, he didn't have a great role in the city before or after 711, except what regarding the Christians'.
² These sons of Vitiza are probably the Banū Awilmūn, Guilmond and one of his brothers. This passage is not as historical than an a posteriori explanation of their quick allegiance to the caliphate's forces that came against 'Abd al-'Aziz's rule in 717.
It have to be understood as a differentiation between the “good” and the “bad” Gotandolos, based on how much they submit themselves to the current Islamic authority and, more importantly, on how much power their heirs have in the X's century emirate.
³ “Father of the Pigs”, it could interpreted as “Father of impurity”
⁴ Avibro is explaining here something that is easily understandable for Muslims but not for the others. It tends to show that he wrote not only for an Islamic audience but also for non-Muslims interested on the story of Al-Andalus.
The arabisation of the hispano-roman inhabitants of the peninsula under emirate's rule is probably the explanation.
⁵ The Vigilant
⁷ Avirbro show here his known tendency to make double-entendre and in this case “triple-entendre” sentences.
The wound received by 'Abd al-'Aziz, accordingly some sources near the lungs, would hurt him until his death.
But it's too a recall of the fact that this wound wouldn't never have the time to heal because of the quick fate of the wali.
Then, it could be a sign of the deep sadness and disappointment of 'Abd al-'Aziz to see someone he gave responsibility and wealth, attacking the governor and forcing 'Abd al-'Aziz to kill him.
⁸ Avibro is an historian of the Ummayyad emirate period. Therefore, if he wants to depict 'Abd al-'Aziz as a good ruler, that somewhat prefigures the emirate's rule; he had to explain why the Umayyad Caliph is opposed to the walī at the point of sending an army against him.
“Forgetting” the fact that Sulaymān ordered the return of 'Abd al-'Aziz before this tentative of assassination, he reports the fault on the governor's stubbornness, saving the appearances for the Caliphal's heirs.
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Sorry for having quite let this TL to the oblivion, but some personal and quite important business happened. I began this some times ago, but due to a long pause, it evolved from something rapported to the 1st person to an explanation of text, hope you enjoy.
After the tentative of assassination, 'Abd al-'Aziz had to fight not only the conjured , but the open hostility of the Caliph Sulaymān.
As the earlier opponents of the Caliphs, or victims of their anger, he didn't claimed more than his previous charge, and claimed to be the Amīr al-Spanj.
Later sources, mainly Ifryqians, gave to 'Abd al-'Aziz the title of Malik al-Span. This usage survived up today and maybe influenced the Christian historiography which name him “King”.
Many Muslims nobles were already hostiles to 'Abd al-'Aziz, because of family or interest ties with the Fihrids; or because the rise of the walī leased them from expected possessions.
But when the Caliph officially designated Ayyub ibn Habib al-Lakhmi, it gave to the members of the family who wanted to avoid the disgrace that Musa knew the opportunity to abandon 'Abd al-'Aziz to join his cousin.
At the contrary of what was accused 'Abd al-'Aziz, to make around him a Christian court, some of them will join Ayyub since the beginning as the Banū Awilmūn, probably because of different regarding their lusitanian domains.
The main part of Gotandolos will stay in a gray zone between the two Islamic sides, as Artabas, who had saved the life of 'Abd al-'Aziz but advised him to submit under the authority of the Caliph.
Nevertheless, the presence of many little christian nobles, eager to increase their small possessions or more important the ones having ties with Egilona's family, was enough to denounce the self-proclaimed emir's alleged goals to revive the Visigothic monarchy.
But even isolated, 'Abd al-'Aziz could count on some important Islamic leaders, from clients of his father to military leaders mainly from Berber origin.
Ayyub have the number, but the different aspirations and expectations were difficult for him to settle.
While Ayyub raised an army from his diverse supporters, mainly in Betica and eastern part of the peninsula, 'Abd al-'Aziz managed to hold the cities of Tulaytulah, Ajdanya, Shalamnka and Totya, as the land between them that represented the third of the peninsula, probably the poorer part.
Couldn't hoping of the sole resources of the land to impose his rule to the other Muslims lords, he had to attack quickly. But the Christians nobles north of Cantabrian Mountains could represent a small, but present threat.
'Abd al-'Aziz decided to reaffirm the domination of the Islamic rule in these regions, and treating them as his lieges (they were under Islamic suzerainty, following the treaties passed in 714), “asked to the dukes of Christians to make anew their submission before him, using their customs to do so” wrote Al Mour.
It was later used by later historians to identify the main nobles of Christian Spain as “Raganfred for the Galicians […], Pelaio for the Asturians […] and Petrus for the Cantabrians” were supposed to have pledged so.
Even if this identification of these people, and furthermore of the dukes as their acknowledged sole leader is at best simplifying, it certainly help to the distinction of the region in three coherent ensembles, that will last in the Kingdom of Cantabria.
More anecdotal, this allegiance to 'Abd al-'Aziz would be understood a posteriori by Christian jurists as a personal pledge that freed the dukes from Islamic suzerainty at the death of the “King of Hispania”.
The safety of norther front assured, and 'Abd al-'Aziz tried to march on Betica as Ayyub was still in Sharkusta. Al-Hurr ibn Abd al-Rahman, who had participated in the last campaigns of 714, was let by the new walī responsible of the defense of Qurtubah.
On August of 716, he managed to chase the incoming army send by 'Abd al-'Aziz, and commanded by Abu ibn Hassad ibn Hassan. He was killed during the battle that took place near Oreto-El-Viejo.
This outcome not only blocked the hope of 'Abd al-'Aziz to use Ayyub's absence to take control quickly of the south, but Ayyub himself was embarrassed : when he ordered Al-Hurr to stand in defense, he made an clever move to break the opposed army.
As his position as walī was already precarious, the rise of a competent and skilled military leader on his side was the last thing he needed to strengthen his power.
After ordering him to stay in Betica, Ayyub led his own army West. Badly preparated, and most probably not very well organized both because the eagerness of Ayyub to strike 'Abd al-'Aziz and of its relatively bad leadership and strategical competences, he let the time to the revolted to strengthen the place of Sakunza that was on the road to Tulaytulah that Ayyub had to use.
The new walī reached the place in October only to see the antic keep, reinforced by 'Abd al-'Aziz, that stood before him. Willing to proof his capacities, he launched an attack on the flanks, neglecting the neighboring tower that was at the emplacement of today's Medina Sagonza.
This error cost him to be attacked on his own flanks and to be surrounded by 'Abd al-'Aziz forces except in his rear.
Correctly judging that continuing deeply would cause his capture or his end, Ayyub turned back and, defeated, reached Bibilìs and searched then to protect the Ebre's valley against an eventual attack from 'Abd al-'Aziz.
The winter passed and 'Abd al-'Aziz, if he didn't took the main points of the peninsula that would have allowed him to negotiate in a stronger position, managed to keep control of the land he had, mainly because of Ayyub hesitations and mistakes.
When his cousin asked the Caliph to call back Al-Hurr, in order to get rid of him, the weakening of his army was predictable.
'Abd al-'Aziz tried to use that, by proposing Agila to attack Ayyub on his back, holding out the prospect of taking back Cesaracosta and the region of Ebre. But the gothic king saw this with is usual temporizing look and didn't acted, for any side.
After the conquest by the Muslims of most of the peninsula, Agila had to deal with the particularities of his kingdom. His court was composed of Septimanians lords, mainly Gothics and some still influenced by the old arian heresy, Aquitano-Romans Catholics nobles from the cities et Ispanuli lords and armies or refugees from lost lands or from Tarraconesa.
In the same time, some Christians nobles from Tarraconesa joined caliphal forces, more because of familial links with Gotandolos involved in this civil war than interest on it.
This caused many issues and fights and predicted the divisions that the kingdom would faced after the temporary stabilization of the Islamic province of Al-Andalus.
At the beginning of 717, Ayyub received the answer of Sulaymān
Ayyub prepared his army for the incoming year and he received from a Damasquine a message from the Caliph.
Sure of his victory against his rival, and whereas they had to fight the same foe, he expected that his deeds would be recognized and no longer shadowed by him.
Sure of his victory against his rival, and whereas they had to fight the same foe, he expected that his deeds would be recognized and no longer shadowed by him.
But at his astonishment, the messenger ordered him to give the power the Caliph gave to him to Al-Hurr.
Fearing the fate of 'Abd al-'Aziz if he disobeyed this order, Ayyub called for Al-Hurr, who send him in Syria, where the disgrace was added to the humiliation.
Fearing the fate of 'Abd al-'Aziz if he disobeyed this order, Ayyub called for Al-Hurr, who send him in Syria, where the disgrace was added to the humiliation.
Because this resignation of Ayyub, Al-Hurr had to delay the attack envisioned for the spring of 717, and left Ishyblia for the East where the supporter of Ayyub were the most present.
'Abd al-'Aziz thought it could use it, as he did during Ayyub's absence, and personally his army trough the country, forcing Marida to recognize his power and arriving before Talikah in March.
Talikah was at this time an old city already and the kings of Rūmā have buildhe walls here to protect the Betica against the plunderers coming from the North, and particularly Išbīliya that is the jewel of the country.
This text, from the anonymous author, translated in judaitz in the Codex Willelm (from the former owner of the book) mix many information not always reliable. But it inform al lot about the role of Talica in X-XI centuries Al-Andalus, as a fortified position against Christians or rivals from Algrave who would want to take the capital of the emirate.
Here, 'Abd al-'Aziz managed to took the city by night, thanks to the help of a Berber commander following the tradition. In position of taking back the Ishyblia, and then ensure his rule on the South, the wealthiest part of the peninsula, he astonishingly made proof of excessive caution.
He tried to negotiate with the city's defender, Abd al-Raḥmān ibn Abd Allah al-Rhafiqi. Despite the rectitude he showed, 'Abd al-'Aziz tried to find a compromise, in order to not alienate himself the Arabs nobles that were in the opposite side but susceptible to join him, critically if he reached his goals.
After three weeks of diplomatic exchanges, and as Al-Hurr was incoming with a fresh army, 'Abd al-'Aziz took the decision to return to Tulaytulah.
While he took his horse, he stretched his arm in the direction of Išbīliya and said :
“I will came back here as a victor only, and I'm too afraid of what the son of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān could do in this land to wait him here. Let's drag him on the highlands to strike in a place of our choice.”
“I will came back here as a victor only, and I'm too afraid of what the son of ʿAbd al-Raḥmān could do in this land to wait him here. Let's drag him on the highlands to strike in a place of our choice.”
Al-Hurr chased the army of the emir until the region of Toleto. 'Abd al-'Aziz had already planned how deal with the skilled and ambitious walī who arrived there in of May 717:
Approximately on the emplacement of Almonastir, he placed his troops on a hill that dominated the old roman road that Al-Hurr had to use for coming from South-East.
Here, he was supposed to fight in disadvantageous position.
But Al-Hurr notwithstanding let his own troop charged and after the first strikes, these began to retreat on the road. There, 'Abd al-'Aziz, wanting to exploit this battle to crush severely the walī's army chased them for a decisive action.
Following then Al-Hurr's orders, after having deliberately retreated, his troops reorganized themselves and blockaded the charging army.
In this “Battle of Allegiance”, named so because it's supposed having forced the participants to choose a camp regardless of their family ties and direct interests, the walī managed to capture 'Abd al-'Aziz and the city which was let to the pillage.
For Aviro, this plunder is the explanation of the hatred that the toletans vowed to the legitimate authority, caliphal, Ummayad or others. Of course, this historical explanation must be comparated to the local interest of toletan elite trough the Muslim period.
Another tale of the capture of Tulaytulah was the death of Egilona : instead of surrender to Al-Hurr's troops and be killed and dishonored, she preferred to kill herself in one of the city's tower.
A tower, of XII° century still, is always open for visit under the name of “Egilona's Tower”.
The former emir was send in Dimashq and executed in front of his father and his cousin, in order to make them sense their disgrace.
In order to commemorate his victory, Al-Hurr decreed the coinage of local dinars, which bear the name of the Caliph and his own, with a celebration of the conquest of the peninsula on one side and the first use of "Al-Andalus" on the other.
Soon, the Arabs nobles having ties with 'Abd al-'Aziz, and even if they followed him, were deprived from responsibilities by the walī. Furthermore as many Berbers leaders were favorable to 'Abd al-'Aziz and even if few supported him, he continued to treat their troops as the Arabs did in Ifriqiya and by showing his contempt.
By this, he gained his surname : “the Harsh”.
Among the Visigothic nobles that helped 'Abd al-'Aziz, many of them followed the ones coming from Agila's Kingdom in the north of the peninsula and in Septimania.
As Al-Hurr wanted the stabilization of the peninsula at the benefit of the Islamic Caliphate, he knew he would have to deal with them in order to ensure the perpetuation of Al-Andalus.
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Nice updates, LSCatilina!
Thanks, i would post the corrected update for Gaul todays.
After that, it would be quick as i need to correct only up to 730's.
Beyond the Pyrenees, the situation in Gaul was as much troubled as in the peninsula.
The Frankish Kingdom, since the reign of Clovis, stretched on almost all the country safe for the Septimania which was ruled by the Visigoths.
But the dynastic crisis, aggravated by the one created by the closure of the Mediterranean by the rise of Caliphate, and the subsequent economical and cultural isolation, heavily touched the Franks and their monarchy.
Bavaria and Alemania in the East, Brittany and Gascony at the West, Aquitaine and Provence for the South, choose their own dukes and patrices for ruling them, among their respective peoples, quite distinct from the Franks.
Pippin of Heristal, the majordomo of the Kingdom of Austrasia, managed to unify the northern part of Gaul by the sword, submitting the Neustrians and the Alemani, conquering half of the wealthy but pagan Frisia. However, the majordomo never fought for his kings but for his house and family.
During his rule, the kings had virtually no power at all, Pippin being the real master of northern Gaul et displaying the high titles of “Dux et Princeps Francorum” (Duke and Prince of the Franks).
But the West and the South remained independent de facto, only recognizing a far Frankish suzerainty.
- Odo the Great, descendent of the dukes of Gascony and from the Merovingian kings, ruled an immense territory, from the Léger to the Rose.
His Aquitain subjects were called “Romans” by their northern neighbors and were indeed more influenced by the past of their Latin ancestors.
But he leaded also the formidable vascon cavalry, lights but skilled and who were the fear of the Franks.
Uniting on him the duchies of both Aquitains and Vascons, he was without doubt the equal of Pippin in power and in prestige.
-The Brittany was divided between moving kingdoms, Cernia, Domonia, Brorec which resisted bravely against the Franks, never hesitating to raiding their lands
-Provence were at the hands of the patrices, as well Gallo-Roman masters of the great Provencal domains as Frankish nobles who adopted the local customs and wanted to reach the autonomy towards the North.
Nevertheless, at the death of Pippin after a long reign in 714, the Frankish Kingdom was united, as never it was since the death of Dagobert.
But his disappearance would relaunch a civil war, whom the end could have signified the one of the kingdom.
Before his death, he designated his grand-son Theobald as his heir in all his functions and titles. It comforted the Hugobertins, one of the most wealthiest and powerful families of Austrasia.
Austrasia was the land of western continental Europe the less damaged by the collapse of Mediterranean trade. The great domains, inherited from the Gallo-Romans, gave a sure source of revenues. It was critical for the micro-economy of gift that defined the alliances between nobles, as their power and capacity to raise forces.
Plectrude, the grand-mother of Theobald acted on this family as a regent and hoped doing the same on the kingdom.
Karl, better known as Charles, an another son of Pippin was ambitious but couldn't do anything then. Even if his own mother's family was influential, the Hugobertins had a much larger importance.
It cost a rebellion to set up a new deal : in 715, the Merovingian king, Dagobert III named a powerful noble of Neustria, Ragenfrid as his majordomo for the country, hoping to use the Neustrians' revolt to regain his power at least in the West, and maybe in Austrasia.
Plectrude lead an army to crush the rebellion, while Ragenfrid advanced deeply in Austrasia but was heavily defeated. Not always the defeat was humiliating but Ragenfrid took the wealth amassed by the Hugobertins and let on the battlefield.
Plectrude was so heavily crushed, that Ragenfrid proclaimed Chilperic, the son of the deceased Dagobert, king of Neustria and Austrasia.
Not only that, but he made alliance with Radbod, pagan duke of the Frisons, yet the grand-father of Theobald.
The majordomo of Austrasia was less and less supported, and the idea was gaining around to call to Charles. Wasn't he indeed a son of Pippin?
The ambitious Pippinid, thanks to Plectrude's failure and his family's influence gathered enough influence and men to defy the Hugobertins' power.
In a first time, he leaded an army against the Neustrians, and after a first failure that nearly cost him his new power, he bested them at Amblèves and proclaimed Clotaire IV king of Austrasia.
Forced to search an ally, Ragenfrid called to Odo of Aquitaine, who was glad to help them as long it didn't involved from him to put a great effort in the Neustrian's cause.
Too happy to see two potential foes fighting each other, he was intelligent enough to not get involved too deeply to force the Austrasian to attack him instead of Ragenfrid.
In exchange of the assistance of the duke, Ragenfrid accorded him lands in Provence, and most of all, the royalty of Aquitaine. He was still tied by this to the person of Chilperic but the title of King of Aquitaine, previously only taken by Merovingian kings, consecrated the independence of a territory that represented on third of the Frankish dominion.
But even with Odo's help, Ragenfrid was defeated at Vinchy in 717, opening the road for Charles of Heristal, who went as far as Paris, letting to Ragenfrid only the valley of Léger river, probably because he was too eager to destroy definitely the Hugobertins to bother about the remaining Neustrians.
He forced Plectrude to go, until his death, in a convent and send his nephew Theobald in his familial lands where he dead shortly after.
Odo's worry about the majordomo of Austrasia grew and in 718, after having reinforced Ragenfrid's position in Velay and southern Neustria, he decided to help the Neustrians more decisively.
The neustrian nobility and the gascon cavalry marched on Soissons, ready to end here the ambitions of Charles. But the Pippinid, confronted to many ennemies since his youth, came with a army using an heavy equipment and trained in fighting formations.
It was considered that Charles was aware of the old romans techniques and used them, once adapted, to his needs. Whatever it's completly true or not, his army followed him during all his life and was doubtlessly the key of his rise.
The battle of Soissons were the final defeat of Neustria, and henceforth neither Austrasia or Neustria would know a separated fate.
At this moment, he took back all the power that his father had before his death. But he knew that, beyond his victories, his positions was still unstable.
He proposed then the peace to Odo, offering to let him his title (if he recognized Clotaire's suzerainty) if he accepted a peace and to not press his claims on the right bank of Rose. The two nobles agreed on that peace, in order to strengthen their power.
Charles was still threatened by the rebellious Neustrians and ambitious Austrasians; and Odo had to deal with a growing threat coming from beyond the mountains, as Al-Hurr was aware of the difficult situation in Gaul and willing to use it in order to increase his power as well the glory of Islam.
The first obstacle to his expedition was the Kingdom of the cautious Agila, the most powerful of the remaining gothic lords, and yet so weak before the rise of Al-Andalus
You probably noticed that the last update wasn't really about "alternate" history. Indeed, it's basically what really happened in Gaul during these years.
But as nobody is supposed to know well the story of VIII° Gaul, I've inclued this update for a better lecture.
In order to improve comprehension, I'm making a glossary for the timeline. If you have even a question or a doubt, please put the word within, i'll quickly put the definitions or the equivalent.
But as nobody is supposed to know well the story of VIII° Gaul, I've inclued this update for a better lecture.
---
In order to improve comprehension, I'm making a glossary for the timeline. If you have even a question or a doubt, please put the word within, i'll quickly put the definitions or the equivalent.
The severity of the new governor of Al-Andalus could be what allowed him to be victor upon his enemies and rivals, it created him another ones in the same time.
Furthermore his moral rectitude and fidelity to the Caliphal's interests carried the hostility of many nobles that not fought 'Abd al-'Aziz so much for the Caliph than for their own interests.
Even of a Qais origin, his relations and supporters made him more incline to surround himself with the few Kalbit nobles present in the province.
Two things were susceptible to maintain the cohesion of the rulers of Al-Andalus.
The first one was to kept the social distance between Arabs, whatever their allegiance, and the Muwalladi. After their conquests, the vanquished populations often viewed on the conversion a way of escaping a too important dominance.
But the Caliphal finances, as the local ones, relied greatly on the Ğizyah and Ḫarāj taxes payed by the dhimmī. So when peoples as the Berbers were massively converting themselves, their Arabs rulers still make them pay the taxes they payed as non-Muslims.
ʿUmar II, who ascended to the Caliphal throne in 717, tried to right this system and made the land-based tax, the Ḫarāj, based on the personality of the land and not of his owner. If the land was owned by a Christian during the conquest, of his following owners and even the Muslims ones have to pay the tax for their “Christian” land.
In addition to make bear the fiscal weight more fairly, it slowed the inveiglement of Christian lands at low prices by Muslims nobles as they had to pay taxes on it.
But the Arabs nobles in the provinces were opposed to any fiscal and social change regarding the treatment of non-Arabs. Usually a strict follower of Caliphate's policies, Al-Hurr didn't enforced the desire of ʿUmar II totally, allowing the Arabs to not pay this tax.
At the other extremity of Islamic society, the Berbers weren't satisfied with that, as it legalized a situation in contradiction with Muslims teachings and institutionalized the fact to make pay to converts the same taxes as the Christians.
The fiscal issue wasn't enough to divert the Arabs faction of their hostilities towards each others. During the conquest of Hispania, the dissensions between factions and communities were relatively lowered by the perspective of new lands and wealth to conquer, for their personal glory and before all, the glory of God.
But the last pockets of lands in Al-Andalus fighting the power of the walī were crushed, the Christian as the rebellious Muslims.
Even if he removed the lands taken by the Berbers during 'Abd al-'Aziz rebellion, as he allowed them to settle the lands given to nobles fighting him, Al-Hurr nevertheless accorded to their most powerful leaders, as Uthman ibn Naissa (better known as Munusa) powers relative to their people, as Gotandolos ruled the Christians for the Arabs.
By giving the Berbers the northerner lands of Al-Andalus, he prepared raids against the Christians still independents.
At the end of 717, a first raid led by Al-Samh ibn Malik al-Khawlani and Munusa pillaged the southern side of Cantabrian Mountains and another in the beginning of 718 allowed to garrisoned the cities and strong place taken, as Amaia, Lugo, Iria yet important for the Christian Dukes protection and strength.
Lugo, particularly was an important place not because of its declining population, but because of its roman wall that allowed to control the roads between Galicia and Lusitania safely.
Al-Hurr planned first to raid the northern side of the Mountains, hoping to get what of the treasure of Visigothic Kings that escaped from the two captures of Toleto, in 714 and 717.
But a new even changed all : the count Ardo and nobles discontent of Agila's policy launched an open war against the Visigothic King, who had no other way than letting Narbo to shelter in Barcino.
The king's opposers blamed his policy toto ensure his rule on Tarraconesa at the cost of Septimanian nobles efforts, and the presence of Gotandolos exiled from the peninsula and searching to build an alliance with Al-Hurr in order to gain back their possessions allowed the rebels to create ties with the walī.
Narbo's defense was let to the count Gilbèrt, loyal to Agila, while the king managed to keep control of Tarraconesan cities.
Ardo was declared king some times after in Baeterrae where the count Sunifred was defeated in March of 718. Indeed, Ardo and his supporters where essentially present in the hinterland, and if they took the majority of the passes between Tarraconesa and Septimania, the coastal Septimania and the Tarraconesa remained on supporters of Agila's hands.
Al-Hurr saw here the occasion to expand the border of the Caliphate to the north, and reaching the Gaul, a country even richer in wealth and lands than Hispania.
Ironically, the revolt in Septimania saved the northern Christian duchies from their extinction or at least, their reduction into Gotandolos states.
Letting the country for a raid, would have gave rebellious ideas and he feared a rebellion led by a charismatic leader as 'Abd al-'Aziz. Even guarantor of Caliphal and Arabic interests, he understood that the radical classes separation in Al-Andalus entertained unavoidable frictions that had to be watched.
He asked then for reinforcement to 'ʿUmar, hoping that a contingent of Syrians Arabs would somewhat make the Qais less powerful in the province. The Caliph agreed on that proposition, willing to preserve the caliphal order in the western provinces.
To command this expedition, ʿUmar send his cousin Maslamah ibn Abd al-Malik. This one was an Umayyad prince, a particularly skilled commander.
But his failure before Constantinople in 718, at least the failure of badly prepared expedition of reinforcement, cost him his favor in Dimashq.
Both for punishing him for the outcome of Constantinople's siege and to send away a general still popular among the Arabs that followed him, and to send someone close enough to Umayyad's interests to not betray; 'ʿUmar give him the order to goes in Al-Andalus and to help Al-Hurr.
Maslamah only reached Al-Andalus' shores in July of 718, letting enough time for Agila to search an ally in order to defeat Ardo. As making such agreement with Al-Hurr or a fortiori the little and weakened duchies of Cantabrian mountains, the king had no choice but calling for Odo of Aquitaine.
In exchange of the acknowledgment of Odo's suzerainty for Septimania, Agila asked the duke to help him defeating the septimanian rebels. Odo agreed on that, interested on having a foot in a until then hostile land, where the raids didn't came on a possible domination.
The Duke of Aquitania send his son Unàlt to helm the count Gilbèrt, who feared a siege. The count acted more or less as the leader of loyalist nobles, being supported mainly by the storming of Beterrae, Nemaustus, Carcasso and Magalona, and the bishop of Elna, Sunired.
Vera of Barbastro changed side at the news of Maslamah's arrival and the asked the walī of Al-Andalus to help him against Agila, inviting the Muslims in the Kingdom of Gothia, with the pretext to answer the call of an ally.
Al-Hurr prepared quickly an army and joined it to the Maslamah's expedition, reaching the Ebre in September. There, once the Gotandolos army of Vera and his supporters, they began to march towards Barcino.
In the north, Ardo managed to take the cities of Agate, Carcasso and Ruscino, as the agilean forces were diverted by the rebels in Tarraconesa. However, the Aquitano-Gothic army was approaching and it would have been deadly for his cause, if he didn't managed to take of Narbo after 6 months of siege.
His supporters couldn't find someone to represent their interest, as close to the throne than Ardo, and when the noble Aluric was elected for represented them, they didn't dare give him another title than Dux Gothorum.
Maybe they searched a reconciliation with Agila, in order to put a legitimacy under their conquest and to impose him Aluric as a real ruler, as Charles for the Franks. But not the northern loyalist recognized him, neither Agila who was fighting the incoming Muslim expedition.
Unàlt of Aquitaine, if he managed to get back Beterrae and its region, refused to advance further and waited the evolution of the situation, while protecting the northern Septimania from Aluric.
In October of 718, Al-Hurr and Maslamah were in sight of Barcino with 9,000 men. Considering Agila's forces, they agreed on separating themselves and Maslamah stand besieging the city with 3,000 men, whom the half was Syrian.
Al-Hurr continued and crossed the Pyrenees at the pass of Ares. He advanced in the direction of the coast, after having took the region of Girona and make a treaty with the local nobles.
Another part of his army probably have crossed the chain by Libyae, but it's not recorded not by Christian nor Islamic sources.
When the walī was before Elna, he learned about the news of the South : Barcino fell and the Christians of Tarraconesa submitted.
As the besieged tried to break the Islamic army, the Syrian infantry managed to contain the Visigoths and to kill Agila as he returned into the city.
Once the corpse was carried within the walls, the defenders agreed on the situation being desperate and the count Cassidius was sent to negotiate.
With the last region of Tarraconesa still under the rule of Narbo falling and turned into a Gotandolos principality, the fall of the remaining Visigothic nobles in Septimania seemed unavoidable.
The Visigothic Kingdom is considered being fell at this date, his capital lost and his last king died in battle.
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So, it was done. As the song of their priests echoed within the city, from the sacred walls of the cathedral church, Sunired really took conscience of what happened.
The corpse of the deceased king didn't had the time to be buried under his ground, and today, Sunired had to preside on his burial. While saying the consecrated words, he had a last thought for Agila : maybe he wasn't the right kind of man for these times, but who was indeed?
At least, he tried to do his beat, being surrounded by war and treachery. It seemed to Sunired that his entrance within his court belonged to another life. But its was only seven year past, when he was sent by Pelaio to give Agila the votive crown of his father.
Appreciated by Agila, among others things for his proximity to the clergy of Toletum, he was entrusted soon by the bishopric seat of Elna and when Ardo openly attacked the king, Sunired followed him in Barcino.
All misery have an end, and his own would have certainly open the doors of God's domain. What for the remaining?
Considering how few where here, some would have been thought of the last ceremony of a disgraced noble. But this few was among the mightiest names of the peninsula : Cassidius, Bera, Radon, Denysius...and, outside, the conqueror of the town.
It was probably when Masalamo entered in town, victorious and looking the riches of Barcino amassed before him that Sunired understood something have changed in this world.
The same men that entered twice in Toletum for pillaging it, were not black-faced monsters, but they looked just as the peasants of Betica he saw when he was younger.
They didn't looked as evil offspring, but just as the men who defended the walls. As all the man living of war, they're just brutal and low customs. How he could have described such men as demonic, when the man and women saw too much of their kind?
If the questions about the end of all things always hanged, and if he had to deal with them as the bishop of the city died during the siege, how could explain that the leader of these troops cared about the order and respect of his words by all?
When Maslamo ordered to punish three of his soldiers that transgressed the treaty by raping the wife of a notable, when they have saw their own hands and foot cutted from their body, how to explain that the end was near if God give enough rightness into this man?
As he finished to give the right and final sacraments to the corpse of Agila, he thought about all surrounded him.
What his place will be in a time where a gigantic wave covered all of his universe?
As he asked to Cassidius why they submitted now, Agila just dead and his body still having the colors of life, the answer of the count frozen him.
What choice do we have? I won't continue an hopeless fight just for his remembrance, nor for our honor. And if you'll say me that dying, and let the people of this city alone face to these heretics, is what we're suppose to do for pleasuring the heavens, then be careful to not giving them the reason to vanquish us.
All of the harsh discourse of the count, one sentence still echoed in his mind.
What other choice do we have?
Even now, he was still under the joke of his own disillusions. Since his departure of Toletum, he prayed for knowing the answer of this question.
Probably he'll never know.
The corpse of the deceased king didn't had the time to be buried under his ground, and today, Sunired had to preside on his burial. While saying the consecrated words, he had a last thought for Agila : maybe he wasn't the right kind of man for these times, but who was indeed?
At least, he tried to do his beat, being surrounded by war and treachery. It seemed to Sunired that his entrance within his court belonged to another life. But its was only seven year past, when he was sent by Pelaio to give Agila the votive crown of his father.
Appreciated by Agila, among others things for his proximity to the clergy of Toletum, he was entrusted soon by the bishopric seat of Elna and when Ardo openly attacked the king, Sunired followed him in Barcino.
All misery have an end, and his own would have certainly open the doors of God's domain. What for the remaining?
Considering how few where here, some would have been thought of the last ceremony of a disgraced noble. But this few was among the mightiest names of the peninsula : Cassidius, Bera, Radon, Denysius...and, outside, the conqueror of the town.
It was probably when Masalamo entered in town, victorious and looking the riches of Barcino amassed before him that Sunired understood something have changed in this world.
The same men that entered twice in Toletum for pillaging it, were not black-faced monsters, but they looked just as the peasants of Betica he saw when he was younger.
They didn't looked as evil offspring, but just as the men who defended the walls. As all the man living of war, they're just brutal and low customs. How he could have described such men as demonic, when the man and women saw too much of their kind?
If the questions about the end of all things always hanged, and if he had to deal with them as the bishop of the city died during the siege, how could explain that the leader of these troops cared about the order and respect of his words by all?
When Maslamo ordered to punish three of his soldiers that transgressed the treaty by raping the wife of a notable, when they have saw their own hands and foot cutted from their body, how to explain that the end was near if God give enough rightness into this man?
As he finished to give the right and final sacraments to the corpse of Agila, he thought about all surrounded him.
What his place will be in a time where a gigantic wave covered all of his universe?
As he asked to Cassidius why they submitted now, Agila just dead and his body still having the colors of life, the answer of the count frozen him.
What choice do we have? I won't continue an hopeless fight just for his remembrance, nor for our honor. And if you'll say me that dying, and let the people of this city alone face to these heretics, is what we're suppose to do for pleasuring the heavens, then be careful to not giving them the reason to vanquish us.
All of the harsh discourse of the count, one sentence still echoed in his mind.
What other choice do we have?
Even now, he was still under the joke of his own disillusions. Since his departure of Toletum, he prayed for knowing the answer of this question.
Probably he'll never know.
Seriously, is someone actually reading this? It's kind of a work to make the updates, and with no returns about what need to be improved or the eventual questions...
Well, just for saying this impression to talking to myself isn't as enjoying it seems. In fact, it's kind of demotivating.
Well, just for saying this impression to talking to myself isn't as enjoying it seems. In fact, it's kind of demotivating.
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Don't be discouraged.
I am still reading this TL with great interest, even if because of my limited knowledge of the conquista I don't know what to say.
Continue!
I am still reading this TL with great interest, even if because of my limited knowledge of the conquista I don't know what to say.
Continue!
This is quite the point, i would have at least some returns on the glossary i made for improving such obscures elements for a first reading.
Well...It's a in-TL map and the map-maker didn't cared that much about, as he was of french origin and more worry about the situation in Gaul, and...you know...all that...*cough*...
Ok, it's an old map i've made corresponding to what i've done in the previous incarnation of the TL, and i didn't wanted to remade it only for minor modifications. I admit it.
But Caliphate's progress in Septimania weren't that importants : at the end of the year only the southern extremity is on their hands, the remaining to rebel visigothic nobles (that will join them quickly, it's true).
Anyway, maybe some of your questions will find their answers in the next update (in 3 hours maybe).