Eagles and Hawks
- Thread starter LSCatilina
- Start date
Thanks. But i can assure you you'll soon see something new about Sunired. In fact, many other things.Sunired might return as an old man, or at least descendants of the column might have that chance.
Keep it up, LSCatilina!
Should I start reading the older version ? Or should I just wait for the second part of this one ?
Well, this re-writing isn't modyfing greatly the TL : it changes places for battles, names, some situations, more precisions about how things are going and add musics. But it would end the same : with a christian band of territory from Galicia to Barcino passing trough Pyrenees under relativly independent hands and with a Umayyad Al-Andalus based on Sevilla with more different factions.
I think i'll make the heavy re-writing up to 720's, after that it would be basically the same, with Maslamah still being wali of Al-Andalus (but with more participation of gotandolos) until 719. You'll may have some modified passages in the same text, tough.
So, if you want to read the previous version, you'll not be too confused with the re-writing after.
I think I'll just wait for an update on this thread. I really don't like to have to catch up on long threads, and reading this for the first time as you post one update at a time keeps my interest higher.
Minor adds in previous updates. For avoiding you the trouble to reread all that :
Guilmond (OTL Olemundo), a son of Vitiza join directly Tariq before the Battle of Nebrissa. He eventually became important in the land between Lusitania and Baetica, founding the family of Banū Awilmūn. These lands probably were royal ones, most probably with the one depending of Hispalis's bishopry. This add would likely be due to the fact that Oppa had tried to act alone by claiming the crown.
I know that the traditionnal indentification of Olemundo is Oppa. But seriously i think it's more due to a geographical and historical indentification than a study of the name. So, except if someone have a better idea, i choose Guilmond.
Ardebast (OTL Ardabasto) is count of Cordova as OTL. He joined Tarif when this one took or entered in the city in 711 because of its opposition to Rodericans and Agila. He founded the family of Banū Arțabās. It's not clear if it's a son of Vitiza, the brother of Agila or its cousin. The Kumis Arțabās have an important local role with surrounding lands.
He's not be confused with Ardubās, the arabic name of Ardo. Admittly, the duke Ardo was maybe part of the vitizean family, explaining the share of name and its alliance with Arabo-Berbers during its revolt.
Meanwhile, other vitizeans were allowed to have a certain power in the region, until they united with the Banū Arțabās, making the family being quite powerful, influencing probably the choice of Emerita and Hispalis as capital of Al-Andalus.
Guilmond (OTL Olemundo), a son of Vitiza join directly Tariq before the Battle of Nebrissa. He eventually became important in the land between Lusitania and Baetica, founding the family of Banū Awilmūn. These lands probably were royal ones, most probably with the one depending of Hispalis's bishopry. This add would likely be due to the fact that Oppa had tried to act alone by claiming the crown.
I know that the traditionnal indentification of Olemundo is Oppa. But seriously i think it's more due to a geographical and historical indentification than a study of the name. So, except if someone have a better idea, i choose Guilmond.
Ardebast (OTL Ardabasto) is count of Cordova as OTL. He joined Tarif when this one took or entered in the city in 711 because of its opposition to Rodericans and Agila. He founded the family of Banū Arțabās. It's not clear if it's a son of Vitiza, the brother of Agila or its cousin. The Kumis Arțabās have an important local role with surrounding lands.
He's not be confused with Ardubās, the arabic name of Ardo. Admittly, the duke Ardo was maybe part of the vitizean family, explaining the share of name and its alliance with Arabo-Berbers during its revolt.
Meanwhile, other vitizeans were allowed to have a certain power in the region, until they united with the Banū Arțabās, making the family being quite powerful, influencing probably the choice of Emerita and Hispalis as capital of Al-Andalus.
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]In February of 713, he attacked anew Lusitania. Indeed as Pelaio's domain was crumbling and Agila contented itself to rule his own without intervening in peninsular matters, Lusitania became a more vulnerable target to campaigns.
But the nobles of the province were aware of the danger that the young Islamic leader represented and as they searched allies, Froia, duke of Galicia and one of the most important lords of the kingdom answered them.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]When ‘Abd al-‘Aziz began his campaign by taking again Scalabis, forcing the city to recognize the treaty passed with his father, the Galicians advanced in direction of lusitanian lands. Froia had hardly managed to assemble as many men as ‘Abd al-‘Aziz but he hoped for eventual reinforcements from Lusitanians.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]As advanced north in order to fight Froia, Hasan ibn Amr besieged in March the city of Olisipo that refused to recognize caliphate domination.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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‘[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Abd al-‘Aziz seems to have deliberately avoided the main roman road, and instead used coastal way to reach Froia. The only supposition made so far suggest that or the roman road was in bad condition due to the civil war and the lack of maintain that ensued.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Reinforced with local armies, raised in submitted cities in the south of the province, the Islamic expedition reached the Ria de Aveiro, approximately near the modern place of Santo Tome. Here he waited the army of Froia.
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]When the duke came the 15 (or 25) April, he understood that if ‘Abd al-‘Aziz could count on reinforcement from Beticae or Carthaginensis, he have only his current forces to fight. He had to attack first, even by crossing the river.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Froia tried to cover the crossing by making his bowmen to attack the front of Islamic army, with first some success as the Berber infantryman had to go back. [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But when the Visigothic cavalry began to move, the Gotandolos who stood at the right flank managed to slow down them, giving enough time to Berbers to withdraw and to counter-attack after that the heavy Arab cavalry helped the Christians to push back the Visigoths on the other side of the river.
Eventually the army of ‘Abd al-‘Aziz managed to almost entirely surround the Visigothic army on the other side of the river, forcing it to slowly goes back on the north-east. At this moment, following the common scheme of these times, Froia was killed during the battle and his troops disbanded and fled while being pursued by gothic cavalry.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Christian records didn't mention the part played by Gotandolos in this battle, presenting the fight as a battle between Christian Visigoths and Muslims Saracens. Meanwhile the Islamic records were clear on it, emphasizing on the collaboration of the submitted nobles of southern Hispania, it wouldn't be before 1703 that the Galician historian Mauriço Solla would relate that, admittedly in order to underline the “traditional opposition and hostility between Galicians and Spanniards”[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]In the same time [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]'[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Uzmán ibn[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif] Abi 'Abda, a companion of [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]‘Abd al-‘Aziz[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif] advanced in the Tago's valley, eventually taking without important fight the city of Egitania in June, the former capital of Roderic.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]If the Visigoths were beaten, suffering important loss and another humiliating defeat that allowed ‘Abd al-‘Aziz to eventually to take Magnetum; the count Alvito managed to gather the remnants of Galician army and to join the city of Bracara. Here he was proclaimed duke of Galicia by his troops.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]This proclamation by the army isn't unusual, but Alvito must have been or a relative of the deceased Duke or part of his close clientele. However his claim wouldn't be recognized by all, that would have an incidence during the campaign he would have to face the next year[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Islamics leaders couldn't yet exploit their advantage and the relatively troubled situation among the Galicians. Indeed, Musa, once turned back in Hispania, decided to take in hand the situation in the north of the peninsula.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]As Pelaio have to face a revolt (as recorded by al-Mour but it could be actually a raid) in Asturias where his most sure and loyal bases are and forcing him to deal with that, Musa planned to use that to secure the Islamic positions on Tago River, by gaining the control of the Sierra Central. Asking for troops being in Lusitania and the help of his son, leading to an argument with his son according to Ibn Yusuf, the wali let enough time to Alvito to organize its army.
As Musa and ‘Abd al-‘Aziz advanced in the highlands, and eventually reached the city of Secovica. But as they began to march towards Salmantica, Alvito moved his army towards south and the still troublesome Lusitanian nobles and set up an army with these ones, led by the count Ioannes, in Conimbriga.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]With 4 000 or 5 000 men, the nobles were in position to face the forces of [FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]'[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Uzmán, who had probably only the two third of it. Nevertheless, the Muslim leader faced the threat and advanced in Lusitania.[/FONT][/FONT] Searching to gather as much troops he can, he ordered Hasan to join him, ending the siege of Olisipo.
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But as the situation appeared as promising for the Visigoths, the traditional tenses between Lusitanian and Galicians appeared anew.[/FONT][/FONT]
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[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Accordingly to Ibn Yusuf : [/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The two lords quarreled over who would be the precedence in their agreement. The duke Alwit [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif](Alvito)[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif] argued that because he gave the more troops and as he have the most prestigious title, he had the right to command both in battle and in peace. [/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But Ajuan [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif](Ioannes) [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]argued that the duke Alwit was in his lands and that he didn't have a great legitimacy to being anything else than the one who managed to gather a disbanding army, being not the son or the chosen among the nobles of Jalikiah[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif] (Galicia)[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]This dispute continued until [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]'Uzmán reached the region and proposed the peace to the Goths, with much more benefits for them than a war where they would have all loose. Then the friends and companions of Ajuan said him :[/FONT]
“[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Alwit would want to steal us all our power, in order to became king of all the country. Our farms and lands would be under a foreign law when we remained free until he came from the North.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif] Truly, we would have more interest by agreeing to the conditions of 'Uzmán that grant us the respect of our rights.”[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But Ajuan [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif](Ioannes) [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]argued that the duke Alwit was in his lands and that he didn't have a great legitimacy to being anything else than the one who managed to gather a disbanding army, being not the son or the chosen among the nobles of Jalikiah[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif] (Galicia)[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]This dispute continued until [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]'Uzmán reached the region and proposed the peace to the Goths, with much more benefits for them than a war where they would have all loose. Then the friends and companions of Ajuan said him :[/FONT]
“[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Alwit would want to steal us all our power, in order to became king of all the country. Our farms and lands would be under a foreign law when we remained free until he came from the North.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif] Truly, we would have more interest by agreeing to the conditions of 'Uzmán that grant us the respect of our rights.”[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]When the duke Alwit asked the Algharbis [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif](Lusitanians)[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif] to join his forces before the battle to attack 'Uzmán before he could siege the city, they refused and if they didn't join the Muslim army, they disbanded and let Alwit alone with his own troops and companions.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Clearly demoralized by these defections, and maybe slightly outnumbered by Arabo-Berber forces, the Galicians loose the battle who took place in late June (traditionally situated the 24 June, without real proof of it) and where again forced to flee to rejoin the north.[/FONT]
Indeed, the city faced a siege where the Visigothic forces were greatly outnumbered, because of the campaign led by Pelaio but also because Musa's forces were reinforced by the ones of his son.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif] But as he was finally in sight of the city, he could only seen that the city was taken. Cursing his fate, he had to return in his mountains while the victorious Arabs were resting in Salmantica.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Iose Santxo, “History of Northern Spannia”[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The count Viderio was indeed convinced by Musa to submit, taking for himself a city whom he had only a temporary charge, but or his posterity wasn't remarkable or existent, or he was replaced by someone else, there's no mention of him beyond this point.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]As Pelaio was withdrawing to finally take place in Legio, ‘Abd al-‘Aziz obtained the surrender of other cities in the Duero basin as Albucella (nowadays Albòsell), ending the campaign in July or August.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]In Galicia, Tarif purchased the army of Alvito while [FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]'Uzmán crushed the last pockets of resistance in the Sierra Occidental. Besieged in Bracara, the duke couldn't react to the plunder of Tude or Lameco. The southern Galicia threatened to pass on Caliphate's control, with the support of nobles hostiles to the self-proclamation of Alvito as duke.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But, as Tarif wasn't under the walls of the former suevic capitol, having let to 'Uzmán the responsibility of the siege, Alvito managed to fight back against a diminished army.[/FONT][/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Anyway, [FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]'Uzmán died during the fight and the army withdraw to join Tarif.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Surprisingly, Alvito send envoys to the Berber leader, asking him for peace and acceptance of his submission in exchange of a tribute and acknowledgment of Islamic's suzerainty.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Tarif accepted this agreement, mainly because a campaign in the galician highlands would be hard to do with his current troops : Alvito as a vassal could take care of that for him with maybe more efficiency.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Interestingly this treaty between Muslims and Galicians would be the basis of the relation between Galicia and Al-Andalus for two centuries and even if it was subject to modifications and denial, it was officially denounced only in 1038 by the king of Galicia, admittedly long after he ended to function effectively.[/FONT]
Tarif could finally take care of the regions still fighting the Islamic rule, and took Olisipo, as the city couldn't count on any reinforcment after the total defeat of Lusitanian and Galician armies.
The campaigns in Lusitania and Galicia have been largely interpreted as predictive of the future expension of the Kingdom of Galicia, and the entente between nobles from the two provinces as a base of Galician nation. However, as we saw, the actions of visigothic nobles were more comanded by their immediate and local interest rather than a sentiment of national or even cultural unity among the elite, a fortiori among the people.
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As the autumn came in Hispania, the situation didn't have greatly evolved but showed that the general tendency reinforced itself, as the northern nobles didn't managed to keep their lands (that were, it's true, more marches for protecting their real strong points than vital regions), and as the Muslims managed to gain the support of nobles leased by the formers kings or dukes before 711.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Only Agila was still standing as a rather strong figure, both preserving the royal dignity and his lands against invasion. But so far, he didn't had to really fight as the Islamic effort was mainly turned against former rodericians and independents nobles from highlands.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]As this ones were strongly defeated, Musa would turn himself on the untouched lands of the North-East.[/FONT]
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I'm just thinking about that : while the re-writing of Lusitanian campaign seems to me quite good especially regarding the previous version being quite vague regarding the protagonists and the motives, i'm wondering about the campaigns in the Sierra Central against Pelaio.
Maybe i'm too vague here, should i precise some things or let the stuff like it is now?
Maybe i'm too vague here, should i precise some things or let the stuff like it is now?
711 - 714
The conquest of Hispania
(4/4)
The conquest of Hispania
(4/4)
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]In 713, the Arabo-Berbers have conquered the half of the peninsula. From Duero's mouth to Tago's source, from Hispalis to Salmantica, Hispania was controlled by the Umayyads or, at least, by the walī of Ifriqiya.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]If Agila's domain had knew a relative peace while the other Visigothic lords had to fight and eventually being defeated before Islamic forces, the wealthy valley of Ebre, the eastern coast and the fertile Septimania couldn't interest the Arabo-Berber. When the remaining lords and dukes have been forced to refugee themselves in the much poorer and therefore less interesting or attainable highlands, the lands of the Visigothic king would have became sooner or later reached by the winds of war.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But, as Agila legitimacy and power were far more respected in the North-East than any Visigothic noble could hope for himself in his own lands, there were many a slip' twixt the cup and the lip for Musa.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Lands untouched by war meant richer lands but also stronger army, in this case a more loyal one to fight as the nobility not only supporter his king during all the succession crisis but also because of the example that western provinces gave us.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But if Musa nor 'Abd al-'Aziz wanted to move in this end of 713, another campaigns would eventually launch the war against the king of Narbo.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Since 711, Theodemir, duke of Aurariola, managed to keep off his main lands the Arabo-Berber. Another expedition led by a unknown Islamic noble named by the Christians “Anbasa”(even if some historian have advanced that it could have been the latinized form of Hasan ibn Amr) was anew stopped by the duke near Cartagonova. Even if the Muslims managed to flee while keeping the result of the plunder of Lurca and if this independent duchy wasn't a threat to the now mainly Umayyad-controlled Hispania, Muslims nobles were eager to crush its resistance.
Ayyub, the nephew of Musa and cousin of 'Abd al-'Aziz launched a campaign of his own by attacking the duchy by the North. But having to use roman roads his troops were soon front of Valentia, occupied by Ardo's forces. If the Septimanian noble weren't in the city, the count Eodo was in charge of its defense.
Believing that Ayyub wanted to attack the city, he prepared the defense and gathered the troops within the city, waiting for reinforcement.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]As the lands were deserted by the Visigothic armies, the Arabo-Berbers decided to provide themselves with the resources and the riches being in the countryside. Soon, the goal was forgotten and only a small expedition took Dunia, in Theodemir's land, but mainly for lay hands on a flotilla to possibly block a support for Valentia coming by sea.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Eventually, the Visigoths have to go out and attack the besieger, only to be dramatically defeated by Ayyub. The Muslim leader took Valentia right after the battle, surrounding totally the Duchy of Aurariola by Umayyad controlled lands.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Muslims scholars depict Ayyub a[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]s consumed with jealousy [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]towards his cousin and eager to show that he was too a war leader, worth of admiration and of Musa's succession. Anyway, he didn't contented himself with the the capture of a rich and strategic city and decided to move north, being confident in his strength and the weakness of Visigoths.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]In the late part of 713, maybe November, he advanced until reaching Saguntum where he received a envoy from his uncle commanding him to stay here until himself could reach the valley of Ebra.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Indeed, it's the walī entered in a great rage when he learned about his nephew's exploit. If he was thinking for attacking Agila, the actions of Ayyub were too premature.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But, according to ibn Yusuf[/FONT]
[/FONT] [FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]As the Arabo-Berber were gathering for a new raid, waiting for the spring coming again (as we know, the winter during the first quarter of VIII° were really mild, making spring coming around February) to move against Agila; the Visoghtic king prepared himself for war, gathering his own troops and commanding to his vassals to raise their own.
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But even if Musa didn't turned in Maghreb and Ifriqiya in order to raise more men as the previous year, they were enough in Hispania to make such an important campaign.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]In November, 'Abd al-'Aziz had already taken Celtiberia's cities, whom we don't know if they were submitted or not to Agila : Arcavica, Cumplutum and Recopolis to only quote the most important.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]During the winter and the first part of 714, the absence of fight have made certain Gothic nobles think :[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]If their bitterness was more turned against southern nobility than Agila, that they supported as long he maintained their interest against the continuous tentatives from the peninsula (Christian or Islamic) to force them to adopt a submissive attitude; the tensions created were a great problem for the king who needed an united army to avoid the defeat the western and divided nobles knew.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Eventually, Agila had to led the army himself and to force some reluctant nobles from North or unmotivated ones from South to do so. Finally, he choose to wait his opponent at Cesaracosta.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Indeed the city was not only one of the most important in the kingdom, both by population (around 10 000 inhabitants) and influence (political, cultural and religious), but also have important fortifications that[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Just before Musa reached Cesaracosta and Ebre's valley, Agila already had to reduce his forces as the Franks (or the Aquitains, for the Anonymous of Elna) were making a raid against the Septimania who asked the return of his armies in order to organise a defense.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Before entering in Ebre's valley directly, 'Abd al-'Aziz let some troops here and quickly reinforced the old fortifications of the city, while his father continued his advence.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The king had to send Ardo (maybe a relative to the king, as Ardebast of Corduba) in Septimania to satisfy to the demands of the northern nobles.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]It's then with approximately 6 000 men that he attacked Musa and his army (who had 4 000 infantrymen and 3 000 cavalrymen probably partially composed by Gotandolos) near the Echalon river and the roman road toward Cesaracosta.
As he attacked an army which just come out the mountains with fresh troops (slightly outnumbered and mainly composed by cavalry), Agila hoped in an eventual victory that would both push back Musa but also discourage his son to come down from [FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Bílbilis.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But, Musa expected an attack from the Goths and his scouts informed him about the move of Agila. Disposing his forces front of the Echalon and heights in their backs, he wanted to force Agile to led his own men between his army and the river, a very uneasy position to both deploying troops and change of formations.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Visigothic nobles, eager to fight, acted in accordance with walī's plans. While the horse charged the Berber infantrymen, slightly protected, the Arab and the Gotandolos stood beyond.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Agila's men managed soon to push in the Berber lines, but as they were before cavalrymen lines, this ones charged. The shock forced the Goths to withdraw only to found the Berber closing the way to north. As the Visigoths were blockaded by the river, the Arabs inflicted to their infantry many losses.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]With the strength born of desperation, Agila led the Visigothic cavalry against the Berber and split their ranks to rejoin Cesaracosta, seeing that the battle was turning in his greater disadvantage.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Visigoths have suffered important loss but nothing seemed utterly lost as Musa loose many Berber in the battle. Tough, the Muslims were controlled the way to the city and 'Abd al-'Aziz could reinforce the troops.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Soon Cesaracosta was on siege, and Agila only could count on northern reinforcements.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Learning about Musa's victory, Ayyub finally led his own troops against the Visigoths. In March, he was before Dertosa in April, the city that commanded the passage of Ebre for entering in Tarraconesa and Septimania.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Here the count Marcius attacked him, but he was quickly defeated as his troops fled the battlefield, probably because their ranks have been emptied by both Agila and Ardo.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Islamic scholars named the battle as "Kassara” (the Breaking), to emphasizing the outcome of the fight.
This story gave birth in the later Christian tradition to the legendary "Battle of Casora", where a Saracen helped by a pagan king would flee the Christian army of an unnamed king (or, more precisely, too many names for one king). The reusing of an Arab story with reversed roles, seems to have inspired 12th Century monastical propaganda during the second part of Reconquista.
Ayyub divided then his army. He led the main part himself to attack coastal cities while the other one was send to his uncle.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But as he besieged Tarraco, the city didn't surrendered, being both well fortified and benefiting to sea to supplying themselves. Symbolizing the resistance of the city, the metropolitan St Prospero deployed skills praised even by the Muslims besiegers, according to the Anonymous of Elna.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Letting an army to besiege the Visigoths, he seized Barcino in May, hoping to slow the help to Tarraco and having a base to resist a possible counter-attack.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Indeed, as Ardo had pushed back the raid in Septimania, and organized men to help the king and possibly take back the lands lost since the beginning of the year.
He argued that the lands beyond Pyrenees were threatened by the Islamic campaigns, and that Septimania too had to fear an invasion.
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The local nobles eventually followed him, but more willing to fight not for restore the southern lords in their possessions but likely to make Tarraconesa a buffer-zone that would absorb the Islamic raids.
While Musa and his son besieged Cesaracosta, Tarif led again a campaign in the highlands. It was made necessary by the constitution of a pyrenean army led by the count Garcea, composed by 3 000 men according to Ibn Yusuf.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Pyreneans highlanders, a mixed population with vascon, iberic, celtic, roman and germanic elements. If they were fiercely independents, the Islamic invasion must have worried enough the nobles of the mountains to decide them to help a king that have made little pressure on their local power instead to let newcomers, maybe less well disposed to accept their de facto autonomy, defeat him.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]At the end of a battle near Tutela, whom we know almost nothing, the Pyreneans were defeated and turned back in the mountains, keeping eventually their independence.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Vascones and the Cantabrians, that were until then untouched by war and having not helped not Pelaio nor Agila have then to face the waves of war. The upper valley of Ebre was taken and southern Cantabria as well at the notable exception of the fortified town of Amaia, main place of the Duke Petrus, that Tarif perhaps avoided because of its strength.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But he fought and vanquished the count Litorio at Pallantia lowering as well Pelaio's prestige.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The duke had even to submit himself and give Legio to Tarif in exchange of his vassality and the maintain of his lands in Asturias. Supreme humiliation, he renounced before the Berber to his title of Dominus Occidens, that the crushing of his power on the southern side of Cantabrian Mountains have took away all reality.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]It have been argued that Litorio was fighting for himself, as we don't have any record of a reaction of Pelaio against Tarif's campaign. But as the duke have stood against the Muslims attack almost alone, it's most probably because he didn't had enough resources to answer it then that he let the southern nobles deal with the new raid.
After the seizing of Legio, Tarif let other Muslims nobles continue his campaign in western regions, but even this ones were modest regarding the competence and capacities of the Berber general. Knowing the nature of Musa, he was maybe afraid of the effect of a too great victory on the walī attitude regarding himself.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Musa continuing his siege, and without hope of a quick help with the defeat of Garcea, Agila's the situation began to be desperate. The Arabo-Berbers have crossed the Ebre in many points, plundering the valley and having even took neighboring cities. Only Ardo could have helped the king.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But the Visigothic noble wanted to deal with Ayyub first. Of course, as this danger was closer from him and could seem to threaten the Septimania, it appears as a plausible reason. Yet, the main part of chroniclers and historians until the XIX presented this decision as a first sign of his duplicity : Ayyub wasn't that powerful and Ardo waited the defeat of Agila to proclaim himself leader of the Goths, dealing then with the Muslims to agree on their conditions.[/FONT]
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But all of that are suppositions, and we'll guard ourselves to pick a side on a academic controversy that often serve as a pretext in nationalist arguments between Spannians and Gòts.
During the siege, Agila show multiples signs of his usual piety, asking his companions to do so as well. If he didn't chase the Jews of Cesaracosta as he did in Narbo, he confiscated their valuables possessions and offered them to the Metropolitan see of the city.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]It's the explanation that Ibn Yusuf gave for the fall of the city the 4 of June.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Furthermore, the seizure of the city was difficult, and many Goths managed to reach the upper parts of the province, having killed an important part of the troops that the walī had dispatched for the operation.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Agila indeed agreed on conditions of surrender, giving up a large part of his kingdom--even parts unconquered--to Musa. He was kept upon the governor's hospitality until the Visigoths would make allegiance to the Caliph Walid.
But while Musa was victorious, the Goths were facing Ayyub at Barcino that he had took earlier. Here, the Muslims had to withdraw in front of Ardo's forces.
According to Continuatio Gotia, Ardo made contact with local nobles, coordinating attacks with them and eventually killing Ayyub. However this is an invention or a mistake of the chronicler as Ayyub eventually became governor of Al-Andalus.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]A bargain made by Ardo in order to allow the Arab noble fleeing without the plunder instead of fighting have been advanced too, without much proofs.
The hope of a quiet conquest of the province was eventually disappearing not only because of Ayyub's defeat, but also because of Agila's escape. The king indeed managed to flee the “benevolent and generous hospitality of the governor” like many Visigothic nobles, including Gotandolos ones that guarded him.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Promising them honors and lands that the ones who died during the siege and the battle have let, he joined the remnants of his army in the highlands where they outnumbered the original population, allowing Agila to keep the control of the region.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]At the the news of the defeat of Ayyub had apparently made some looting nobles of the highlands resuming attack against Muslims garrisons, not for taking back the lands, but to plunder the regions.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]While, the Muslims were unwilling to make a campaign for an uncertain booty in a really hostile region hosting an important part of the nobles who fled the occupied cities and regions to join Agila[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Considering this, Musa and his lieutenants proposed to Agila to keep a relative independence, but with respecting his oath to recognize the domination of the Muslims in Hispania as well their nominal suzerainty on his kingdom.
Agila agreed to that and the Ebre's valley would still stay in Islamic control, allowing them to cross easily the river to intervene in case of.
The final stalemate didn't minimized the great and quick victory of the Muslims over the Visigoths. A rich province, even if it was ravaged by 50 years of civil war (without talking about the Islamic invasion) was now added to the Umayyad Caliphate.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Caliphe Walid, didn't waiting that Musa ended the complete conquest of the peninsula, as pockets of resistance like the one that Theodemir led still existed, ordered the wali to came back at his court in Dimashq.[/FONT]
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This convocation was as well a reward and and a threat. Indeed, Musa have took a rich land and became therefore too powerful to avoid the prudent interest of the Caliphe. Still he knew that disobeying this order would be viewed as an act of rebellion and submitted.
The triumph of Musa in Dimashq, despite the council given by the counselor Sulayman to his brother to not glorify a man who could turn against him, made his reputation into a legend. The Caliph received with a great pleasure the rich booty of the campaign and the description of his new lands, and offered Musa a rich domain in Syria.
Musa remained in Dimashq until the death of Walid while his son governed Al-Andalus. He was one of the richest notables in the Umayyad capital, but the Caliph Sulayman accused him of dissimulating goods to Walid and exiled him during the rebellion that he son led in 715[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif] Finally, the conqueror of Al-Andalus died in 717 in misery and forgotten by his friends, while his son was executed and the ones he had submitted rose into the new Islamic society or strengthened their possession by exploiting the divisions among the Muslims.
Tradition mentions a book by Musa, the story of his conquest. If true, it is long lost. [/FONT]
But then, the domination of Umayyad in Hispania seemed almost complete, as the northern lords were all submitted and recognized Ummayad suzerainty.
We hasten to say that, at the contrary of a new "fashion" in the moder historiography, this submission wasn't comparable and a fortiori similar to the one of Gotandolos. The [FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]walī[/FONT] of Ifriqiya, then of Al-Andalus had little real power, except influence, in these lands and these territories would be in constant rebellion or war against him right after the year of 714.
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]If Agila's domain had knew a relative peace while the other Visigothic lords had to fight and eventually being defeated before Islamic forces, the wealthy valley of Ebre, the eastern coast and the fertile Septimania couldn't interest the Arabo-Berber. When the remaining lords and dukes have been forced to refugee themselves in the much poorer and therefore less interesting or attainable highlands, the lands of the Visigothic king would have became sooner or later reached by the winds of war.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But, as Agila legitimacy and power were far more respected in the North-East than any Visigothic noble could hope for himself in his own lands, there were many a slip' twixt the cup and the lip for Musa.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Lands untouched by war meant richer lands but also stronger army, in this case a more loyal one to fight as the nobility not only supporter his king during all the succession crisis but also because of the example that western provinces gave us.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But if Musa nor 'Abd al-'Aziz wanted to move in this end of 713, another campaigns would eventually launch the war against the king of Narbo.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Since 711, Theodemir, duke of Aurariola, managed to keep off his main lands the Arabo-Berber. Another expedition led by a unknown Islamic noble named by the Christians “Anbasa”(even if some historian have advanced that it could have been the latinized form of Hasan ibn Amr) was anew stopped by the duke near Cartagonova. Even if the Muslims managed to flee while keeping the result of the plunder of Lurca and if this independent duchy wasn't a threat to the now mainly Umayyad-controlled Hispania, Muslims nobles were eager to crush its resistance.
Ayyub, the nephew of Musa and cousin of 'Abd al-'Aziz launched a campaign of his own by attacking the duchy by the North. But having to use roman roads his troops were soon front of Valentia, occupied by Ardo's forces. If the Septimanian noble weren't in the city, the count Eodo was in charge of its defense.
Believing that Ayyub wanted to attack the city, he prepared the defense and gathered the troops within the city, waiting for reinforcement.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]As the lands were deserted by the Visigothic armies, the Arabo-Berbers decided to provide themselves with the resources and the riches being in the countryside. Soon, the goal was forgotten and only a small expedition took Dunia, in Theodemir's land, but mainly for lay hands on a flotilla to possibly block a support for Valentia coming by sea.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Eventually, the Visigoths have to go out and attack the besieger, only to be dramatically defeated by Ayyub. The Muslim leader took Valentia right after the battle, surrounding totally the Duchy of Aurariola by Umayyad controlled lands.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Muslims scholars depict Ayyub a[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]s consumed with jealousy [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]towards his cousin and eager to show that he was too a war leader, worth of admiration and of Musa's succession. Anyway, he didn't contented himself with the the capture of a rich and strategic city and decided to move north, being confident in his strength and the weakness of Visigoths.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]In the late part of 713, maybe November, he advanced until reaching Saguntum where he received a envoy from his uncle commanding him to stay here until himself could reach the valley of Ebra.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Indeed, it's the walī entered in a great rage when he learned about his nephew's exploit. If he was thinking for attacking Agila, the actions of Ayyub were too premature.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]As he thought first about disavowing his nephew's actions and sending to the Christian kings presents and apologizes about it, hoping to calm by deception Awila and attacking him in better conditions, his son talked among the noblemen gathered in Musa's council[/FONT]
“[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Ayyub may have made a dangerous action, both for him and for themselves, but he set an example for Muslims as he didn't feared the strength of his foes. Could we dishonor ourselves before the king of the Christian and before God's face when the Arabs could be victorious again if they follow the path of bravery?”[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Many nobles previously agreeing with Musa to settle the issue by confirming peace with Akila of the Spanni were touched by the discourse of the young leader and asked the walī to launch an attack immediately.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The explicatio[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]n of Mūrad ibn Qadir, if it's the most widespread, is not totally sufficient. Let's assume that Arabs saw here an opportunity to attack the Goths with their forces, putting an end to their hesitation by throwing themselves in battle. Agila would have been unable to take them back the territories they controlled in the peninsula and they have much to gain by defeating him.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But, according to ibn Yusuf[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Ayyub was infuriated by the fact that 'Abd al-'Aziz took himself his defense. As the envy consumed it, he malignantly decided to not move before the spring, arguing to problems for supply his troops.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Even if the reported facts already took place 350 years before ibn Yusuf wrote them, he could still show us that the inner fights of the Arabo-Berbers didn't wait the end of the conquest to show themselves and influence their politics.
[/FONT] [FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]As the Arabo-Berber were gathering for a new raid, waiting for the spring coming again (as we know, the winter during the first quarter of VIII° were really mild, making spring coming around February) to move against Agila; the Visoghtic king prepared himself for war, gathering his own troops and commanding to his vassals to raise their own.
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But even if Musa didn't turned in Maghreb and Ifriqiya in order to raise more men as the previous year, they were enough in Hispania to make such an important campaign.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]In November, 'Abd al-'Aziz had already taken Celtiberia's cities, whom we don't know if they were submitted or not to Agila : Arcavica, Cumplutum and Recopolis to only quote the most important.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]During the winter and the first part of 714, the absence of fight have made certain Gothic nobles think :[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]"Our enemies wouldn't attack now, as they threatened to do so. We don't see why we should desert our lands, letting them the prey to anyone who would want to plunder them, while we must stand to defend a foreign country."[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif] It was really the frame of mind of the Christian in these time to not consider the lands beyond the mountains as the same country than their own. As we would see, it would cause them many defeats.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Again, we have to praise Ibn Yusuf for his excellent appreciation of the of the conquest's context : the Lords and freemen of Septimania were actually seeing themselves as distinct from “Ispanuli” (the little, petty Hispanians), still calling themselves “Goths” but being named “Gauls” by the peninsular Visigoths.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]If their bitterness was more turned against southern nobility than Agila, that they supported as long he maintained their interest against the continuous tentatives from the peninsula (Christian or Islamic) to force them to adopt a submissive attitude; the tensions created were a great problem for the king who needed an united army to avoid the defeat the western and divided nobles knew.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Eventually, Agila had to led the army himself and to force some reluctant nobles from North or unmotivated ones from South to do so. Finally, he choose to wait his opponent at Cesaracosta.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Indeed the city was not only one of the most important in the kingdom, both by population (around 10 000 inhabitants) and influence (political, cultural and religious), but also have important fortifications that[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Akila decided to repair, critically the parts that suffered from the war between the Christian, in order to be supported by the strength of the city if he had to rely on it.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]In Febuary and March, as Musa and 'Abd al-'Aziz led their troops through Carthaginensis (reinforced by Arabs and Berbers still in Lusitania), capturing the town of [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Bílbilis, a dying town critically comparing to Cesaracosta but nevertheless benefiting of a good position over the southern Echalon's valley, being protected by the last line of the Iberic Mountains.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Just before Musa reached Cesaracosta and Ebre's valley, Agila already had to reduce his forces as the Franks (or the Aquitains, for the Anonymous of Elna) were making a raid against the Septimania who asked the return of his armies in order to organise a defense.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Before entering in Ebre's valley directly, 'Abd al-'Aziz let some troops here and quickly reinforced the old fortifications of the city, while his father continued his advence.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The king had to send Ardo (maybe a relative to the king, as Ardebast of Corduba) in Septimania to satisfy to the demands of the northern nobles.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]It's then with approximately 6 000 men that he attacked Musa and his army (who had 4 000 infantrymen and 3 000 cavalrymen probably partially composed by Gotandolos) near the Echalon river and the roman road toward Cesaracosta.
As he attacked an army which just come out the mountains with fresh troops (slightly outnumbered and mainly composed by cavalry), Agila hoped in an eventual victory that would both push back Musa but also discourage his son to come down from [FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Bílbilis.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But, Musa expected an attack from the Goths and his scouts informed him about the move of Agila. Disposing his forces front of the Echalon and heights in their backs, he wanted to force Agile to led his own men between his army and the river, a very uneasy position to both deploying troops and change of formations.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Visigothic nobles, eager to fight, acted in accordance with walī's plans. While the horse charged the Berber infantrymen, slightly protected, the Arab and the Gotandolos stood beyond.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Agila's men managed soon to push in the Berber lines, but as they were before cavalrymen lines, this ones charged. The shock forced the Goths to withdraw only to found the Berber closing the way to north. As the Visigoths were blockaded by the river, the Arabs inflicted to their infantry many losses.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]With the strength born of desperation, Agila led the Visigothic cavalry against the Berber and split their ranks to rejoin Cesaracosta, seeing that the battle was turning in his greater disadvantage.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Soon Cesaracosta was on siege, and Agila only could count on northern reinforcements.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Learning about Musa's victory, Ayyub finally led his own troops against the Visigoths. In March, he was before Dertosa in April, the city that commanded the passage of Ebre for entering in Tarraconesa and Septimania.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Here the count Marcius attacked him, but he was quickly defeated as his troops fled the battlefield, probably because their ranks have been emptied by both Agila and Ardo.[/FONT][/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Islamic scholars named the battle as "Kassara” (the Breaking), to emphasizing the outcome of the fight.
This story gave birth in the later Christian tradition to the legendary "Battle of Casora", where a Saracen helped by a pagan king would flee the Christian army of an unnamed king (or, more precisely, too many names for one king). The reusing of an Arab story with reversed roles, seems to have inspired 12th Century monastical propaganda during the second part of Reconquista.
Ayyub divided then his army. He led the main part himself to attack coastal cities while the other one was send to his uncle.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But as he besieged Tarraco, the city didn't surrendered, being both well fortified and benefiting to sea to supplying themselves. Symbolizing the resistance of the city, the metropolitan St Prospero deployed skills praised even by the Muslims besiegers, according to the Anonymous of Elna.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Letting an army to besiege the Visigoths, he seized Barcino in May, hoping to slow the help to Tarraco and having a base to resist a possible counter-attack.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Indeed, as Ardo had pushed back the raid in Septimania, and organized men to help the king and possibly take back the lands lost since the beginning of the year.
He argued that the lands beyond Pyrenees were threatened by the Islamic campaigns, and that Septimania too had to fear an invasion.
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The local nobles eventually followed him, but more willing to fight not for restore the southern lords in their possessions but likely to make Tarraconesa a buffer-zone that would absorb the Islamic raids.
While Musa and his son besieged Cesaracosta, Tarif led again a campaign in the highlands. It was made necessary by the constitution of a pyrenean army led by the count Garcea, composed by 3 000 men according to Ibn Yusuf.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Pyreneans highlanders, a mixed population with vascon, iberic, celtic, roman and germanic elements. If they were fiercely independents, the Islamic invasion must have worried enough the nobles of the mountains to decide them to help a king that have made little pressure on their local power instead to let newcomers, maybe less well disposed to accept their de facto autonomy, defeat him.[/FONT]
“[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Highlanders strong at theirs works, in peace as in war, as if they came not from men and women, but from theirs mountains themselves.”[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Iose Santxo, “The Medieval Pyrenees”[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]At the end of a battle near Tutela, whom we know almost nothing, the Pyreneans were defeated and turned back in the mountains, keeping eventually their independence.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Vascones and the Cantabrians, that were until then untouched by war and having not helped not Pelaio nor Agila have then to face the waves of war. The upper valley of Ebre was taken and southern Cantabria as well at the notable exception of the fortified town of Amaia, main place of the Duke Petrus, that Tarif perhaps avoided because of its strength.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But he fought and vanquished the count Litorio at Pallantia lowering as well Pelaio's prestige.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The duke had even to submit himself and give Legio to Tarif in exchange of his vassality and the maintain of his lands in Asturias. Supreme humiliation, he renounced before the Berber to his title of Dominus Occidens, that the crushing of his power on the southern side of Cantabrian Mountains have took away all reality.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]It have been argued that Litorio was fighting for himself, as we don't have any record of a reaction of Pelaio against Tarif's campaign. But as the duke have stood against the Muslims attack almost alone, it's most probably because he didn't had enough resources to answer it then that he let the southern nobles deal with the new raid.
After the seizing of Legio, Tarif let other Muslims nobles continue his campaign in western regions, but even this ones were modest regarding the competence and capacities of the Berber general. Knowing the nature of Musa, he was maybe afraid of the effect of a too great victory on the walī attitude regarding himself.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Musa continuing his siege, and without hope of a quick help with the defeat of Garcea, Agila's the situation began to be desperate. The Arabo-Berbers have crossed the Ebre in many points, plundering the valley and having even took neighboring cities. Only Ardo could have helped the king.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]But the Visigothic noble wanted to deal with Ayyub first. Of course, as this danger was closer from him and could seem to threaten the Septimania, it appears as a plausible reason. Yet, the main part of chroniclers and historians until the XIX presented this decision as a first sign of his duplicity : Ayyub wasn't that powerful and Ardo waited the defeat of Agila to proclaim himself leader of the Goths, dealing then with the Muslims to agree on their conditions.[/FONT]
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But all of that are suppositions, and we'll guard ourselves to pick a side on a academic controversy that often serve as a pretext in nationalist arguments between Spannians and Gòts.
During the siege, Agila show multiples signs of his usual piety, asking his companions to do so as well. If he didn't chase the Jews of Cesaracosta as he did in Narbo, he confiscated their valuables possessions and offered them to the Metropolitan see of the city.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]It's the explanation that Ibn Yusuf gave for the fall of the city the 4 of June.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]It's said in Kūția that an old Jew that lived close to a door of the city opened it during the night, in order to make cease the iniquities that Akila did against him and his family. He managed to agree with Musa before that, in order to protect them during the seizure of [/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Sarakusta.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif] The Christian wake up when the Muslims entered in the city, didn't understanding at first what happened. When they did it, Akila tried to led them but he was captured by his enemies and his troops fled the city, fighting to access the other doors.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Musa had ordered to capture Agila, hoping that a surrender of the king would allow the taking of Tarraconesa without fight, and maybe a pretext to invade the province of Septimania.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Furthermore, the seizure of the city was difficult, and many Goths managed to reach the upper parts of the province, having killed an important part of the troops that the walī had dispatched for the operation.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Agila indeed agreed on conditions of surrender, giving up a large part of his kingdom--even parts unconquered--to Musa. He was kept upon the governor's hospitality until the Visigoths would make allegiance to the Caliph Walid.
But while Musa was victorious, the Goths were facing Ayyub at Barcino that he had took earlier. Here, the Muslims had to withdraw in front of Ardo's forces.
According to Continuatio Gotia, Ardo made contact with local nobles, coordinating attacks with them and eventually killing Ayyub. However this is an invention or a mistake of the chronicler as Ayyub eventually became governor of Al-Andalus.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]A bargain made by Ardo in order to allow the Arab noble fleeing without the plunder instead of fighting have been advanced too, without much proofs.
The hope of a quiet conquest of the province was eventually disappearing not only because of Ayyub's defeat, but also because of Agila's escape. The king indeed managed to flee the “benevolent and generous hospitality of the governor” like many Visigothic nobles, including Gotandolos ones that guarded him.[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Promising them honors and lands that the ones who died during the siege and the battle have let, he joined the remnants of his army in the highlands where they outnumbered the original population, allowing Agila to keep the control of the region.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]At the the news of the defeat of Ayyub had apparently made some looting nobles of the highlands resuming attack against Muslims garrisons, not for taking back the lands, but to plunder the regions.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]While, the Muslims were unwilling to make a campaign for an uncertain booty in a really hostile region hosting an important part of the nobles who fled the occupied cities and regions to join Agila[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]Considering this, Musa and his lieutenants proposed to Agila to keep a relative independence, but with respecting his oath to recognize the domination of the Muslims in Hispania as well their nominal suzerainty on his kingdom.
Agila agreed to that and the Ebre's valley would still stay in Islamic control, allowing them to cross easily the river to intervene in case of.
The final stalemate didn't minimized the great and quick victory of the Muslims over the Visigoths. A rich province, even if it was ravaged by 50 years of civil war (without talking about the Islamic invasion) was now added to the Umayyad Caliphate.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]The Caliphe Walid, didn't waiting that Musa ended the complete conquest of the peninsula, as pockets of resistance like the one that Theodemir led still existed, ordered the wali to came back at his court in Dimashq.[/FONT]
[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
This convocation was as well a reward and and a threat. Indeed, Musa have took a rich land and became therefore too powerful to avoid the prudent interest of the Caliphe. Still he knew that disobeying this order would be viewed as an act of rebellion and submitted.
The triumph of Musa in Dimashq, despite the council given by the counselor Sulayman to his brother to not glorify a man who could turn against him, made his reputation into a legend. The Caliph received with a great pleasure the rich booty of the campaign and the description of his new lands, and offered Musa a rich domain in Syria.
Musa remained in Dimashq until the death of Walid while his son governed Al-Andalus. He was one of the richest notables in the Umayyad capital, but the Caliph Sulayman accused him of dissimulating goods to Walid and exiled him during the rebellion that he son led in 715[/FONT][FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]
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[FONT=Verdana, sans-serif] Finally, the conqueror of Al-Andalus died in 717 in misery and forgotten by his friends, while his son was executed and the ones he had submitted rose into the new Islamic society or strengthened their possession by exploiting the divisions among the Muslims.
Tradition mentions a book by Musa, the story of his conquest. If true, it is long lost. [/FONT]
But then, the domination of Umayyad in Hispania seemed almost complete, as the northern lords were all submitted and recognized Ummayad suzerainty.
We hasten to say that, at the contrary of a new "fashion" in the moder historiography, this submission wasn't comparable and a fortiori similar to the one of Gotandolos. The [FONT=Verdana, sans-serif]walī[/FONT] of Ifriqiya, then of Al-Andalus had little real power, except influence, in these lands and these territories would be in constant rebellion or war against him right after the year of 714.
Hispania in 714
(Yes i know, the map is not matching all the text. I'm going to remake all of that soon)
I'm maybe quite a whiner about this but i can't help. It is something wrong with this TL?
I would find unlikely that the text would be that good, that no one would think "wait, he's talking about who, right now?" or "where he is going?", without talking about the inevitable "ASB".
I mean, hell, i wrote this damn thing and i'm lost without notes or sketches to help me.
Maybe it's because of the very precise place for the events, in a period that can bear little interest. But as other TL use the same pattern of people and general period (as the one of DanMcCollum)...
So far only kasumigenx said it wasn't very exciting, without saying which part(s?), it's probably the case but i can't make something about it without precisions (i don't think that the TL is unredeemable at the point to begin again all the stuff).
I would find unlikely that the text would be that good, that no one would think "wait, he's talking about who, right now?" or "where he is going?", without talking about the inevitable "ASB".
I mean, hell, i wrote this damn thing and i'm lost without notes or sketches to help me.
Maybe it's because of the very precise place for the events, in a period that can bear little interest. But as other TL use the same pattern of people and general period (as the one of DanMcCollum)...
So far only kasumigenx said it wasn't very exciting, without saying which part(s?), it's probably the case but i can't make something about it without precisions (i don't think that the TL is unredeemable at the point to begin again all the stuff).
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I think it's a wonderful timeline. The reason that this wouldn't even be close to ASB is that you are (so far) tweaking events in ways that are completely plausible- the Ummayads are still winning, the Visigoths are still losing, etc.
I think that all of these events are completely plausible, and that you have nothing to worry about. Keep calm, and carry on.
I think that all of these events are completely plausible, and that you have nothing to worry about. Keep calm, and carry on.
I know nothing of this subject but I have enjoyed reading this. One thing I have learned here is that the members here are honest with you. If your timeline is ASB then they will say so. I understand it is hard to sometimes have to confidence to write a tl. But if you are passionate (which you are) a good tl can be made. Keep it up.
I said make it more exciting, the TL is exciting already and very beautiful just make it more exciting like adding more spice and action into the TL in the next chapters, I like this TL.
I have to admit sometimes I'm like "wait, who was this guy again?" because some of the names are hard to remember. But then I go through the previous lines again and I try to find the information about that guy. Otherwise I find this TL very entertaining.
Thanks for the comments and encouragement guys.
Sorry for this late update, but i'm currently making notes for Part II and between my job and my natural laziness, well...
So, without further lateness, next update.
Sorry for this late update, but i'm currently making notes for Part II and between my job and my natural laziness, well...
So, without further lateness, next update.
While his father left forever the West, 'Abd al-'Aziz received the charge of the walī of Ifriqiya and Spanj, as the Muslims called the peninsula before the name of Al-Andalus became the most used (eventually Spanj would design the northern Christian kingdoms).
But as his main concerns were regarding the administration and the pacification of the peninsula, he let the nobles of Ifriqiya and Maghreb choose their own leader : Abu Obeida ibn Oqba al-Fihri, who have participated to the first expeditions in Europe but have turned back in 713 in Africa.
His son, Habib ibn Obeida al-Fihri, stood in the peninsula as a lieutenant and a companion of 'Abd al-'Aziz, apparently leading the Arab cavalry.
The Fihrids were an important family of Ifriqiya : Oqba ibn Nafi al-Fihri, the father of Abu Obeida, have conquered the province for the Umayyads, and his family and clientele were one of the most powerful clans of the western Islamic world.
The family was issued from the Quraysh tribe, the one from where Muhammad was issued, and as a Qais-originated family (Peninsular Arabs) managed to hold several ties with the Caliphal power who wanted to counter-balance the power of Kalbits (Syrian and Mesopotamian Arabs). The links didn't avoided the disgrace of the Fihrids after the death of Oqba, tough, and Syrians managed to keep the charge of walī, until the departure of Musa ibn Nussair.
It explains the reaction of the two other sons of Musa, Abdallah and Marwan face to their brother's reaction. Abdallah, who was the elder, was particularly disappointed as he had indeed received from his father's hand the governance of al-Qayrawan (Kairouan) and hoped succeeding him as the Ifriqiya's walī.
Marwan took then the initiative, while Abdallah was opposed to, to appeal to the Caliphal authority. But Walid was already gravely ill at this time and his brother Sulaymān refused to acknowledge Marwan's demands. In fact, he will depose Abdallah in 715 in order to avoid that the sons of Musa would create an Islamic principality in the west.
Not having to bother himself with the Ifriqiyan's issues, that were mainly composed of Berber recriminations about the unfair treatment they received from Arabs, 'Abd al-'Aziz managed to submit the main pockets of resistance in Hispania.
If the main one was the still strong Duchy of Aurariola, led by Theodemir, more little ones existed : Ossonoba and Occilis, both led by their bishops. The middle Sistema Central was too the theater of a resistance against Umayyads, but distinct from the other ones, the lack of an urban or feudal basis of it.
It was probably more rebellious areas avoiding Islamic authority south of Cantabrian Mountains, but only the one of Sistema Central was reported, maybe because of its importance and it's proximity of Toletum.
'Abd al-'Aziz first dealt with Theodemir, but as some Visigothic nobles from both umayyad-controlled peninsula and from Cantabria (in the largest sense, including Asturias and Galicia) used the relative disorder that took place after the conquest in marginal territories to raid or fight their neighbors, the walī send his cousin to settle this and possibly take care of the rebels.
The young walī first take his winter-quarters in Cesaracosta, both because of the safety of the city, but also to make sure that Agila would respect his engagements. Ayyub took his own in Calagurra, in the upper Ebre's valley to survey local nobles as the Kumis Qasi (Count Cassidius) and the still independent nobles Vascones (issued from Vascon leader but also Visigothic and Frankish one).
It's most probably during this time that he united himself with Egilon, the widow of Roderic.
There is some stories, mainly mythical, about it : the most widespread is reported in the Continuatio Gothia : Petro, duke of Cantabria, would have hosted the former queen after she leave Toletum, but would have eventually given her to 'Abd al-'Aziz in replacement of a tribute.
A variant reports that it was Egilon that fled Petro, who wanted to for her to spouse him, and asked protection to the walī.
Whatever the truth beyond this stories, this union wasn't amazing for the contemporaries : many Islamic nobles, critically Arabs, choose women among the Hispano-Roman elites in order to increase their power and to resolve the problem posed by the absence of women in a massively masculine expedition.
The invaders wanted then to progressively integrate themselves, as they did in Syria and Egypt.
In the other hand, Berber came to Hispania with families when the conquest wasn't finished yet, explainging their less implication in local politics and the subsequent events in the 740's.
In the beginning of 715, as 'Abd al-'Aziz marched south towards Aurariola, his cousin ended the disorder in the territories corresponding to the Tagrans (Media and Inferior March of Al-Andalus), settling the conflicts between Christians and eventually taking Amaia, stronghold of the Duchy of Cantabria.
He finally forced Petro to recognize the suzerainty of the Caliph, and made a treaty where it was specified that his son, Alfonso, should be on the guard of the walī before being send to the Caliph for both validate the submission and serve as an hostage.
'Abd al-'Aziz, arriving front of Aurariola, after having took the coastal cities of the Duchy, besieged the city where Theodemir took refuge and waited reinforcement led by his son.
Athanagild was indeed in the west of the duchy, having successfully pushed back another raid from Beticae, but not really beaten it. Since 711 each raid made by the Arabo-Berbers, helped by gothic nobles, managed to goes further and to plunder more, managing to protect the booty in the defeat.
Nevertheless, the heir of the Duchy led his army trough the land and arrived in sight of the city and the walī's army in April of 715.
Here, with maybe 5 000, a number given by Arab scholars, the last de jure independents Visigoths fought the victorious Arabo-Berbers.
But the number, maybe 7 000 or even 9 000, the strength (the troops being relatively fresh) eventually get the better of Athanagild's forces as the walī split his forces, letting enough to force Theodemir to stay in the city, and charged the Visigoths with the others.
The battle didn't lasted long before the young Christian noble was forced to withdraw, letting his father hopeless.
Shortly after these events, Theodemir was forced to submit to 'Abd al-'Aziz.
As Aurariola was still a rather strong pawn in the local game, with the heir of the duchy still having forces and able to led a guerilla fight against Muslims, the conditions of surrender given to Theodemir weren't harsh and allowed him to preserve his power under the Christians in a great part of the former independent duchy.
Eventually, the duchy would became an important Gotandolos region and will be known during the emirate and the caliphate eras as the kūrah al Tudmir (Province of Tudmir). It would eventually give the modern name of the region : the Altomirès.
After this Pact of Aurariola between Theodemir (Tudmir for the Muslims) and 'Abd al-'Aziz (Abhalas for the Christians) the peninsula was knowing his first period of peace since 5 years, or even since five decennials where civil war among the Visigoths ravaged the peninsula.
But if the Hispano-Roman population stand far from the agreements between Christian and Muslims nobles, the newcomers would slowly modify the demography of the region.
Berbers and Arabs added themselves to this Hispano-Roman population, and to Visigoths, Jews, formers slaves from Aquitaine or even as far than Germany. The country needed a cohesion and an unity that the Visigothic Kingdom failed to give.
'Abd al-'Aziz, once arrived in Emerita, (named Marida in Arab), once capitol of the Visigoths and of Roderic. He installed his court here, because of both a good net of roads that allowed him to react quickly against any threat in the peninsula and because of the relative less presence of Visigothic nobles in the region.
He partially abandoned the old provincial borders, keeping them for fiscal purpose and for all that regarded Christians, and instituted 4 great emirates in Tulaytulah (Toleto), Qurṭuba (Cordoba) and Saraqusta (Saragossa) that have military and judicial power but directly responsible before him. He chosen as well skilled and close companions as Amīr in order to keep the control of the peninsula.
Though, as the next events demonstrated, the Fihrids and his cousin Ayyub would bitterly show their frustration to be maintained out these offices.
Admittedly, as they will eventually form a conjuration against the walī, placing them in even higher position would have led to a quicker end for 'Abd al-'Aziz.
With this administrative decisions, he adopted for his court a mix between Byzanto-Arab model used by the Caliphate at Dimashq and by the Arabs in Ifriqiya and the Visigothic tradition – who had been influenced by the Byzanto-Roman model as well.
As the governor Yazid ibn Abi would do later in Ifriqiya, 'Abd al-'Aziz tried to rationalize the rapports between Berber who settled the peninsula organized in tribes, following a more strict model. Many Arabs believed that the Berber, unable to organize themselves, must have to be forced to follow the civilized model of the Caliphate.
Of course, 'Abd al-'Aziz had to calm down the most disdainful nobles of his courts, at least because Berbers were outnumbering the few Arabs that were in Hispania and maybe by care of not ignoring Islamic law by putting taxes technically reserved for non-Muslims on the Berbers.
Eventually, these taxes would be payed by all in the Islamic world, on a form or another, but during the VIII the only per capita taxes were reserved to the Christians are they were the only one to know this form of fiscality when it was unknown to the Arab civilization.
The governance of 'Abd al-'Aziz, much inspired of the Visigoths and Byzantines than purely Islamic ones, the presence of Gotandolos in his close court, the treatment of Berbers as equals to the Arabs and the loss of monopole in power's sphere for some of greatest Arab families began to attract hostility against him.
Settlements could cause others problems : as Arabs were keeping for themselves the better lands, mainly in the southern half of the peninsula and Gotandolos keeping their owns, Berbers were send in marginal regions, less interesting or fertile but more close to Christians lords in the North.
As the Berber immigration continued to came, the disparity between them and a quite stable Arab population became even more apparent.
Abd al-Aziz is considered though to have successfully and quite fairly ruled the country, applying Islamic rules as Muslim leaders did in Syria and Ifriqiya and treating fairly the nobles who submitted.
His administration seemed to be functional and he even send raid in the direction of Balearic Islands (then held by Byzantines) or against northern principalities in 716 as they refused to pay the tribute.
It's maybe an misunderstanding of events, and maybe it was more targeted against lords avoiding northern authority of the dukes and therefore not protected by the treaties passed with them.
But Hispania was far from Dimashq, and 'Abd al-'Aziz was soon called Amīr al-Spanj, the ruler of Hispania by his entourage.
As Sulaymān had took the place of his brother, in more or less obscure conditions, he needed a legitimation of his power and the young walī of Hispania increasingly irritated him each time he heard of.
Furthermore, beyond the personal animosity he felt against him, he knew that the Caliphate, who quickly grew, was not immune against ambitious, and that the further provinces enjoyed a great autonomy that could gave ideas to young and skilled leaders.
Knowing the Caliph's sentiment, Arabs nobles as the Fihrids and Ayyub ibn Lakshmi decided to secretly send a letter to Sulaymān reporting that influenced by the Christians, primarily his wife, 'Abd al-'Aziz gave more and more power to the Visigoths and wanted to convert himself to became the King of Hispania.
Even if the walī was ambitious, he knew that his power above the Arabs and the Berbers resided on the Islamic law and his own adhesion to Islam. Beside, the Christians have enjoyed a power mainly on their own lands and, except some great Gotandolos nobles, seems to quickly loose interest in the management of peninsular issues.
But the occasion was to good for Sulaymān, and not really caring about the reality of such affirmations wrote a missive to 'Abd al-'Aziz, ordering him to came back before him to answer of these accusations, and to let the governance to Abu Obeida.
The fate of this letter remains vague and as remembered us Ramadan ibn Yazid
The conjurers said that Abu Obeida give to 'Abd al-'Aziz the letter and that the walī entered in a great rage, teared the missive saying that if the Caliph wanted to judge him, he would have to came before him and that if Abu Obeida wanted his place, he would have to ask it with the sword.
But, the ones who supported 'Abd al-'Aziz said that Abu Obeida was careful about not giving the letter to the walī or to say a word about the whole affair as he wanted to demean him as much he could before the eyes of the Muslims and justify then an action against him.
Only God knows!
Whatever the real course of events, the conjurers decided to act against the wali when he would have left the city, during one of his many travels in the province.But, the ones who supported 'Abd al-'Aziz said that Abu Obeida was careful about not giving the letter to the walī or to say a word about the whole affair as he wanted to demean him as much he could before the eyes of the Muslims and justify then an action against him.
Only God knows!
As 'Abd al-'Aziz had to go in Išbīliya during the summer of 716, they decided to kill him there.
