Cutting The Deck



Cutting The Deck
A Chinese Role Reversal TLIAD (Sort of)

What is this?
A TLIAD of course. No, wait a TLIAM. Hmm on second thoughts maybe I better go with TLIAY. I’m not that fast on writing. Happy to post comment updates but TLIAD is way too fast for me to finish.

Uh-huh. I agree, you can’t write that fast (mumbles)-let alone finish your last Chinese timeline, cough, Flaming Dragons, cough. But aren’t you a little behind the times? This fad happened like a year or two ago.

Well, I kinda missed the whole TLIAD/Shuffling craze when it started up during a bit of a break from the forums. Besides they’re incredibly popular on the forums, haven’t you heard of Sea Lion press?

Fine, fine, whatever. Copy a fad if you want, see if I care. What is your TL about exactly?

China. To be precise, a different version of the Chinese Civil War.

So the whole Cutting the Deck thing, you can’t even make an original title, not off to a good start.

It’s an homage to great TLs. And besides its twist on the Shuffling the Deck theme. Instead of ‘shuffling’ different heads of state/government I’m going to be cutting the entire deck of a nation.

So what does that mean exactly? Obviously it can’t be literal.

Well no obviously. It means that I’m taking two nations and swapping their roles in history around, or in this case two governments of one nation.

I’m still confused. This sounds overly complicated. Can’t you just make a normal TL like usual?

Uh! Ok look. I’ll give you an example. Let’s say you picked the USA and Germany as your two nations and you chose the 1920s-1940s time period.

Ok, I’m with you so far.

Then you would use PODs that reverse the roles of the two nations. So the USA would become a fascist dictatorship in the early 1930s and start a major whereas Germany would grow to be a large and stable democracy that enters the war late on the winning side.

Hmm I see. Well I understand the role reversal idea now. Even if you are oversimplifying US and German history somewhat. So you reversed the Communists and Nationalists in China?

Yes. I gave myself two rules. One, the communists start out as the main mass movement and dominate China for most of the early 20th century, while the nationalists start out with them but remain mostly a guerilla movement until they surge in the late 1940s.
Two Chiang Kai-Shek and Mao Zedong will be still be the heads of state for most of the time, though not exactly for the same dates and time as they were in OTL.

I think you’re trying too hard to add in a deck theme to the title of this thing but whatever, let’s see what you have. What’s the POD?

It should be obvious to even a casual observer of Chinese history.

Oh, please don’t play this game. I hate guessing PODs, especially when it isn’t obvious in the first post.

Fine, fine. Sun Yat-Sen is never born. Gone, erased, removed, deleted, expunged. I hadn’t really decided on how, but let’s say a disease hit Cuiheng in the 1860s and both of his parents died before he could be conceived.
 




1. “Comrades You Must Carry On”

The Xinhai Revolution ended the imperial reign of the Qing dynasty, which had ruled China for almost three hundred years. This revolution started with the Wuchang Uprising, led by General Li Yuanhong. After the success at Wuchang, rebellions sprang up all across China a result of decades of ineffective rule by the most recent Qing Emperors.

The uprisings ended with the Qing prime minister, Yuan Shikai, negotiating with the revolutionaries and agreeing to force the Qing to abdicate and in return he would be provisional president of the new Republic of China. At the beginning of 1912 the last Qing Emperor, Pu Yi, abdicated and Yuan Shikai was made president, with Huan Xing stepping down from his elected position to occupy the position of minister of the army, a title that meant little with Yuan still commanding the capital and his experienced Beiyang troops. Yuan proved to be far more authoritarian than the revolutionaries had hoped for and rumours that he wanted to restore the monarchy lead to Song Jioren and Huang Xing, the most prominent leaders of the revolutionaries to form the Zhonghúa Gémìngdǎng or ‘Chinese Revolutionary Party’.

With Yuan’s dictatorial presidency, Song had become disillusioned with republicanism and drifted towards Marxism and reached out to revolutionaries in Russia. Several members of the Bolshevik party came to China and impressed Song so much that he founded his own Chinese Social Democratic Party, with several like-minded members of the ZGD, including Li Yuanhong, who had also become disillusioned with the republic. Other early members of the CSDP were Li Shizeng, Wu Zhihui and Li Shicen. Song and his leaders travelled all over China, opening up party headquarters in every town and village that they visited. Their Marxist message rang deep with the Chinese common people, who had a cultural history of working together for the greater good.

Unfortunately, this Marxist turn split the party. Huang Xing disagreed with introducing Marxism to China and he walked out of a party meeting taking about thirty percent of the members with him, including Wang Jingwei and Chiang Kai-Shek, promising young revolutionaries who were in favor a nationalist rebuild of their nation rather than a European inspired Marxist revolution.

In any event Yuan Shikai had clearly had enough of the revolutionaries and he decided to strike. He had Song Jioren assassinated on 7 June 1913. As Song was exiting arriving at the parliament building in Beijing, after a successful parliamentary election, a lone rifleman on a building opposite shot him in the chest four times. Yuan then had all of the CSDP politicians in the building rounded up and arrested. It is believed that the election result is what prompted Yuan to take action, as Song would have had a great deal of cabinet power to push for new presidential elections.
There was a failed assassination attempt on Huang Xing on the same day in Nanjing. Huang was ambushed outside the ZGD party headquarters by five soldiers of Yuan’s Beiyang Army, but he escaped due to his fellow revolutionaries attacking the soldiers and driving them off. Huang made his way in secret to Shanghai and entered the foreign concessions. From there he travelled to Malaya, Singapore and the United States, raising funds for an army to fight against Yuan.

Yuan cracked down on the members of the ZGD who were left with arrests and the dismissals of governors and politicians suspected of being connected to the party. The parliament and assemblies were dissolved and slowly but surely a military dictatorship under Yuan took shape. This culminated in Yuan having himself crowned as emperor at the end of 1914. This proved to be a step too far however, particularly for his loyal subordinates who had hoped that they would have a chance at becoming president when Yuan died. Several governors declared outright independence, while a cabal of several others waged a war to overthrow Yuan. This war dragged on in Northern and Central China for several years until Yuan died on 19 April 1916.

The next decade in China was one of great instability with several contenders vying for leadership. Duan Qirui led one faction and was elected as president not long after Yuan’s death and he commanded the largest army in China. For a time it looked as if his rule would be stable, but it would not last. Duan had no legitimacy other than being Yuan’s subordinate and he made the decision to enter World War 1 on the side of the Allies in order to seize the German concessions. This would prove to be a mistake as the Allies forced China to hand them over to Japan, sparking outrage against Duan.

In addition Li Yuanhong had retreated to the south in Guandong province with the remaining members of the CSDP and other like-minded Marxists. There they expanded their influence slowly gaining control of the province and moved the base of their operations to Canton. In addition to this, the Russian Revolution opened up new opportunities for them and they established ties with the Bolsheviks who were now ruling in Moscow. This brought in some much needed aid from the Russian Soviets over the next few years, in the form of military advisors and financial aid that would allow the fledging communist movement to survive. To show solidarity with their new allies, Li and two of the other leaders, Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao changed their party to the Chinese Communist Party. The party expanded in size with the May Revolutions in 1918 against Duan’s government and many unsatisfied with the presidential regime flocked to the new red flag.

Chen Jiongming had been governor of Guangdong but he backed the new communist party into power and joined their ranks. Chen and Li oversaw a military academy that would train the new army of revolutionaries to take control of all of China. With the help of Chen the party brokered deals with Huang Xing and his Chinese National Party (Kuomintang) to come to Canton and participate in their new government in 1923. This brought about a restoration from the split that occurred and KMT members also joined the CCP and trained at the Honam Military Academy.

North of Guangdong, most of China splintered into the 1920s with each province ruled over by a military governor or general who treated it as his own kingdom, this was the beginning of the Warlord Era. This era was rife with corruption, misrule, over-taxation, famines and multiple wars between the different warlords as the governors and generals came to be called. This era was a terrible time in China but it would soon come to an end when the Northern Expedition would be launched by the communists with their new Chinese Red Army. Militarily it would be led by Ye Ting and politically by Li Dazhao, the success of the expedition and the unification of China would find both men thrust into positions of supreme power.
 


2. “Idealists and Planners”

The Northern Expedition by the CCP from its stronghold in Canton stands today as one of only two instances where China was conquered and unified from the south rather than the more often used north.
The expedition was conceived by Chen Jionming and Li Yuanhong as the built up the military power of the Chinese Red Army. They presented it to the CCP leadership and the Soviet advisor Mikhail Borodin in May of 1925 and all of them approved, though they knew it would take time and a great deal of preparation before the party was ready for an invasion against the warlords. The wars between the different warlords and their backing by various foreign powers had driven swaths of people into both the CCP and the KMT, giving the parties a real chance at building a sizeable army.

Neither of the two men would live to see the fruit of their ambitious military planning. Chen died in a bar in Canton on 9 June 1925 when he got into an argument with several communists on how China should be run once the warlords had been removed. Most of the communists advocated for a central state and planning much like Soviet Russia, while Chen believed a multiparty federation system was better. A fight broke out and Chen ended up getting stabbed by a broken bottle. He did not live past sunrise.
Li Yuanhong remained as the military leader of the CCP and formalized the Chinese Red Army into an effective military force until his death from a stroke on 8 November 1925. He would be replaced by Ye Ting, the man who would take charge of much of the Northern Expedition and responsible for its success.

Meanwhile the KMT was also growing in strength and influence. Huang Xing had died in 1920 and since that time the party had been led by Chiang Kai-Shek and Liao Zhongkai, the former a soldier, the latter an administrator. The two men worked well together as leaders and increased efforts on membership in many of the cities in southern China, where there was a large amount of discontent, with both the ruling Beiyang government and foreign imperialism. All new members also joined the CCP. Chiang oversaw the creation of the party’s military wing, and they were trained alongside the Red Army at the Honam Military Academy.

The army had been trained and guided by Soviet military advisors and in addition the KMT had supplied the help of several German officers to advise them militarily.
And so, at the beginning of 1926, the communist-nationalist alliance, dubbed the “United Front”, had a large and capable army with modern weapons supplied by Soviet Russia and updated training and tactics.

On the 9 July 1926, Ye Ting and Li Dazhao addressed an enormous crowd of soldiers and announced the commencement of the Northern Expedition which would according to Li “Root out the bourgeois warlords and foireign imperialists and win back China for its people.” The goal of the military campaign was nothing less than the complete defeat of the most powerful warlords, Zhang Zuolin, Wu Peifu and Sun Chuanfang. The Red Army and departed from the Zhu River the next day, 100,000 strong. The first target were the Zhili Clique troops who answered to Wu Peifu.

The campaign against the Zhili Clique was a stunning success,with the Red Army and NRA divided into eight distinct armies that in half a year were able to march from Guangdon to the Yangtze River and distingrate most of the Zhili forces. They were also helped by the fact that a significant number of warlord generals opted to join the communists. This included Li Zongren and Li Jishen of the New Guangxi Clique, and several generals who had reluctantly been part of the Zhili Clique, but eagerly joiuned the communists at the chance to overthrow their warlord taskmasters. The final blows to the Zhili Clique occurred in March of 1927 with the capture of Nanjing and Shanghai.

Nanjing was one of the many cities that had been opened up as a ‘treaty port’ by foreign powers during the nineteenth century, as such it had a significant amount of foreign interests, mainly American and European. On 20 March 1927, Zhang Zongchang gave the order to his army to retreat form the city in the face of the approaching Red Army. Some of his soldiers instead began looting and attacking foreign expatriates. Many foreigners evacuated, terrified of what the “Bolshevik Chinese would reap”, in the words of John Elias Williams, vice-president of Nanjing University. The world had not forgotten what had happened in Russia towards the end of the civil war.
Three days later the Red Army marched into the city without any resistance. Initially they behaved respectfully towards the foreigners and the consulates as the communist leadership had ordered good behavior during the capture of the city. But it did not last, citizens and soldiers alike soon started attacking the homes and businesses of foreign residents. Several British and American naval vessels were forced to fire on Chinese Red Army soldiers to defend their citizens. In the aftermath, the Chinese Communist government blamed the looting and attacks on foreigners on the retreating warlord soldiers and subversives who had infiltrated the party via the KMT. Li Dazhao did not want to risk antagonizing the European powers when he still had to deal with the northern warlords and the growing power of the nationalist movement, whose ideology had never really been compatible with the CCP.

At the same time as the Nanjing Incident, in Shanghai an armed uprising had overthrown the forces of the Zhili Clique who remained in the city and CCP union workers occupied all of urban Shanghai, with the exception of the international settlements. Zhou Enlai was one of the leaders of the uprising and he was an astute diplomat. He had given explicit orders for the communists not to attack any foreign interests or persons, not wanting a repeat of Nanjing. Some of the KMT members in the city did organize protests and demanded the return of the settlements but they did not commit any violence. Nonetheless, this would be the point which Li Dazhao would use to finally rid himself of the Nationalists, much as he had enjoyed the American financial backing they provided.

Even within his own party there was dissension on this decision. Chen Duxiu who had founded the party with Li was firm friends with the high-ranking KMT leader, Wang Jingwei. Chen had captured the city of Wuhan and in April met Wang to reaffirm the cooperation between the two parties. This was enough for Li. He declared the communist government in Wuhan illegal and in Shanghai and Nanjing thousands of nationalists, actual and suspected were arrested, hundreds of them being killed or executed. The opium gangsters in Shanghai, allies of the KMT, were hunted down and killed.

Chen Duxiu claimed Wuhan as the true capital of Communist China and several other prominent communists joined him, disgusted at the Red Terror now being carried out against their KMT comrades who had helped defeat the southern warlords. But it did not stop the tide of the purge. All across cities in southern China, nationalists and anyone suspected of being a reactionary were rounded up and executed. Over thirty thousand were killed during April of 1927. Chen Duxiu’s Wuhan government collapsed from lack of support and Chen went into exile in Hong Kong.
The remainder of the KMT retreated from the cities to the countryside or went underground and began planning rebellions against the communist forces. The surviving leaders of the KMT were Chiang Kai-Shek, Hu Hanmin, Lin Sen, The Chen brothers, Guofu and Lifu and He Yingqin and the separated to each forment uprisings in different provinces. Wang Jingwei had tried to escape Wuhan but had been killed after Chen’s government collapsed and the communists in the city had turned on the KMT members.

In Nanjing, Li Dazhao declared the Chinese People’s Republic. And while he was now leader of the world’s second most powerful communist state he still had to contend with the KMT and the northern warlords. The first attack form the north came in the middle of summer as Sun Chuanfang, an ally of the powerful Fengtian Clique warlord, Zhang Zuolin attacked Ye Ting’s three armies in Jiangsu province.
 
Last edited:


3. “Only Powerful People Have Liberty”

The collapse of the United Front between the CCP and KMT gave a reprieve to the northern warlords who had been expecting a similar attack from the communist forces similar to the one that had destroyed Wu Peifu’s armies. Sun Chuanfang was a northern warlord who commanded a powerful army and he was determined to stop the spread of communism any further.

At the start of summer, 12 June 1927, Sun attacked the First, Second and Third Red Armies that were stationed north of Nanjing, the new capital of the communist government. The First Army was just north of Xuzhou, with Lake Nansai on its rear, forcing them to fight as Sun cut off their ability to retreat to the city. Half of the army was killed or captured with the rest fleeing south. The Second Army was stationed within Xuzhou and would have been able to put up stiff resistance had it not been for the infighting still going on between communists and nationalists inside the city. Both sides were unprepared for the attack by Sun’s forces and the city was occupied. A great number of the nationalist soldiers decided to defect to the warlord army, many eager to avenge their comrades who had been caught in the purges. The Third Army was occupied in a struggle with the nationalist army commanded by Li Jishen, a staunch opponent of communism who had organized a Guangdong Army of KMT members and Guangxi warlord troops.
Li bloodied the Third Army badly before retreating south back to Guangdong, knowing that he could not maintain his position with communist reinforcements coming from Shanghai and Nanjing.

With the loss of Xuzhou and Sun’s forces smashing the Red Army back towards the Yangtze, Li Dazhao was ready to remove Ye Ting from command but he was saved for two reasons. Ye had warned Li that splitting with the KMT would invite a counter-attack form the northern warlords and he proved to be right. A number of other party leaders had remembered the debate between them, notably the up and coming Mao Zedong. Mao was from a village in Hunan, from a peasant family and became inspired by reading about historical revolutionary figures in his youth. He joined the communist party in 1917 and immediately began preaching the doctrine of Marx and Lenin, viewing the success of the Russian Revolution. Mao was in charge of setting up branches of the party in Changsha, Changde and Hainan Island. He founded several educational branches so that party members could study revolutionary literature. Mao was in favour for the alliance with the KMT, arguing of the need for “all the people of China to band together against the foreign hangmen”, as he was ardent anti-imperialist.
While Mao was passionate about the Northern Expedition, he argued at several party sessions with Li on purging the party and he led the wing of the CCP that advocated for continued cooperation against the warlords. In addition Mao had come to believe, likely influenced by his background that the real power of the revolution lay with China’s peasantry rather than the urban workers. Thus during the purge of the KMT, Mao and his faction were sidelined, but not ignored. He had a great deal of support from the party leadership and was seen by many of the party members as representing the ideal communist revolutionary. In addition Mao had another shining advantage over the other party leaders, he had not been heavily involved with the Soviets. While their aid was appreciated, many were still wary of foreign influence and Mao came across as more independent.

The second reason Ye remained as commander of the Red Army was the assassination of Li Dazhao on the 2 July. Li was preparing to leave Nanjing by train to Shanghai, where he would be meeting with Zhou Enlai and several Soviet advisors and representatives. He was boarded the train at 7:35am and it moved out of the station. At 7:48am an explosion rocked the carriage that Li was in, blowing it off the tracks and inflicting damage to the carriages either side of it. Over fifty people were dead and at least a hundred more injured, but there was little doubt that Li had been the target. Traces of dynamite were found in the wreckage of the explosion, having been attached to the underside of the carriage. The mystery that was never solved, was who had placed the dynamite into position. Li had plenty of enemies and every theory was discussed-revenge by the KMT, Zhang Zuolin had ordered it to throw the party into chaos, and any number of communist leaders, not the least of which was Mao.

In the aftermath of Li’s death, Mao was the one who took charge of the party and sidelined the remaining Li loyalists: Wang Ming, Li Shizeng, Wu Zhihui and Shen Zemin. He then was appointed as General Secretary of the Communist Party by his faction who became the new leaders of the CCP. Mao was cunning and ruthless, as his later actions showed, but to attribute his rise to leadership as evidence of his hand in Li’s death is flimsy at best. Mao was hundreds of miles away at the time of the train bombing and while this does not mean he couldn’t have ordered it, given his personality it is unlikely he would not want to oversee such an important action very closely with only those he most trusted. The true culprits were never caught, and likely died in the violence that China would experience over the next two decades.

Mao’s leadership was exactly what the communist forces needed. His fire and strength of will renewed the leadership of the party and his tactical sense, while simple, was sound. He kept Ye Ting in command of the army, finding a like-minded spirit in both communist patriotism and military strategy. Mao and Ye realized that Sun’s army had to be stopped or the entire communist government would collapse. They decided on a plan of action. Sun had extended his forces in his destruction of the three main communist armies and was ready to seize the supply route between Nanjing and Shanghai, if he did, the capital would be choked into surrender. Mao had also negotiated with several of the warlords sitting on the sidelines to join the communist forces. The combined communist and warlord reinforcements would hit Sun’s army that was in battle with the remnants of the First Red Army.
Ye Ting attacked on the 10 August completely surprising Sun’s troops and relieving the First Army. Additional warlord troops and communist recruits joined the battle over the next few days and Zhenjiang was recaptured, along with a large number of Sun’s soldiers. Sun’s army retreated back across the Yangtze suffering 50% casualties and another one quarter captured.

This victory brought a resurgence in popularity for the communists and recruitment rates for the party and the army doubled. This came just in time, as the KMT decided to launch uprisings against the communist government in Guangdong, Jiangxi and Hunan. On 15 August, He Yingqin led a patriot uprising in Nanchang, the Chen brothers caused chaos in Canton by instigating food shortages and making deals with gangsters, while Chiang Kai-Shek organized armed rebellions in Hunan, and was joined by a group of disillusioned communists who were looking to defect. This was an enormous coup to Chiang and he met the young and dashing Chen Cheng, leader of the former communists, who would serve at his side for the next several decades.

These rebellions, while well-planned, were disastrous. There was no way the still new National Revolutionary Army, could manage to overcome the numbers of the Chinese Red Army and each of them met in failure with the communist forces retaking stern control of each of the provinces were the uprisings occurred. Most of the soldiers were killed or executed and the surviving leaders escaped, either by leaving China to Hong Kong or fleeing with Chiang to Guangxi province, were the ruling Guangxi Clique sheltered them. Mao could not risk antagonizing these powerful southern warlords until he had finished dealing with the remains of the Zhang Zuolin’s Beiyang government, so for now the KMT had breathing space.
 
Last edited:
I'm not an expert on Chinese history, but I like this TL. I like the style you're going for, and the intro made me laugh. I fucking love hilarious intros.
 


4. "Carving Knife, Serving Dish"

The newly victorious Red Army of China continued fighting warlord forces in central China for the rest of 1927 and was fairly successful. By the end of the year Mao had convinced other warlords to join the communists and announced his intention to seize Beijing. A panic similar to what had happened in Nanjing the year before occurred in Beijing, with foreigners leaving the city in droves.
Zhang Zuolin also decided that discretion was the better part of valor and left the city for Manchuria where he would be able to better defend against the Red Army, the pass at Shanhaiguan offering a choke point. But Zhang would never reach Manchuria, when the train arrived at Mukden (Shenyang), Zhang’s guards opened his compartment to find him dead. It was assumed he had been poisoned and this was confirmed by the Japanese culprits at the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal in 1946. The Japanese were infuriated that Zhang had allowed the communists to take over China and punished Zhang accordingly.

In the south, the KMT, or nationalists as they were more commonly becoming known, had seized control of areas in the name of patriotism and were still fighting back against the communist rule. The southern provinces and proximity to Hong Kong gave them access to money and weapons from America and Europe, who had been heavily backing the nationalists since the Nanking Incident. None of these campaigns ever came to any success. Mao was keenly aware that he could not let the nationalists gain a foothold in the south or it would undermine his rule and be a constant thorn in his side for dealing with the remaining northern and north western warlords. The nationalists were overwhelmed in a series of campaigns form 1929-1935 which destroyed most of the military power of the nationalists and forced them on the ‘Long March’, a mass retreat to the mountains of Yunnan where they would find shelter. They province was chosen for several reasons; it was mostly mountainous and could be defended very easily, it was on China’s south western border and in a worst case scenario the nationalists could still retreat to British Burma of French Indochina where the Red Army would not be able to cross the border, and finally the warlord in control of the province, Long Yun, had long been a support of the KMT and he knew how to defend his province. He had previously defeated a communist invasion in 1929. It was here that the bulk of the nationalists would be stuck for the next ten years, while the communists were forced to deal with the hungry and expanding Empire of Japan.

Japan had long cast its eyes towards Manchuria. The Russo-Japanese War had established the nation’s presence in the region and they had annexed Korea. The Kwantung Army, Japan’s military force, was based at Port Arthur. Japan had experienced upheaval in the last few years. The Great Depression had hit the Empire hard and destroyed much of the economic progress of the 1920s. This inevitably led to a radicalization of Japanese society and nowhere was this more pronounced than in the military, the Kwantung Army in particular. Emboldened by the idea of ‘gekokujo’ meaning ‘the low overrules the high’, young officers in the Kwantung Army decided what they thought was best for Japan’s national interests, regardless of the decisions and thoughts of the politicians back in Tokyo. The rich province of Manchuria was right there for the taking, China was in chaos and undergoing communist revolution. In September of 1931, several officers planted explosives near a section of railway track near Mukden and when detonated the Kwantung Army used this as a pretext to attack the nearby Chinese garrison. Reinforcements were soon brought in from the Chosen Army in Korea and the invasion of Manchuria began.

The central government in Tokyo was shocked by the actions of the Kwantung Army, but with continual victories and public support for the invasion growing they did little to stop it, feeling powerless to the Army, who could force governmental collapse if they did not get what they wanted. Mao Zedong was furious at the invasion. Ye Ting had only recently negotiated for Zhang Zuolin’s son to join the Red Army and he thought he had finally unified China under the communist banner. Even the nationalists were being pushed back in the south as word of continual communist victories came from the south under the brilliant military leadership of Lin Biao and Chen Yi.

Mao ordered Zhang Xueliang to do everything he could to hold Manchuria and the Young Marshal obeyed, he had no desire to see the Japanese overrun his homeland. Zhang coordinated with General Zhu De for his own forces and the Red Army to defend Chinchow and Harbin. He also supported numerous militias that had formed in the wake of the invasion, funneling them arms and supplies to continually harass the Japanese armies. One ironic side effect form the invasion was that the Japanese had achieved what Mao and the communist party had not been able to achieve on their own. China had a sense of national unity in resisting the invasion and communist party membership skyrocketed. But their efforts were all for naught. They could not stand against the might of the Japanese Empire, whose disciplined and merciless soldiers slowly, but surely advanced through Manchuria. The Red Army was shattered in the winter battles and retreated to the Great Wall with the Japanese occupying the strategic point of Shanhaiguan. Collaborators with the Japanese were soon declaring independence from the Peoples Republic and the puppet state of Manchukuo was created. Zhang Xueliang died holding a battle line of his most loyal troops at the Defence of the Great Wall, allowing a large number of Red Army forces to safely retreat through Shanhai Pass.

Mao decided to open negotiations with the Japanese. In the south the nationalists were still in control of provinces and he wanted to deal with that issue before fully confronting the Japanese over Manchuria. Mao had to accept humiliating terms from the Japanese, defacto recognition of their conquest of Manchuria, control of the Great Wall, a demilitarized zone and a Peace Preservation Corps of Japanese collaborators. Public opinion in China soured against Mao over the truce, but he had little choice to accept or face a war with both Japan and the nationalists at a time when he could not count on aid form the Soviet Union. Much of the rest of the world were unconcerned about the survival of communist China and were in fact glad for the Japanese to ‘stabilise’ the region and contain communism. Stalin had been tempted to intervene, but he was dealing with own domestic issues, a famine caused by the collectivization was driving peasants into the cities and he was on the verge of a implementing a new purge. In addition he feared a confrontation with the Japanese would be exactly what the capitalist nations would want and they would support the Japanese against both China and the Soviet Union. So he reluctantly informed Mao that he could only offer subtle support. This is thought to have been crucial to Mao’s decision to negotiate rather than fight the Japanese. Those who were close to Mao have commented that he did not want to give up Manchuria but had little choice.
 


5. "Fish and Meat"

As the 1930s continued the Chinese People’s Republic managed to steer its way through the crisis and emerge mostly united. The nationalists were in hiding in Yunnan by 1935 and Japan was now occupied trying to pacify their new holding which was full of bandits, resistance fighters and mercenaries, all of which the Chinese and the Soviets tacitly supported against the Japanese army. The Japanese struggled to deal with the guerilla movements as Manchuria’s long border made it impossible to stop supplies going to the guerillas and the men fighting them would often withdraw to Soviet territory, preventing the Japanese chasing them down and finishing them off. Japanese frustration in attempting to pacify Manchukuo lead to high tensions and Japan tripled its number of soldiers stationed in China, far in excess of the Boxer protocols. After years of non-stop guerilla war, the Imperial Army had decided that the only real way forward was an invasion of China itself. That would come in 1937.

In the south of China, the nationalists were still fighting against the communists, but only in a few isolated spots and Red Army general Peng Dehuai, started attacks against Yunnan and nationalists forces in mid-1935, hoping to finally eradicate the nationalist presence once and for all. Chiang Kai-Shek had risen up as the ultimate leader of the nationalists. He had led the ‘Long March’ to Yunnan and many viewed him as the party’s savior. He also was backed by Chen Cheng and his efficient fighting force. Chiang had won the leadership over the Chen brothers, who had joined Chiang on the long march and in fact had more forces than him, approaching 60,000 troops. Disagreements between them and Chiang, had led to them trying to establish a new nationalist base in Sichuan. This left their army exposed and it was destroyed by Peng’s army, the brothers escaping to Yunnan with only 10% of their troops left. The brothers had lost all of their power and were sidelined by Chiang and his allies. They were eventually purged and Chen Guofu was executed in 1937 while Lifu escaped and joined the communists. Other prominent nationalists who joined Chiang’s inner circle were He Yingqin, his most capable general, Dai Li, his intelligence officer who later became responsible for China’s White Terror, and Sun Fo, who had connections to the Soong family and other supporters in the USA, which helped keep the nationalists going during the years they were isolated in Yunnan. What did end up giving the nationalists a reprieve was the invasion by Japan.

Mao had long wanted to wipe out the nationalists, but dislodging them from Yunnan had proved difficult, especially when smaller groups continued uprising in isolated provinces and villages far from the main Yunnan base. On top of that, the regional warlords still in power were a force to be reckoned with, many of them were on the verge of declaring for either the nationalists or collaborating with the Japanese. They were terrified of losing their positions and lives in a complete communist takeover of China. Mao had been careful to leave the neutral warlords alone until the nationalists had been dealt with, but with Japan encroaching on more of China he had to decide which threats to deal with. The decision was made for him when Japan sparked yet another incident like Mukden. This time the fighting occurred at the Marco Polo Bridge. Japan had already brought significantly more troops into the area around Beijing so the flimsy pretext of a Japanese officer going missing was used as an excuse to attack the Chinese defenses on 10 October 1937. Unlike the Mukden Incident this would not result in a quick invasion followed by a truce. This was the beginning of the eight year long Second Sino-Japanese War that would become part of World War Two and end the lives of more than thirty million Chinese.

Even though the Chinese were still willing to negotiate, the hardliners in the Japanese military and the general staff escalated the conflict. They swayed many of the neutral leaning politicians in Tokyo by emphasizing the need to prevent China from “falling to communism, as surely Japan would be next to fall under the red flag if it were not stopped in China.” The largest effect the war had was to finally stop the fighting between the communists, warlords and nationalists. The Second United Front was formed on 1 December 1937, when Zhou Enlai met with Chiang Kai-Shek in Chongqing and negotiated a truce and agreed that resisting Japan was paramount to any fighting between internal Chinese factions. Mao himself had been reluctant to pursue this course of action, he had wanted to finally finish off the nationalists so the Red Army could fully focus on Japan. But Zhou and Zhang Guotao, the third man who made up the triumvirate with Mao and Zhou, who were the top leaders of the party, had convinced him that it would be best to let the nationalists help fight against Japan and their strength would be slowly diminished. Fighting Japan would be a war of attrition and they believed that this would be less costly to themselves than the nationalists. For the nationalists it was the greatest reprieve they could have received and the spent the majority of the war carrying out guerilla warfare on the Japanese, as well as the communists when the Second United Front eventually broke down.

The early stages of the war fell heavily in favour of Japan, as they seized much of China’s coastline and had huge victories at Shanghai, Nanjing and Beijing. The penetrated into the interior as well, winning battles at Taiyuan, Nanchang and Wuhan. The war stalemated in 1939 as the Chinese had some victories in Gunagxi, led by the brilliant General Bai Chongxi and his Guangxi Clique. Bai was a Hui Muslim and commanded an elite army all of whom declared jihad against Japan after the invasion, even in spite of his hatred of communism. He allowed nationalists to have free reign in his territory, an act which angered Mao greatly, but he could not move against Bai for fear of provoking the entire southern provinces against him at a time when he needed them united. During the stalemate period, Japan tried to recruit their own Chinese collaborationist forces but had little success. Most of the populace were committed to either China as a free nation or the communist party.

When Japan decided to attack the United States of America, the situation of the war changed greatly. The United States formalized relationships with both the Soviet Union and Communist China and began providing vast quantities of much needed aid to both nations to fight Germany and Japan. However they insisted on the nationalists being included in the new Chinese government as a price for the aid and joint combat troops in the China theater of war. This was a bitter pill for Mao to swallow but he had no choice. The Americans would fight the Japanese with or without him and he decided it would be better with. Chiang sent several delegates to the new capital at Lanzhou to serve in his capacity, but was unwilling to be based there himself as he did not trust Mao at all. Instead he continued his guerilla campaigns and spent time wooing the American officers in south China and Burma with the efforts his nationalists made. The Soviets had yet to declare war on Japan, something which Mao had been pushing for since 1937, but Stalin continually declined, citing the need for his forces in the west to fight against Germany and pointing out the folly of fighting a war on two fronts. This was almost certainly a criticism of Mao’s fighting against both the Japanese and the nationalists. Stalin did however agree to provide some aid and combat advisors for Chinese troops in Manchuria and the Japanese lost control of the province by mid-1944, only holding on to the main urban centres.

Japan embarked on a massive invasion of Central China in 1944 and conquered several more provinces, but the Chinese still had not surrendered and the supply and communication lines for the IJA were longer than ever. Guangxi and nationalist forces won battles in Canton, Hunan, and Nanchang, retaking most of the southern provinces in late 1944. Japan finally surrendered to the Allies with the dropping of the world’s first two atomic bombs on two of its cities, Kokura and Yokohama. For China, the struggle against Japan was finally over. The nation had been ravaged and millions killed directly and indirectly. Now was the time for rebuilding and both the communists and nationalists would focus on this for a time. But their opposing ideologies could not last in government together for long. The civil war between them would ignite once more.
 

6. "A Nation Should Have Absolute Freedom"

China’s task of rebuilding after the Second World War was a daunting one. China had been at war far longer than any of the other Allies. In fact some counted 1931 with the Japanese Invasion of Manchuria as the first official start of WW2 in Asia. While both Chiang and Mao met with each other in Lanzhou and began negotiating, fighting between the communists and nationalists continued on a small scale. A deal was reached in late 1945 and fighting finally stopped.

The Japanese had surrendered to Soviet troops in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia, to communist troops in central China and the eastern coast. But in the South they had surrendered to Guangxi Clique and British-American forces. Mao had asked for control of the south to be handed over to CCP forces but Bai Chongxi invited the KMT who used the opportunity of the peace to build up support in Guangdong province. The KMT also received a bounty of Imperial Japanese Army heavy weapons that would aid them greatly in the future. The Japanese had left a great deal of their equipment in the south and the southern warlords handed it over to the KMT forces. The British and Americans withdrew from the south in April 1946 under the terms of their agreement with the Soviet Union and the newly named People’s Republic of China; part of Mao’s reforms during the peace period.

General Secretary Josef Stalin and President Wendell Wilkie both visited China after the war and each congratulated Mao and Chiang on the victory over the Japanese. Stalin was committed to China as a fellow communist state, but he took careful note of the state the nation was in and the attitude that the populace had toward them. It reminded him of the fever that had gripped Russia in 1905 and 1916 and the hatred borne towards the old Tsarist regime. Mao was treading deep waters and the paranoid Old Bolshevik was concerned that China would go its own way from the Cominform as Mao asserted his independence.
President Wendell Wilkie, who had succeeded to the presidency in the last days of World War Two, had long been a supporter of the nationalists and his meetings with Chiang had gone well. Mao on the other hand, he found acidic and uncooperative, even arrogant. Nonetheless Wilkie approved for a large sum of money to go towards helping rebuild China, though much of it would end up in the hands of the nationalists along with a great deal of private money funneled through HH Kung and TV Soong, wealthy Chinese conservatives who had ties to American business interests.

The war had deeply damaged the popularity of the governing communists and Mao some policies in particular, like conscription orders and the use of barrier troops similarly used in the Soviet Union, the seizing of numerous small and large business to help finance the war and the seizure and redevelopment of land for peasant ownership. This was not helped that many of the farms and been ravage din the fighting and mass starvation followed the war, which many blamed on Mao and his policies.
In contrast the nationalists had managed to increase their numbers by biding their time and engaging in limited guerilla conflicts with the Japanese. During the peace period they concentrated on recruitment and were able to increase party membership to almost 2 million by the end of 1945. Many Chinese now saw the nationalists as the heroes of the war and their ‘China First’ and ‘China for the people, not for the state’ propaganda had won them over to many. When the British and Americans finally withdrew from the south the nationalists had control of almost every major city in the south and most of the countryside.

Fighting soon resumed between the two sides in the south in April of 1946, as the new joint government split again. The KMT had rebounded from the losses it had suffered in the 1930s and was ready to take the communists head on. In addition to the money, the US trained and equipped 40,000 nationalist troops. In addition the American ambassador, Patrick Hurley, had tried to stem the fighting by appealing to Mao, but the communist leader was inflexible. Hurley’s anti-communist views were confirmed and he advised Washington to support Chiang. In response the US canceled all aid to the communists and began directly supplying the nationalists.

Once the south had been taken completely by the nationalists, they attacked in many other parts of China. With high recruitment KMT forces attacked in the Central Plains, Shandong, Sichuan and Anhui. In the west, Bai Chongxi had negotiated the loyalty of the Ma Muslim warlords and Xinjiang was lost to the communists by the end of the year. The communists did push south and took Yunnan province, capturing and executing Long Yun for harboring the nationalists for so long, but it was a symbolic victory at best. The nationalists laid siege to cites throughout 1947 and captured many, forcing large numbers of communists to surrender or defect. After several more decisive campaigns throughout central and southern China the nationalists finally captured Nanjing and Shanghai in June of 1948 as well as the defection of an entire communist army of 800,000 soldiers. The communists were now bottlenecked in the northeast, still controlling Beijing and most of Manchuria but little else. Mao had moved his capital to Shenyang and had started purging a great number of high ranking officers and party members due to the losses. This included several skilled military men, such as He Long, Su Yu, Liu Bocheng and Peng Dehuai. As 1949 began the KMT besieged Beijing and began marching into Manchuria. Before the nationalists could reach Shenyang, Mao carefully considered his options. He could easily flee to the Soviet Union and continue the fight form there. But he himself had purged the Soviet educated communists on the grounds of being foreign influenced. For him to retreat there, would only damage his already poor reputation among China’s populace. The last piece of Chinese territory still under communist control was the island of Taiwan. Mao ordered the party to leave Shenyang as well as his remaining generals and left Chen Yi in charge of conducting guerilla operations in Manchuria to destroy the nationalist presence there. Then Mao boarded a plane to Taipei, a retreat that he fully intended to reverse but would never achieve.
Chen’s resistance lasted for exactly one week until the nationalists were marching into the streets of Shenyang, and he surrendered the city to Chiang Kai-Shek and General He Yingqin.

On the 1 July 1949, Chiang Kai-Shek proclaimed the Republic of China with Nanjing as its capital. Mao and his government had retreated fully to Taiwan along with several million communists who did not want to stay on the mainland under the nationalist government. Pockets of resistance remained in Helongjiang and Inner Mongolia, but they were soon taken including the large communist garrison on Liaoning peninsula. The nationalists did attempt to take Taiwan, by first taking the tiny island of Kinmen, but their fledging navy was routed and they failed. This allowed the People’s Republic of China to survive on Taiwan.
 
Last edited:
I do enjoy this timeline, though I can't say I'm looking forward to the KMT equivalents of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution.

Have no fear, the KMT won't be as nasty as that. Its not going to be a complete opposite. Mainland China is going to become a major American ally and trade partner through the 1950s-1970s, of course they do have that long border with the Soviets for plenty of tension to arise.

Taiwan will end up more like North Korea, regular purges, insular and isolated
 


7. "If The Idea Of Revolution Is To Win Out, It Must Be Through Political Enlightenment"

The new situation in China in the post war world shook up world politics. The communists had been the ruling government in China for a long time and many had expected that it would remain that way. The Soviet Union had lost a strong ally who would have been a vital part in the struggle against global capitalism.
Stalin responded with a fresh round of purges and show trials, and while the scale was not as large as that of 1937, the important figures who were arrested, tried and executed shook up Soviet politics.
First on the chopping block were the Soviet advisors to China. The lead advisor, Mikhail Borodin, had already committed suicide in Shenyang just before the nationalists took the city. Molotov then came next and shouldered much of the blame for the fall of China, for his position as foreign minister. But Stalin soon expanded his paranoia to those who had not the remotest connection to China, Bulganin, Mikoyan, and Vorshilov all fell from the inner circle. The military was targeted as well, but nowhere as ruthlessly as in 1937, with only obvious incompetent officers being arrested or any who had connections to China as well as many who had fought in the Soviet-Japanese border skirmishes in the late 1930s.
The only sections of Soviet government that remained unscathed in the purges were the industry and science divisions. This is likely due to the fact that in that same year the Soviets successfully tested their own atomic bomb and Stalin was proud enough of that achievement that he did not go near the workers and researchers who had contributed to that effort. Thus Kaganovich and Beria were the remaining ‘Old Bolsheviks’ in Stalin’s inner circle

Soviet troops also remained in Manchuria, Stalin having refused to pull them out and Chiang not daring to start a conflict while he struggled to rebuild after the civil war. It was not until March 1950 that negotiations were successful and the Soviet troops pulled out of the region. When the Chinese forces moved in, it became obvious that the Soviets had stripped the entirety of Manchuria as bare as they could for anything useful. Gone were all the industrial equipment for coal, cement and steel that had been built up by the Japanese. Power plants, mining equipment, machine tools, weapons, vehicles; everything the Soviets could move they took. Even vast swathes of farmland were harvested and stripped bare of all the soy and wheat the Soviets could load into trucks. Chiang was not happy when Manchuria was finally occupied by nationalist forces but there was little he could do. His American and British allies did not want to antagonize the Soviets, not when they had finally negotiated a withdrawal from Manchuria. The region would not recover to what it was until the early 1960s.

Other negotiations were settled in 1950 as well. As a Chinese nationalist Chiang had a deep desire to see the restoration of Hong Kong to China, which had been taken by Britain during the Opium Wars. Of course, Britain did not want to give up the island or the New Territories and Chiang recognized that it was infeasible to separate the two areas and simply let Britain have Hong Kong Island only. He pushed hard to get back all of Hong Kong but events elsewhere would force his hand. Chiang and the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden, agreed that Hong Kong would remain under British sovereignty but its citizens would be allowed to have Chinese citizenship if they so chose. In addition, the mainland would have several exclusive rights of trade in Hong Kong over other nations and citizens from the mainland would have access to Hong Kong via visa agreement. Chiang signed away Hong Kong for good in the Hong Kong Sovereignty Agreement on 1 August 1950. His hand had been forced by the first crisis of the new decade-the Korean War.

Kim Il-Sung had been the leader of a band of Korean communist guerillas during World War 2, fighting against the Japanese in Manchuria. His band survived the Japanese pacification only by retreating to the Soviet Union. He played his guerilla credentials into building himself up as a leader for Korea and the Soviets installed him as the leader of the Korean Communist party in Pyongyang when they took over administration of the northern half of the Korean peninsula. In the south, the USA had taken over from the Japanese and had set up a new national government. There had been far more factious debate about who to support for leadership but eventually the US Army military governor of Korea, John R. Hodge’s opinion won out and Kim Kyu-Sik was elected as president of the fledging Republic of Korea in May of 1948. Both sides were eager for their government to rule over the entire Korean peninsula. Kim Kyu-Sik was a centre-right moderate but his government included a great number of far right members. He tried to negotiate for reunification, but Kim Il-Sung had no interest in sharing power. Tensions in the south from in-fighting between nationalists and communist groups added pressure to Kim Kyu-Sik’s government and he was forced to order the arrest of thousands of communists and suspected ‘sympathizers’ though he would later remark on this action as one of his greatest regrets. With an undeclared border war going on throughout 1949, the northern Kim sought Stalin’s support for an invasion of the south. Stalin was still reeling from the rapid defeat of the Chinese communists and the new border he shared with an American puppet had exacerbated his paranoia. He was not prepared to see all of Korea fall into the hands of the Americans as well. Stalin approved Kim’s invasion of the South and assured him that if reinforcements were needed he would provide them in the form of Soviet soldiers of Korean, Siberian and Central Asian ethnic background. They would wear North Korean uniforms when they entered the war, as Stalin did not want a direct confrontation with the Americans and this plan would give him plausible deniability. In addition he was also able to promise the support of a significant PRC army, who were still in Soviet Territory. Mao only allowed the use of this army in Korea on the condition that Stalin would defend the PRC in the event that the nationalists made another attempt to take Taiwan.

At dawn on Wednesday, 26 July 1950, the People’s Army of Korea crossed the 38th parallel in a massive invasion of the south. The North Koreans had Soviet supplied equipment, including many tanks and heavy artillery and quickly overwhelmed the South Korean defenders. Within two weeks Seoul had been captured and the majority of the Republic of Korea’s armed forces had been captured or killed with the remainder in retreat towards Busan.

The Dewey Administration in the USA was completely surprised by the invasion. Most of the advisors in Korea had expected the border war to continue in a small scale. However President Dewey was not going to allow South Korea to fall to communism, he believed that failing to contain it, could only lead to it spreading into other nations. The United Nations Security Council unanimously condemned the invasion and authorized multi-national coalition police action to aid South Korea. This was only possible because the Soviet Union was boycotting the UN in response to the Republic of China being given a permanent seat on the Security Council, one that had been intended for the People’s Republic of China once the Chinese Civil War was over.

The nationalist government in China proceeded cautiously in the opening days of the war, toeing the line with the UN, but supplying only a small number of troops at first. Chiang was leery of becoming too involved in the conflict as it could escalate into war with the Soviet Union. The Hong Kong issue was first and foremost on his mind, but he could not ignore the Korean War completely. The North Koreans had boxed in the remaining South Korean military in the Busan Perimeter and were close to capturing the entire peninsula. Soviet armies were maneuvering on the borders of Manchuria and Chiang responded in kind by moving fifteen divisions into Manchuria. This was exactly the position that Chiang had not wanted to be in. He had planned for an attack on Taiwan later in the year but it was now looking risky as the Soviets might come to the aid of their Chinese communist ally. He negotiated with the British for naval aid to take Taiwan in return for signing over full sovereignty of Hong Kong to them. While Hong Kong had long been a sticking point for Chinese nationalism, Taiwan in the hands of communists was far more dangerous. In addition the British agreed to increase their presence in Korea by almost triple what they had initially intended with the promise that Chiang would not be called on to commit troops to the war.

The UN forces in Korea counterattacked in naval landings north of the main front and American air raids inflicted heavy damage to the PAK equipment. Soon the North Korean armies were in disarray and retreating back across the 38th parallel. Seoul was recaptured by South Korean and American forces on 28 August and on 2 October many of those same forces were advancing into a vulnerable Pyongyang that had been left with little defences in the wake of the disintegration of the PAK. Kim Il-Sung had moved his government to Sonbong near the Russian border as UN and South Korean forces slowly but surely moved north. Stalin hearing about the disaster in Korea and convened an emergency session of the Politburo. He held his advisors responsible for the disaster and stated that he could not fully commit to the Korean conflict in the face of such losses. Kim Il-Sung received a message to the same effect but he vowed to fight on. Throughout the rest of 1950 he ordered the PAK to disperse into bands and prepare for a long resistance fight. South Korean troops planted their flag on Mt. Paektu on 18 December 1950 and on Christmas Day, Sonbong was captured with the remainder of the PAK and the North Korean government surrendering. Kim Il-Sung had fled however and would lead the People’s Resistance Movement Against Imperialism which would continue to cause bloodshed and fighting in the now unified Korea.

In Nanjing, Chiang was grateful that the crisis had been resolved so fast. He had been sure that the Soviets would intervene. He met with his ministers and army generals and began re-planning the invasion of Taiwan.
 

8. "Of The People, By the People, For the People"

The newly powerful Republic of China entered the 1950s with much to look forward to. Ties to the USA and Europe were strong and trade was already beginning to bring economic growth where it was desperately needed to recover from the war with Japan and the civil war. But Chiang had one goal that stood first and foremost on his mind- the elimination of the surviving People’s Republic of China on Taiwan.

The planning for this had been going on since the communists had retreated to Taiwan but had stalled in 1950 during the Hong Kong negotiations and the brief Korean War. Chiang had secured British naval aid for a new invasion and set a new date. On the 1 April, 1952 nationalist forces and ships along with British supplied troop transports left ports in Fujian province. On the same day the mainland forces began extensive artillery bombardment of Kinmen Island which was still held by communist forces. Kinmen fell after three days. Dachen and Ridao islands fell after two more days and to other troops while the main force began coastal bombardment of the Pescadores Islands. The American ambassador in Nanjing was denied access to Chiang for the entire first week, as the US government had not given any approval for an invasion of Taiwan. Chiang had acted on his own.

In the Soviet Union, the air was tense. One communist ally had fallen, placing yet another American puppet on the border. Stalin locked himself in his office for the first few days but he eventually emerged and ordered diplomatic pressure to be applied to the Republic of China to back off. The Soviet representative, Yakov Malik, at the UN protested the invasion heavily and gave a heavy handed speech decrying the imperialism of the ROC government. The Chinese representative, Tsiang Tingfu, refused to meet with him, acting under orders from Chiang. The American representative, Dean Rusk met with Malik in his place. Malik coldly said to him that if any NRA forces set foot on Taiwan the Soviet Union would have no choice but to go to war with the Republic of China. They could not let their ally be attacked. The Soviet ambassador in Washington said the same thing to President Dewey. Soviet and East German troops were massing on the German border in a similar situation to the 1948 Berlin Crisis. In light of the fact that the Soviets now add a large nuclear arsenal and Taiwan was not seen as important by the Dewey administration, Dewey agreed to get Chiang to back down.

Dewey called Chiang directly and told him to back down from Taiwan. Otherwise he would be on his own against the might of the Soviet Union. Chiang had no choice but to cave and he ordered back the forces that were readying to land on the Pescadores. Chiang had been humiliated and had lost much prestige in his nation and within the Kuomintang party. There some in his party who felt it was time for Chiang to step down, but it was only a minority. The 1950s continued on and brought unprecedented prosperity to China as trade with the USA boomed and industrialization took off. The Republic of China’s GDP rose by around 4% annually from 1957 to 1960. American TV shows appeared on Chinese screens and American cars drove on the streets of Nanjing, Beijing and Shanghai. The Taiwan debacle was soon forgotten as many people in China slipped out of poverty into prosperous working class and sometimes middle-class lives.

One other issue that Chiang had to deal with during this period was Tibet. Under the Qing dynasty, Tibet had been a somewhat autonomous entity and had attacked Qing forces after the Xinhai Revolution. This had come to a crashing end with the rise of the communist government and Tibet was invaded and occupied by the Chinese Red Army. The Dalai Lama fled to India and never returned, while the communists instigated a brutal and oppressive occupation of Tibet. The Tibetans engaged in a guerilla movement and the communists were never able to stamp it out due to the terrain and conditions, as well as the support the Tibetans received from the British in India. When the communist regime fled the mainland the new Dalai Lama, the 14th, returned to Tibet with tacit acceptance from the new nationalist government. The nationalists had become somewhat allies of the Tibetans during the struggle against the communists and were willing to allow them leeway in regards to their leader. However there was a great deal of sentiment in China that Tibet was still a province of China and not an independent nation. Chiang had to balance those interests with the fact that other nations, his allies among them, so Tibet as more independent than his government would have liked. Tensions in his own party and the military were rising over Tibet but he was granted a gift in 1954 when Zhou Enlai defected to the mainland form Taiwan. Zhou had become disillusioned by the communist cause over the war and Mao’s oppressive and ultra-paranoid style of rule of Taiwan had alienated him completely. He boarded a small fishing boat on the night of 9 July 1954 and was smuggled on to the mainland. It did not take long for the authorities to find him and he willingly surrendered to them expressing his desire to defect. Zhou became a ready convert to the mainland government and it was a huge propaganda victory for Chiang. In Taiwan Mao’s response was brutal, he implemented censorship, curfews, and cracked down on anyone who might look at a PRC flag the wrong way. This time was known as the ‘Refugee Era’ in Taiwan’s history as many fled the ever increasing brutal communist dictatorship. Some found refuge in the mainland, rejoining families they had not seen for many years. Others fearful of nationalist reprisals fled to other regions, Vietnam, Philippines, Thailand and Malaysia.

Those who fled to Malaysia joined the Malaysian Communist Party and added a hardened core of fighters to the overwhelmed Malaysian National Liberation Army (MNLA) which had formed around the poorer, disenfranchised Chinese Malaysians. The MNLA had begun a guerilla war against the British government in the late 1940s but had not had much success against the highly trained British soldiers and their Malay allies. The influx of many Taiwan communists bolstered the movement when it was on the verge of faltering and many have said that the Malayan Emergency might have ended within a year had it not been for the Taiwan refugees. Instead the communists renewed their attacks and focused on increasing party membership. They had some success were able to continue their guerilla war for three more years until Malaya was granted independence under form the British and the communist liberation cause lost support.

In China, Chiang placed Zhou within his government and put the Tibet issue under his charge. If Zhou solved it then he would have earned his place, if not then Chiang could dismiss him without angering other members of the Kuomintang. On the 4 April 1955 Zhou traveled to Tibet directly and met with the new Dalai Lama and the Tibetan leaders. After several weeks of negotiations they finally arrived at an agreeable outcome and signed the Chinese-Tibetan Agreement, in which Tibet recognized Chinese sovereignty over Tibet, but Tibet was allowed to manage their own affairs, govern themselves and apply their own laws. Chinese citizens would be free to come and go from Tibet as they wished like any other Chinese territory. The result was a huge victory for Zhou and Chiang and Zhou was soon promoted to be China’s representative at the United Nations.

The 1950’s had been bright for China. It had recovered from the war and built up strong ties with its war time allies, Great Britain and the USA. The death of Stalin not long after the brief Korean War had lifted some of the tension with the Soviet Union but his successor, Lazar Kaganovich was almost as hardline as Stalin when it came to foreign policy, if not somewhat more tame domestically. Kaganovich had freed many prisoners from the gulags after rising to power and had put them to good use in industrializing his nation. But there were still unresolved issues along the borders with China which would bring both nations perilously close to war over the next twenty years, not to mention the issue of Taiwan always seemed to spring up every five to ten years or so and the NRA would start making probes towards the island as if testing the will of the Soviets to defend their ally. The most dangerous flashpoint between China and the Soviet Union was not over Taiwan however, but far to the west in the province of Xinjiang where a Soviet puppet state had been ruling the province since World War Two.
 
Top