Curthose at Calvary: The Norman Kingdom of Jerusalem

Prologue: From Crusader to King (1099 to 1100)
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Robert Curthose (1051 - 1134), Duke of Normandy and later King of Jerusalem in Crusader garb as pictured by Henri Decaisne.
Prologue: From Crusader to King (1099 to 1100)

No ruler of Jerusalem has divided historical opinion as deeply or for so long as the assessment of the first King of Jerusalem, Robert of Normandy.

The many critics of King Robert I both in his lifetime and in the centuries since have engraved his many flaws in granite. He was too fond of women and drink, he was weak willed and lazy and prone to the influence of others he was beyond hopeless with money and though even his harshest chroniclers admit him a personally splendid and chivalrous soldier he has been accused of poor strategy. Naturally Robert's supporters paint a different picture, praising his tolerance, his courage, his generosity to his subjects and ability to work with Eastern Christians and Muslim leaders. To some the establishment of a stable, prosperous Christian principality in the Holy Land was achieved thanks to Robert. To others it was achieved in spite of him.

It was on a stroke of luck - good or bad depends on the interpretation - that Robert ascended the throne as originally he had every intention of returning to Normandy and resuming control of his duchy, perhaps with an eye to contesting his rights to the English throne against his brothers. Unfortunately for Robert he fell desperately ill in the port city of Jaffa in the late Summer of 1099 immediately prior to his return to Europe. The exact illness he suffered from has never been conclusively proven but the most reliable surviving accounts suggest typhus. Whatever the truth the Duke of Normandy was imprisoned within in a sickbed for many weeks, followed by moths more of convalescing. More than once his retainers believed him to be dying and it was of course impossible for him to take a ship or travel overland. If this period of illness had any solace at all it was that the future king developed a fondness for Jaffa, finding his enforced stay in the port city gave it a strange feeling of homeliness. Many decades later Robert still preferred to take solace from the Levantine sun in Jerusalem in his small castle in Jaffa rather than retreat to the far richer and grander Acre.

Robert was through the worst of his illness by the Spring of 1100 but little closer to returning home. Some of the more malicious or mischievous historians have suggested that he had already squandered much of the treasure he won on the First Crusade and was hoping to rebuild his fortunes but even for the notoriously spendthrift Robert this seems unlikely. People lingering near death and with prelates hovering at their bed ready to administer the last rites are not legendary for throwing magnificent parties or drowning themselves in jewels or rings. Rather the exhausted prince evidently saw his recovery as a sign from God. Robert was perhaps not the most theological of the great princes of the First Crusade but all evidence suggests he was sincerely pious; struck down by plague and yet spared by the Lord he sought penance in the Holy Land. He founded a monastery dedicated to St Audoen near the town of Lydda, which again suggests his finances were far from depleted. He also, when sufficiently recovered took up arms against the Muslims during the first siege of Arsuf.

Robert, always at his best as a knight impressed the other crusaders with his bravery and skill as a warrior but he still might have left his debt to God done had Godfrey of Bouillon lived. The first Christian ruler of what would soon be the Kingdom of Jerusalem - though Godfrey was too pious to accept a crown himself - died on 18 July 1100 after falling ill during a visit to Caesarea.

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Godfrey is a difficult man for historians to get a handle on, encrusted as he is by centuries of hagiography but his death after less than a year plainly hit the nascent Levantine state hard. Godfrey had never married and had no children leaving a lacuna as to who would take charge - and for that matter what position they would take. Godfrey had sternly refused the title of king and had reigned as merely 'Advocate of the Holy Sepulchre'and there were many including the imperious Pisan Patriarch of Jerusalem Daimbert who saw the future of the 'kingdom' as a Church fief. For the fighting men however on which the safety of the frail state depended there must be a king.

The obvious candidate for the throne was Raymond of Tolouse one of the greatest princes of the First Crusade and a great leader who commanded a strong following amongst the Provençals and other southern Frenchmen in the Crusading armies. Raymond however was far away in Constantinople seeking aid for building what would later become the County of Tripoli and in any case had little popularity outside his own retinue. He was widely seen as a creature of the Roman emperor Alexius. Many of the Lorrainers instinctively turned to the prospect of Baldwin of Edessa taking power in Jerusalem. Not only was he Godfrey's brother and therefore the heir of familial loyalty he had proven himself a superb and cunning prince, having carved out a rich and formidable state in the north around the ancient city of Edessa.

There were two great princes of the Crusade closer still than Baldwin however. Boehmund, the Prince of Antioch and the most agressively ambitious of all his peers was already aligned with his nephew Tancred and with the ambitious Patriarch Daimbert and they were at first inclined to offer him the throne before Baldwin, regardless of Godfrey's wishes. What stopped them was the third and last of the great Crusading princes and the only one yet to take a fief in the Holy Land: Robert of Normandy.

The Crusader armies had spent an unforgiving July toiling away at the walls of Haifa, a city valiantly defended by its mostly Jewish inhabitants. With the aid of a Venetian fleet the vital port finally fell and the Crusaders quickly fell to argument as to who would take such a prize. The late Godfrey had planned it for Geldemar Carpenel but Tancred wished it for himself. Robert of Normandy who had the largest cohort of the army and the highest rank was able to prevent a break by his personal bonhomie. Tancred would take the city but Geldemar was grandly compensated by Robert. Ever since historians have suspected that Tancred and Robert must have come to a separate secret arrangement before Haifa fell, hidden even from Daimbert but publicly at least Robert emerged from the debate with his already grand reputation aglow. Tancred was later to bitterly regret this early alliance with Robert (and vice versa) but at the time the two Normans were strong comrades.

At the end of July Robert made his move, marching on Jerusalem. Messages had been sent to Baldwin and even to Boehmund (Daimbert after vacillating between the two great Norman princes had chosen to back the wrong horse) but they arrived far too late, or not at all in the case of the Prince of Antioch who had been captured by the Turks and spirited away to a lonely imprisonment in Anatolia. Robert was popular, of great noble heritage and came at the head of a powerful army and when he entered Jerusalem in August opposition to his candidacy evaporated. On 5 September 1100 to popular acclaim Robert assumed the title King of Jerusalem.

So why had it happened? In 1099 Robert had been eager to depart as soon as possible for distant Normandy yet just a year later he had solemnly taken a throne in perpetuity in the East. Undoubtedly the illness that nearly carried him away changed his mind, an enforced period helpless in the Levant with little to do but think. He was also present to witness Godfrey's poor personal rule which may have ignited ambitions of his own to do better. It is unlikely that Robert planned to depose Godfrey but the Lorrainer was always in poor health and Robert may have been encouraged (and encouraged by others) to view a lucrative throne as a matter of simply waiting. His prospects at home were far more dicey where his brother William Rufus was firmly in charge of England - and functionally in charge of Normandy - and their youngest brother Henry a formidable candidate waiting in the wings.

Finally we cannot just discount the importance of genuine piety. Robert had been struck down and spared and as a man of his age he perhaps saw the actions of the Lord intended for him to remain in Palestine.

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Anachronistic late Medieval painting of the capture of Jerusalem, 1099.



Greetings all and welcome to this timeline! his will be a mix of (in-universe) history book style and narrative elements, assuming my creativity holds up!

I'm far from an expert on the Crusades but I have always found them fascinating and after many happy hours whiling away on Paradox games I decided I wanted to try my hand at writing a proper timeline. The POD assumes that Robert Curthose avoided the dismal fate of his counterpart in OTL and ended up becoming King of Jerusalem. We shall be following the ups and downs of his dynasty in the East.

Any questions, comments and suggestions are as always appreciated!
 
Chapter I: The Italian Princess (1100 to 1112)
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The Devotion of Princess Sibylla by Félix Auvray, based on the famous legend where Sibylla sucked poison from a wounded Robert's chest.

Chapter I: The Italian Princess (1100 to 1112)

The history of the Levantine kingdoms is rich with significant women, perhaps more than in Christian Europe. The constant fighting in the Holy Land combined with the - to Franks - insalubrious climate took away many men and many boys before they reached adulthood and across the 12th and 13th centuries many a Christian lordship was left to an heiress or to a widow seeking a gallant knight to marry. Sibylla was no widow, in fact she would predecease her husband by many years, but she is the first of the remarkable women of medieval Jerusalem.

Years before on his first journey to the Holy Land Robert of Normandy had stayed in the Italian states seized by Norman adventurers a generation earlier. The lord of Conversano, a wily and tough warrior named Geoffrey had a daughter of wit and beauty named Sibylla and Robert, already an experienced old warhorse in his forties was fully charmed. There had been no shortage of maidens - and at least three bastards - in his past but the fair Norman-Italian lady with her dark brown hair, her green eyes and her ready smile charmed him like no other. Elegant she could be but the princess of Conversano was no simple ornament for a warlord. She knew French, Italian, Latin and Greek and would in time prove herself an able regent.

There was no marriage in 1097 for Robert, smitten as he was, was bound for Jerusalem and could hardly take a bride with him. Still the match had been made and once he assumed the throne of Jerusalem the ardent groom sent for her. Even in 1101 when Sibylla arrived in the port of Jaffa with an escort of a hundred knights and her brother Tancred (not to be confused with the more famous Crusader of the same name) the Kingdom was scarcely secure but Robert mindful of the example of Godfrey was determined to have an heir. He was not a young man and no one at the time could have guessed he'd last another three decades and outlive two of his own children.

Secure territory or not the new Queen Consort of Jerusalem was willing to brave it. Her arrival in state in the capital just before Christmas was met with terrific public reception. The wedding itself would be presided over by the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem and according a perhaps apocryphal story some knights of Robert's household wagered on whether their master would be sober enough to attend. If there is truth there someone lost money as Curthose was as proud and gallant a paladin for the ceremony as might be hoped.

When it came to looks Robert was alas no Bohemond of Antioch. Squat and inclined to paunchiness (at least when not on campaign) and with the beginnings of a beard (a habit he had acquired in the Orient that alarmed many a clean shaven European knight) the first King of Jerusalem was quite outshone by his bride. Yet he was not without charms and even the marks of indulgence hid a naturally robust health and physical strength and the marriage appears to have been a happy one if not quite the romance of the later medieval troubadours. The couple would have four children that survived to adulthood: William (1102 - 1127), Robert, Count of Ascalon (1103 - 1133), Matilda of Edessa (1105 - 1166) and King John I of Jerusalem (1108 - 1159).

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Thomas of Acre who lived in the middle Twelfth Century and Isaac the Syrian who flourished a generation later were the two most significant 'contemporary' chroniclers of the early Kingdom of Jerusalem and they agreed on very little; Thomas was a partisan of Tancred and liberally manured Robert's posthumous standing while Isaac's sympathies lay with the King. Nevertheless both sources and many minor ones attest to Sibylla's popularity and virtues among the Franko-Norman elite and the Eastern Christians who made up the majority of the kingdom's population. During the Crisis of 1109 to 1110 while her husband was held captive Queen Sibylla effectively ran the state, running it's finances noticeably better than Robert ever did and rallying the Normans from the brink of collapse. The prosperity and peace of the second half of Robert's later reign owes much to this remarkable woman even if she herself had passed on.

Another vital component of the Kingdom's survival was thanks to Sibylla's links with the Normans of Italy. After Robert usurped the throne many Frankish and Lorrainer knights who had loyally served Godfrey departed for home or for Baldwin's Edessa. Robert's own prestige as the son of William the Conqueror counted for much in Europe but it was thanks to his wife and her tireless cheerleading of his cause that a steady stream of Norman-Italian adventurers emigrated to the Kingdom of Jerusalem in the 1100s. Many it was true went to serve Bohemond or Tancred (and when the latter fell out with Robert it added a bitter family edge to their quarrel) but many more served under the crown of Jerusalem. Few of these adventurers, most second or third sons if not outright bastards had much in the way of money (that was more the preserve of the merchant republics) but they brought vital fighting skills. The awe the world held for the Normans strength in warfare had not dissipated in the Twelfth Century and these men and their sons would make a bloody but effective mark on the Holy Land.

The Queen was not beyond mistakes or prejudices of her own of course. She inherited the Norman-Italian disdain and distrust for Constantinople and she could be an eloquent and harsh critic of the Emperor Alexius. Any failure of the Crusaders in Anatolia touched her suspicions that the Romans had betrayed Christendom and once Sibylla held a grudge she held it for life. Even her hagiographers concede that Sibylla did as much if not more damage to Byzantine-Jerusalem relations as the infamously truculent Tancred.

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The River Jordan, taken from a Nineteenth Century illustration.

Sibylla's sudden death in 1112 is more a source of myth and mystery than of historical facts. All chroniclers agree that the Queen and her royal party had attended a baptism in the waters of the River Jordan in honour of the new born of one of Sibylla's ladies-in-waiting. The sacred waters had been sprinkled on the child's head and the party had broken up to make the trek back to Jerusalem. Unfortunately the river had overrun it's banks during the night and the muddy ground clung like death to the wagon wheels and made horse travel dangerous. The Queen decided to wait until mid-day reasoning that the sun would dry out the mud rather than risk travel and sent on a messenger ahead that she and her party - a group of guards and servants and the Lord and Lady of Lydda - would be following on shortly. That was the last anyone heard from them.

When soldiers returned to the spot the next day they found a scene of horror. The Queen and her party had been slain, their bodies left where they fell. Footprints and hoofprints around the riverbank told a story of an attack by armed men and the story was confirmed when one of Sibylla's maids was found alive hiding in a pine grove but half witted with fear. The young woman, once she had recovered from the ordeal enough to speak coherently spoke of a party of brigands falling upon the royal party and attempting to kidnap the Queen. Sibylla fought back desperately and was killed in the struggle whereupon the brigands panicked and rode off carrying Maude of Lydda and a wounded but living maid with them.

It was assumed at the time and many historians agree that the 'brigands' were working for the Emir of Damascus whose own son had been Norman hands for months and that the Muslims hoped to trade one prisoner for the other. Evidently the kidnapping went very wrong and the horsemen fled with Maude as their captive hoping to achieve something from the debacle. An alternative theory holds that Maude of Lydda was involved in the attempt and betrayed the Queen's location but the truth can never known as whether victim or villain she was neither seen or heard from again.

Not everyone suspects the Emir however. Partisans of Prince Tancred have plausibly been suggested as an alternative, as rather less plausibly, a conspiracy by one of Robert's mistresses. Thomas of Acre, never one to resist a dig against Robert's reputation, wrote darkly that:

"A well known Jewess harlot who was a favourite of the king sought to kidnap the queen and betray her to the Turks"

Most historians have rightly concluded this to be antisemitic gibberish but it was widely believed at the time, hardly helped by Robert's (relative) tolerance for his Jewish subjects and his known fondness for mistresses. Modern historians believe it likely that Robert did have both Christian and non-Christian mistresses during his reign but to suggest that one masterminded an elaborate kidnapping scheme seems unlikely to put it mildly.

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The loss of Sibylla was a tremendous blow to Robert. A man of strong emotions he was inconsolable for many weeks, locking himself away from the world in his palace in Jerusalem and forsaking (for a while) the joys of his life: hunting, drinking and dicing with his comrades and the pleasures of female companionship in the bedchamber. He grew haggard and grey and lost so much weight that it alarmed his court and provoked the ambassador from Aleppo to write to his master that the King would likely die soon.

He didn't. Robert recovered by doing what he did best; spending money. The lovely church of Saint Veronica in Jerusalem was built in honour of the late Queen who is depicted (as Saint Veronica) within, eternally young and beautiful and watching over her people.
 
I love this althistory and I eagerly await the next update. Also I am curious as to how England and Normandy are doing .
 
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