Create a Fictional President

President Robert Demetrius Burke (2001-2005 and 2009-2013) (D-WA)

Robert Demetrius Burke, colloquially known as Bobby Burke, or RDB was born on April 4th 1962 in Sandpoint, Idaho. His father was a prominent lawyer, while his mother was a schoolteacher. He was, by right of his father, a member of the famous Burke political dynasty in Idaho, a Democratic dynasty and political machine that counted Senator Kenneth Leon Burke Jr (born 1917, the head of the dynasty, think a mix between Robert Byrd and Frank Church with a dash of Huey Long thrown in) and Governor Leroy LeColin Burke (born 1930, a former representative and lieutenant governor who succeeds Cecil Andrus as Governor in 1977 and serves ten years) as its most prominent members. Bobby Burke worked at his uncle's sporting goods store starting at the age of six and frequented Grange meetings and dances as a kid. He was often described by his teachers and peers as a withdrawn and hard-hearted, yet charismatic and persuasive, and outgoing amongst his friends. Bobby Burke lived in Sandpoint until the age of ten, when he moved to Vancouver, Washington as his father wished to start a law practice. It was there, that he met his best friend and future Speaker of the House of Representatives, the half-japanese, half-italian, Tony Hashimura, who was one year his elder.

Burke, despite graduating from high school in 1980 as valedictorian, rejected and offer from Harvard and joined the Marines, wishing to follow in the footsteps of his grandfather, a decorated combat veteran of the Pacific Theater. Burke was deployed to Grenada, Lebanon and West Germany throughout the 1980's, eventually attaining the rank of captain. Burke, would be badly wounded in the Invasion of Panama, losing his left eye, two fingers and partial paralysis in his left leg, gaining the Medal of Honor for rescuing five wounded servicemen in the middle of firefight with Panamanian troops despite being wounded himself, loosing the two fingers in the process. After being discharged form the army, Burke was honorably discharged and returned home in February 1990.

Inspired by his grandfather and Tony Hashimura (who had just won election to the House of Representatives the year prior to succeed Mike Lowry in Washington's 7th Congressional District to become the Baby of the House at age 28), Burke ran for election to the House in Washington's 3rd district to replace retiring representative Don Bonker (who ran for one more term ITTL), easily winning thanks to Burke's strategy (a strategy that he would come to master) of appealing to New Deal Liberals, Reagan Democrats and Neoliberals all at once. Burke would become a well known fixture of House debates due to his gruff demeanor, characteristic eyepatch, friendship with a certain independent representative from Vermont, social liberalism (uncharacteristic of someone of both his district and upbringing) and his fusion of left populist and neoliberal economics that had defined his families dynasty back in Idaho. It was during his first term that he would meet Elizabeth Doyle, a staffer for Pennsylvania Senator Harris Wofford. A courtship ensued and, after reporting the nature of their relationship to the House Ethics Committee, Burke married her in January 1994, a bright spot in a year of struggle and catastrophe for the Burke family. They would have three boys, Robert Demetrius Burke Jr. (Born 1994) a future US representative, Anthony Warner Burke (Born 1996) a future Navy SEAL and Jackson Crawford Burke (Born 1999) an aspiring political science professor at the University of Washington.

The Republican Revolution of 1994 broke the Burke Dynasty's grip over Idahoan politics, This was a long time in the making, as despite the Burke family's control over local governments, on a national and state level, Republicans tightened their grip on Idaho. This all came to a head when Kenneth Burke Jr. was up for election in 1994. Having been in the Senate since 1952, Kenneth Burke Jr. was a near legend nationally and was renown for his bipartisan appeal and friendships as well as his firm, brutally honest nature. However, Kenneth Burke Jr had become increasingly seen as no longer the crusader he used to be and drew the ire of those looking for Congressional term limits. Kenneth Burke Jr knew the odds were against him, but he was not going to go out quietly. He rallied the strength and energy of a man 30 years younger and campaigned across the state, announcing that he was running for his final term, and adopting more conservative economic positions. With these efforts Kenneth Burke Jr was neck and neck with his Republican challenger, but a tragedy would strike that would shake up the race when Leroy Burke died in a car crash three days before the election. Leroys death gave Kenneth just enough sympathy votes to win by 42 votes. Leroy's death was the last gasp of a political machine that had lasted almost half a century and Kenneth knew the last of its energy had been spent in the election. Kenneth would retire after the end of his term in 2001 and would die of colon cancer five years later. Bobby was not immune to the collapse of his dynasty either, as he had a very close election that same year due to his votes against DOMA and Don't Ask Don't Tell, as well as his vote for the Clinton healthcare plan angering many rural voters, who had swept out many Democrats statewide. With this Bobby announced he would not be seeking reelection in 1996.

Bobby's fortunes would turn however, when Mike Lowry announced he would not be running for reelection as Washington's governor in 1996. Announcing he would only serve one term, Bobby would easily win the primary and the general election, becoming the youngest ever Washington governor at the age of 34. Burke's administration of the state would be rather nondescript , but competent and other antonyms of corrupt, with Burke raising his national profile due to his efforts to create a system similar to the Alaska Permanent Fund in Washington by using taxes raised from logging and land exploitation, succeeding and creating the Washington Environmental Fund that distributed a UBI to Washington State citizens (much lower than Alaskas, think in the $500-$800 range).

The 2000 Democratic Primary looked, on the outset, Al Gore's game to lose. Most Washington insiders expected Gore to ride of Clintons coattails to the nomination and victory. It came as a shock then, when Gore announced that he would not be running in the 2000 election, saying he wished to spend more time with his family (His marriage was on the rocks and Tipper wanted nothing to do with being the First Lady). Heavyweights throughout the party threw their hats into the ring, including Paul Wellstone, Bill Bradley, Bob Graham, Bob Kerrey, Jay Rockefeller and of course, Bobby Burke. It was anyones game, but it looked like Wellstone, with is aggressive campaigning, would win in Iowa and propel himself to frontrunner status. Which is why it came as a shock when Bobby Burke narrowly edged out Wellstone in the Iowa Caucuses, a result mainly attributable to burkes more calm, Reagan-esque, warm and yet dry charisma and straight-talking nature winning over many moderates. Wellstone would go onto win New Hampshire and Graham would win South Carolina, with all other candidates dropping out. As Wellstone gobbled up the Rust Belt and Graham go the South, Burke swept the plains and the Northwest, fighting intently with Wellstone over the Northeast. However, Burkes victory in the California Primary solidifying his nomination. Nominating Graham as his running mate and making peace with Wellstone (who would come to be a very close friend of Burke), Burke campaigned hard across the country against the Republican ticket of George W. Bush and Tom Ridge, focusing on the Midwest and Florida especially, often campaigning closely with the popular incumbent Bill Clinton. Burke trounced his opponent in the first debate by exposing his opponents lack of experience and "cavalier"foreign policy, a point which Bush never really recovered from. Burke would win a solid victory becoming the youngest president in American history at the age of 38, a victory attributed mostly to his personal popularity and the popularity of Clinton rather than the substance of his policy.

Burke's first term was marked by upheaval. Burke tapped Colin Powell for Secretary fo State and Sam Nunn for Secretary fo Defense and began to push for a domestic agenda that's was markedly more liberal than Bill Clinton's years before and he succeeded, thanks to a workable 52-48 Senate Majority (Schweitzer wins in 2000 and Robb holds on in Virginia) and a razor thin one seat majority in the House (which elevated Dick Gephardt to the Speakership and Tony Hashimura to House Majority Whip), Burke was able to pass the No Child Left Behind Act, the McCain-Feingold Act, the creation of medicare Part D (which authorized the federal government to negotiate drug prices ITTL), a small middle class tax cut, and minor increases in corporate and upper class income taxes. All of these measures made Burke widely popular with a 58% approval rating by the end of summer 2001, which no doubt contributed to Vermont Senator Jim Jeffords left the Republican Party and caucused as an independent Democrat. The domestic bliss would be shattered soon after as the world's machinations came into play.

The September 11 Attacks had divested America, and yet it hoped to show the prowess of Brukes ability to effectively command the nation. the attacks came when Burke was visiting NORAD at Cheyenne Mountain, and as soon as the first plane struck the Twin Towers, Burke knew based off gut instinct it was no accident. he ordered the sequestering of Congress and the dispersal fo the cabinet and dispatched military helicopters to evacuate survivors on the upper floors of the North Tower just as the South Tower was hit. Coordinating with Secretaries Nunn and Mineta at the Pentagon, Burke ordered a grounding of all flights and furthermore authorized shootdown orders for any plane that showed no signs of grounding. One of the flights (Flight 77) that was heading towards Washington (is destination unknown) was shot down by the Air Force under Burke's direct orders (an order that would quote "scar his conscience" for the rest of his life) while passengers were able to retake control of the final plane (Flight 95) and the plane managed to land safely in Baltimore, its target being the Capitol Building. Burke, whose approval ratings were at 95%, would address the nation the two days later and would vow vengeance on Al-Qaeda, declaring the global War on Terror that would come to define his first term and beyond. he would also sign the PATRIOT ACT to fight domestic terror (albeit a slightly weaker version)

The Invasion of Afganistan went rather well all things considered. An American led coalition, of over 250,000 troops allied with the Northern alliance, (whose leader, Ahmed Shah Massoud had been sent into a coma by an attempted assassination two days before 9/11). Burke authorized the use of MOABs and bunker busters to deal with Taliban troops hiding in caves, earning himself the nickname of Bloody Bobby Burke by his detractors back home, but making the Taliban bleed wherever they festered. The Taliban and Al Qaeda would eventually retreat into Pakistan and the border regions, and a recovered Ahmed Shah Massoud would become the new President of Afghanistan by the end of 2002.

Burke would retain his congressional majorities in the midterms, with a net gain of one seat in the Senate (Dems hold onto Minnesota and Missouri and gain New Hampshire for a 54-46 majority) and five seats in the House. he would also appoint Merrick Garland to succeed the deceased William Rehnquist in summer 2004. However, an increasing number of hawks in Congress began to push for an invasion, or at least a military intervention against Iraq, who they saw as a rogue state in possession of WMD's and harboring members of Al Qaeda. These arguments were supported by an increasingly hawkish and neoconservative segment of the American population as well as an army of Washington lobbyists. Burke was a hawk, but he was no neocon, but he was caught in a bind: indirectly defend Saddam Hussein by refuting the claims or give in and spread US forces thin in an effort to fight a possible future probable regional threat. To Burke, its wasn't a choice at all, he refused to bow and refused to invade Iraq, However, admittedly, he did a poor job of justifying why and detailing evidence in his favor, leading to a field day for right wing media to attack him over being soft on terror and dictators abroad. This would be a major talking point going into the 2004 Election.

The 2004 Election could be described as the peak of the 2000's culture war and of neoconservatism in the mainstream. Burke, whose approval ratings had declined to 49% over him angering both neoconservatives with his hesitancy for a new war and libertarians for the PATRIOT ACT. Partisan fatigue in the Democratic Party also began to exegete. However, it seemed like Burke had a 50/50 chance of victory against the Republican ticket of Rick Santorum and John Ensign. Burke and Santorum were neck and neck in the polls and Santorum's rabid social conservatism began to turn many moderate voters off, which was only further exposed by Burke in the debates. However, in mid October, a bombshell was dropped. A leak from several White House insiders, stated that Burke was a secret atheist, correlating it with Burkes hesitancy to associate himself with religion in his speeches and his infrequent attendance of church. Burke, later stating that "he would've rather lost and election for telling the truth than to win it based off a lie" admitted the allegations were absolutely true, but that it was a private matter that had no bearing on his ability to be president. This led to a field day for rightwing media, and despite proving his commitment to truth above politics, Burke would narrowly lose the popular vote and would be solidly beaten by Santorum in the electoral college. The Democrats would retain a 53-47 Senate majority (holding Florida ITTL, but losing Tom Daschles seat, leading to Paul Wellstone becoming Senate Majority Leader with Burke's support), but would lose the House by 15 seats, forcing Dick Ghepardt's resignation and propelling Tony Hashimura to the position of House Minority Leader (having succeeded David Bonior in 2002 as House Majority Leader).

Burke would spend Santorum's term increasingly embracing the more left-populist aspects of his ideology. He became a frequent speaker at colleges and institutions across the country, criticizing his successor indirectly, and also spending time with his family. Santorum would make a habit of bombing Iraqi military installations, engaging in deregulation and tax cuts, pushing socially conservative executive orders and staffing the judiciary with conservative justices. The deficit grew massively under Santorum, and his social conservatism pissed off enough moderates to lead o a Democratic Wave in the 2006 congressional elections, winning six seats in the Senate (OTL plus Tennessee) and 40 seats in the House, propelling Tony Hashimura to the speakership, becoming the highest office ever occupied by an Asian-American. Burke, knowing two of his closest allies were in Congress, began to consider running once again, considering Santorum's unpopularity and scandals surrounding John Ensigns extramarital affairs and conviction for bribery, leading to his replacement by Bill Frist. It didn't take Burke long to consider, and he announced his campaign for the presidency in November 2007 as the Great Recession began, easily winning the nomination with token opposition and making the historic pick of Janet Napolitano as his running mate. Burke would propel himself into the pantheon fo greatest political speeches of all-time with his famous "America Bleeds" DNC acceptance speech, blaming neoliberalism, deregulation, corporate greed and Republican economics for not just the recession, but economic inequality, budget deficits and the state of poverty in America. Needless to say, Burke would win in a landslide and the Democrats would come to hold 68 Senate seats and a 75 seat majority in the House.

Burke's second term would be much better than his first. Burke focused primarily on economics and combatting unemployment. He also authorized prosecution of the Wall Street bankers involved in creating the Recession through illegal and unethical trade practices and pushed for labor rights as well, repealing right to work provisions. Burke would anger many tax activists and libertarians, leading to 4 seat Senate losses and 30 seat House losses in the 2010 midterms. Burke would then push on healthcare reform, creating a public option (Burkecare) and giving medicare to anyone unable to afford health insurance and to those over the age of 50. Burke would establish a national id system free of charge and established Election Day as a national holiday. Burke would also appoint many liberal justices, replacing John Paul Stevens and David Souter (same picks as OTL) creating a liberal Garland Court. Hampered by terms limits, Burke left office in 2013, succeeded by Barack Obama and Jeanne Shaheen, who would in turn be succeeded by John Huntsman Jr and Mike DeWine in 2020.

Due to his reforms to American democracy, healthcare and economy, and his polices shifting the Overton Window towards the left over the course of his terms, Burke has been called one of the greatest president in American history, on the level of Ronald Reagan and Lyndon Johnson. His domestic agenda wins widespread acclaim form liberal, who credit him with revitalizing the American welfare state and establishing a social market economy, while conservatives and hawks respect Burke of his expansion of NATO and well done Invasion of Afghanistan, as well as his genuine concern over the deficit. Burke has enjoyed his retirement and is well regarded by American historians and voters alike.

(I hope this doesn't go to much into Current Politics, feel free to blame me if it does)
 
Richard Ewing

President of the United States, 1861 – 1867

Party:
Democratic

Born: 1799

Education: University of Pennsylvania

Occupation: Doctor

Career: US Representative from Indiana, 1833-1837, 1839-1841, 1843-1847, US Minister to France, 1847-1849, Governor of Indiana, 1849-1857

Background: Born in Pennsylvania, Ewing moves West to build a medical practice, and becomes involved in local Indiana politics, he serves off and on as a member of the House of Representatives before being appointed Minister to France by President Bond. Shortly after returning from France, he is elected Governor of Indiana and serves two terms. Immediately upon leaving office, Ewing begins strategizing to win the Democratic presidential nomination in 1860.

Term of Office: Upon being elected, Ewing slashes tariffs and the government spending on internal improvements they had been used to fund. Low tariffs cause a decline in the price of manufactured goods, benefiting consumers but intensifying the Eastern business establishment’s opposition to the Democratic Party. Ewing also admits New Mexico and Arizona to the Union as slave states, much to the chagrin of the growing abolitionist movement. However, he remains broadly popular with the working class, and is reelected in 1864, before deciding to honor the two-term precedent set by President Washington in 1868.
 
Alexander Knight
Prime Minister 1992-2002
Party: SDP
Education: University of Sheffield
Background: Psychologist
Born 1955

Background: Born in Edinburgh. Knight was the son of a police officer and would often see the effects of how crime affected him. Knight was a very inquisitive child and would often ask why people did what they did. His father would often opine that many people just didn't care about their actions or other people. Knight was a devout Roman Catholic and regarded his religion as very important. But as he grew older he realised that he was also gay. That internal struggle led Knight to question his own life and would later say that he spent a large part of his early life as a quiet and somewhat withdrawn individual. In an interview in 1987 just after he became SDP leader he admitted that he had suffered from depression and at one point was even sectioned.

Those experiences led him to try to understand how people's minds worked. Graduating in 1972 with a BSC Knight started working in Sheffield and saw just how the economic situation in the city had led so many to despair. Joining the Labour Party in 1974 he worked his way up the party ladder becoming a city counsellor in 1977. His meteoric rise led to him being nominated and winning the seat of Sheffield Hallam in the 1979 election.

Knight was appalled at the way in which the left-wing ran roughshod over the party and was horrified at Michael Foot's election as leader in 1980 even though he personally admired Foot.

Knight was one of the defectors to the SDP in 1981 and was one of the 6 MP's who returned after 1983. Tony Benn had shockingly become Labour leader beating Neil Kinnock in a bitterly close run election. Knight along with David Steel worked on the "New Way" statement which believed that many in the country were disaffected by the old two party system. Between 1983 and 1987 the Alliance was able thanks in large part to Knight's abilities to win over many disgruntled centrists as well as sterling support by a fellow SDP MP called Tony Blair.

The Alliance won 33 seats in 1987 mainly from the Labour left and Tory right. David Owen stepped down as leader afterwards and Knight won in a coronation. Between 1987 and 1992 the Alliance continued to entice voters from both Labour under Denis Healey and the Tories under Thatcher and later Tebbit (Thatcher stepped down in 1989)

The 1992 Election led to an alliance victory and Knight made history as the first openly Gay PM.

TERM IN OFFICE
Knight signed the UK up to Maastricht and was instrumental in overseeing the creation of the British Human Rights Act which was made into law in 1994 as well as the creation of the new European Defence Force which started in 1996.

Winning a second term as PM in 1997 Knight announced that there would be a referendum on the Euro which the UK voted in favour by 69% to 31%.
Following the 9/11 attacks Knight extolled the EDF to support the US under Gore to invade Afghanistan which resulted in the death of Bin Laden in 2003.

Knight retired in 2002, took a seat in the Lords and became EU president in 2005.
 
Samuel Hull

President of the United States, 1869 – 1877

Party:
Whig

Born: 1805

Education: Phillips Academy Andover, Harvard College

Occupation: College Professor

Career: Governor of Massachusetts, 1839-1840, Postmaster General, 1841-1845, President of Harvard University, 1845-1852, Senator from Massachusetts, 1852-1869

Background: A professor of classics at Harvard, Hull is selected as a compromise candidate for governor by the Massachusetts legislature after neither candidate in the general election wins a majority of the popular vote. Although he only serves one term, he helps deliver the state for the Whig party in the Presidential election of 1840 and is rewarded with an appointment as Postmaster General. In this position, he is widely praised for improving the quality of the postal service.

After a period as President of Harvard, Hull is elected to the Senate, where he becomes a leader of the Whig Party’s abolitionist faction. This faction triumphs at the 1868 convention, nominating Hull for President. A slowing economy and allegations of corruption in the Democratic administration propel him to victory.

Term of Office: The triumph of President Hull’s first term, and many argue of the Whig Party as an institution, is the Compromise of 1870. In exchange for backing a constitutional amendment supporting a graduated income tax, Southern Democrats are assured that the federal government will buy their slaves at an attractive price, and pay for their transportation out of the borders of the United States. In theory, this benefits everyone, including Whig businessmen who profit from the sudden rush of capital into the stock market.

In practice, however, the working class see little benefit. They are required to pay the income tax, and face rising prices as the decline in the slave population drives down production of textiles and tobacco. The Democratic Convention of 1872 dissolves in chaos, with working-class northerners leaving to form the new Workingman’s Party, and aristocratic southerners joining the Whigs. The rump Democratic candidate ends up coming third in the electoral college, with Hull being triumphantly reelected and serving out a quiet second term.

Allen P. Hardiman, Jr.

President of the United States, 1877-1885

Party:
Whig

Born: 1819

Education: University of Georgia

Occupation: Farmer

Career: U.S. Representative from Georgia, 1853 – 1869, Vice-President of the United States, 1869-1877

Background: The heir to a Georgia plantation Hardiman is an unlikely candidate for a Whig politician. However, the Whig’s internal improvements benefit the Hardiman family, as does federal patronage whenever the Whigs are in the White House. Hardiman effectively buys himself a congressional seat in 1852, and by 1868 is one of the last Whig elected officials in the South. The proslavery faction of the party pushes his nomination for Vice President to balance the ticket.

Hardiman plays an unusually important role for a 19th-century VP, serving as President Hull’s go-between in the negotiations with Southern leaders leading up to the Compromise of 1870. Many historians argue that Hardiman himself convinced Hull to accept compensated emancipation in place of Hull’s original proposal that all slaves born after 1870 automatically become free on their 21st birthday. In support of this, historians note the outsized profits that Hardiman and several of his relatives and friends made from the sale of their own slaves, although allegations of corruption have been strongly disputed by Hardiman’s descendants. Nevertheless, it is an undisputable fact that Hardiman is significantly richer upon being elected President than he was when first came to Congress.

Term of Office: Hardiman’s legislative agenda is fairly limited. Facing pressures on the budget from the rising costs of emancipation, he signs a law allowing for the circulation of silver money, and levies a 50-cent-per-head tax on immigrants. In his second term, the Workingman’s Party solidifies as a political force, setting the stage for the rise of the Third Party System. However, the American people are not yet ready to accept the Workingmans Party’s radical proposals, and Hardiman is succeeded by Vice President Garfield.
 
If the word Lockbox was the one most readily identified with the Gore campaign, the one most identified with the Sarkis campaign was Infrastructure. The governor of Virginia laid out bold new plans to modernize the infrastructure of the United States. This included the government infrastructure, wherein he emphasized reforms to federal bureaucracy and government agencies as part of his push. The fall campaign hit on some of the same themes as the primary campaign, hitting Gore for benefiting from dynastic politics and losing touch with everyday Americans as a result. In the end, Sarkis is propelled to victory building on his base in the primary to include supporters of Bush and McCain as well as Arab American voters who help to propel him over the finish line in states like Michigan and Pennsylvania. Analysts have speculated that Sarkis, a bachelor at the time of his election, might have garnered more support from single women than might have otherwise been expected. Sarkis also talked up his immigrant roots, and the businesses his parents and grandparents built, thus helping him resonate with many in the small business community.

President: Adrian Sarkis (R-VA)
Vice President: Robert "Bob" Smith (R-NH)
Secretary of State: Zalmay Khalilzad (R-CA)
Secretary of the Treasury: John J. Mack (R-NY)
Secretary of Defense: John P. Abizaid (R-CA)
Attorney General: Michael Chertoff (R-NJ)
Secretary of the Interior: Ben Nighthorse Campbell (R-CO)
Secretary of Agriculture: E. James Abdnor (R-SD) 2001-2003; Henry Bonilla (R-TX) 2003-2009
Secretary of Commerce: Lucille "Lucie" Salhany (I-CA)
Secretary of Labor: Victor G. "Vic" Atiyeh (R-OR) 2001-2003; Michael O. "Mike" Leavitt 2005-2009 (R-UT)
Secretary of Health and Human Services: Claude A. Allen, Jr. (R-VA)
Secretary of Education: Kurt L. Schmoke (D-MD)
Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Robert Woodson (I-PA)
Secretary of Transportation: Ray H. LaHood (R-IL)
Secretary of Energy: Spencer Abraham (R-MI) 2001-2005; Frank Lee "Skip" Bowman (I-TN)
Secretary of Veterans Affairs: James H. "Jim" Webb (R-VA)
Chief of Staff: George A. Joulwan (R-PA) 2001-2005; Paul H. O'Neill (R-PA) 2005-2009
EPA Administrator: Robert E. Grady (R-NJ)
OMB Director: John E. Sununu (R-NH)
United States Trade Representative: Thomas J. "Tom" Barrack, Jr. (R-CA)

Supreme Court appointments: Janice Rogers Brown succeeding Sandra Day O'Connor and Rcardo H. Hinojosa succeeding William H. Rehnquist.

From day one, the Sarkis administration emphasized infrastructure. The president began with his intelligence infrastructure, reversing regulations that prevented information sharing among federal intelligence agencies, and establishing Domestic Security Council that functions similarly to the NSC but focuses on specifically internal challenges. This effort would evolve into a reorganization of the intelligence community by act of Congress in 2002, including the establishment of a national counter-terrorism center, and the establishment of a Coordinator of U.S. Intelligence Organizations. The smoothness of the transition from Bill Clinton to Adrian Sarkis coupled with the intelligence infrastructure reform push results in the discovery of a plot to hijack passenger jets for use as missiles to attach buildings.

Shortly after the president's marriage to a former campaign intern in 2003, he gives the order to bombard a compound in the murky borderlands between Afghanistan and Pakistan killing Osama bin Laden, as subsequently confirmed by a special forces raid. After a successful pressure campaign, Pakistan withdraws support from the Taliban shortly after a Loya Jirga convened in opposition to the Taliban in Afghanistan declares Muhammad Zahir Shah the rightful ruler of the country to the consternation of another opposition group, the Northern Alliance.

Sarkis successfully pushes through tax and regulatory reform legislation, and oversees wrought, bipartisan efforts at overhauling the electrical, water, and transportation infrastructure of the country. The' ambitious government reform programs are largely unsuccessful, but he is able to get passed legislation winding down redundant agencies and reforming housing and education policy. One noteworthy success is passage of legislation giving consumers more flexibility in their use 401k plans. In healthcare, states are given more flexibility in managing and developing Medicaid, while Medicare introduces private benefit options with the trade off of being able to directly negotiate drug prices. Sarkis is also able to curtail the growth of federal bureaucracy in some areas while growing it in others. Sarkis pushes for and signs into law tax reform legislation restricting state tax liability write offs, cutting out other tax loopholes, lowering the corporate tax rate, and removing barriers to investment in the United States. Two-thirds of taxpayers also see their overall tax rates reduced by this legislation, but the net results are more mixed. Efforts to reform social security go nowhere. He is able to pass some recommendations of a bipartisan federal election reform commission, but not others. The second term sees financial sector reforms intended to shore up banking and improve regulatory oversight. President Sarkis would later contend that his proudest achievement was in maintaining a balanced budget every year of his presidency.

Thought it eats away at both of his terms, Sarkis is able to negotiate a settlement between Israel and Palestine. Still, events beyond his control concerning Iran helped considerably, as did his decision early on to declassify documents and records relating to Beirut suggesting Iran complicity, and weakening by extension Hezbollah in Lebanon seeing that country undergo a revolution on its own account though with the assistance afforded by US airstrikes preventing successful Syrian intervention there. Pressure is applied against Damascus over its weapons programs broadly to no avail. The administration also secured recognition of Israel by the Gulf States and Lebanon as a step toward peace. Together, these efforts earned Sarkis the Nobel Peace Prize in 2009. An effort organized jointly with the British government results in Libya abandoning its weapons of mass destruction program and joining the world community even as the long ruling dictator there remains in power. Though it would not happen until his successor was in office, Sarkis' crippling sanctions on Pyongyang and those that did business with the DPRK are generally credited with the downfall of the regime and subsequent, gradual transition to Korean reunification.

Adrian Sarkis left office not having achieved everything he set out to do. Nonetheless, his was an administration remembered for its unusually ethical conduct and unprecedented prosperity. The economic slowdown at the end of his tenure, as well as Vice President Smith's decision not to run allowed the Democrats to regain the presidency in the 2008 election, criticizing Sarkis' inability to fix healthcare and poor handling of the calamitous situation in Sudan. Liikewise, the Sarkis administration did little to contest China's rise beyond its increase in defense spending and production. Democrats further criticized Sarkis for dispatching a carrier group to the Black Sea in the summer of 2008 during the Beijing Olympics when Russia made a brief incursion into Georgia before ultimately withdrawing.

One aspect of his enduring legacy was in the upsurge in Arab-American candidacies for office across the United States from both parties following his victories in 2000 and 2004. Upon leaving office, the former first family move back to Sarkis' old congressional district where the former president is elected to Congress in 2010 retiring for good in 2020 after three successful bids for reelection. .
 
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Concluding the timeline I started with President Holland:

Isaac Smith

President of the United States, 1893 – 1901

Party:
Workingman’s

Born: 1851

Occupation: Lumberjack (1861-1872) Saloonkeeper (1872-1881)

Career: Nisqually State Senate, 1877-1881, Governor of Nisqually, 1881-1893

Background: The illegitimate son of a half-Squamish ‘barmaid,’ Smith grows up with a massive chip on his shoulder about his background. In adulthood, this turns into an intense hatred of the upper classes which makes him a natural recruit for the new Workingman’s Party. He is elected to the Nisqually Senate in 1877, and as governor four years later. As governor, he pursues a populist agenda, setting statewide labor standards and an eight-hour workday. Smith makes national headlines through his conflict with the railroad owners and lumber barons who control the state. The Workingman’s Party nominates Smith for the Presidency in 1892. With the nation mired in the Panic of 1891, the time is ripe for Smith to take the White House.

Term of Office: As President, Smith capitalizes on the opportunities created by the economic crisis, nationalizing bankrupt railroads and instituting a federal poor relief program. By printing Greenbacks, Smith inflates the economy out of recession. He also raises taxes on high incomes, up to 60 percent by the end of his first term, and secures the passage of constitutional amendments mandating the popular election of senators, guaranteeing the right to join a union, and extending the franchise to Indians and free African Americans.

In 1900, Smith is elected to an unprecedented third term, but he is assassinated at the 1901 World’s Fair. An anarchist is quickly apprehended and executed, but rumors swirl that the killing was actually a conspiracy of elite Eastern bankers, fearful that Smith would set himself up as dictator.
 
SELECTED MEMBERS OF KNIGHT CABINET
Prime Minister Alexander Knight (SDP)
Deputy PM and Home Secretary David Steel (Lib)
Foreign Secretary Tony Blair (SDP)
Chancellor Alan Beith (Lib)
Defence Secretary Ming Campbell (Lib)

Health and Social Services Secretary Charles Kennedy (SDP)
Leader of The Commons Charles Maclennan (SDP)
Government Leader in the Lords Lord Mcnally (Lib)
 
James N. Drum

President of the United States, 1921 – 1929

Party:
Republican

Born: 1872

Education: BA, Dartmouth College JD, Harvard University

Occupation: Attorney

Career: U.S. Representative from the 7th District of Massachusetts, 1909-1916, Governor of Massachusetts, 1916-1920

Background: The scion of a wealthy Massachusetts family, Drum establishes himself as an attorney before running for Congress, scoring an upset win for a Republican in a predominantly Irish Catholic district. In Congress, he votes as a middle-of-the-road Republican, a trait he continues as Governor of Massachusetts. He impresses progressives with his support for ethics reforms and improvements to the state pension system, and conservatives with his decisive handling of a Boston police strike.

With the Republican Party split heading into the 1920 convention, Drum emerges as a compromise candidate. Pledging a ‘Return to Normalcy,’ he easily defeats the incumbent Democrats, weakened by recession and the failure of the League of Nations.

Term of Office: Drum continues his moderately progressive policies as President, securing passage of an anti-lynching bill and creating the Social Insurance Program, but avoiding any legislation that would seriously restrict big business and quietly allowing anti-trust enforcement to wane. In foreign affairs, Drum leads the United States into the Permanent Court of International Justice, and secures a restructuring of German War debt, but avoids entering the League of Nations. His popularity is buoyed by the strong economy of the Roaring Twenties, and he cruises to reelection with the Democratic Party divided over Prohibition. After the death of Vice President Harding in 1923, the Republican convention nominates Commerce Secretary Herbert Hoover as Vice President.

In his second term, Drum supports Vice President Hoover’s relief efforts after the Mississippi Flood of 1927. He signs the Flood Control Act of 1928, which gives the Federal government authority over flood mitigation, and eventually leads to the massive hydroelectric projects of the Hoover administration. Drum retires in 1928, handing the reins of power to Herbert Hoover, who everyone assumes will preside over another eight years of peace and prosperity.
 
Name: Meng Dawen (孟大文)

Party: Communist Party of China

Born: May 1, 1900 Yingtan, China

Jobs: Stablehand and Mailcarrier (1913-1931), Soldier (1931-1955)

Career: Member of the Politburo (1955-1957), Chairman (1957-1973)

Bio: As the sixth child of peasant farmers, it would be easy to imagine that Meng Dawen would never amount to much. By his own admission (in a series of papers and remarks compiled and edited by his daughter over 20 years after his death) he was not particularly clever or strong as a boy. However, he was able to get a job as a mail carrier, allowing him to travel a little ways outside his village. During his travels he got involved with the Jiangxi Soviet and would end up taking part in the Long March.

During the Long March, Meng would get an education and get married after the brutal climb through Tibet. Upon reaching Shaanxi, Meng would basically go back to his job as a mail carrier until the Civil War, where he was commended for bravery. Which won him a position in Beijing after the Communist victory. Where he maintained various connections well enough to get a seat on the Politburo in 1955. He did his jobs well enough but never to the point that he drew any lasting attention to himself. Which would serve him well in the years to come.

His predecessor, Mao Zedong's, final act as Chairman was to encourage liberalization under the 100 Flowers Campaign before being taken by a stroke. Rather than claim the title of Chairman for themselves the various members of Mao's inner circle decided to appoint an outsider that they could manipulate and if necessary scapegoat in their own struggles for power. As a paper pushing outsider with no real charisma, Meng was exactly the man that they were looking for.

On some level Meng was open to being manipulated, particularly by Zhou Enlai who had unquestioned authority on all foreign policy decisions, he was not one to be pushed around or bullied as Madam Mao discovered when she when she was forced from the government and then internally exiled after a particularly nasty argument with the Chairman. Even Zhou found himself sidelined during the April Storm Crisis in 1970.

Meng's signature achievement was formalizing Mao's final one, fitting the 100 schools of though into the workings of the Communist Party. Light criticism would be tolerated as long as it was made clear that those speaking out were doing so not to "demean or defame" but "reveal real flaws and offer real solutions". Meng has sometimes been criticized for limiting free speech compared to the height of the 100 Flowers Campaign but his reforms did mean that was more tolerant of critical speech than any nation in the Warsaw Pact. Arguably, Meng's greatest impact on Chinese politics was an accidental one. In early 1972 he was diagnosed with bladder cancer and by December it became clear that he was no longer healthy enough to handle the trails of the job. Still he was worried that admitting to an illness would make him look weak, so in a rare public address he announced that he was stepping down out of respect for previously undiscussed term limits. This lie would have the effect of normalizing peaceful transfers of power in the PRC.

Note: This is a concept that I have been considering for a while, Mao dying during the 100 Flowers Campaign leading to a slowly liberalizing China, would anyone be interested in reading a full timeline on this?
 
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Name: Meng Dawen (孟大文)

Party: Communist Party of China

Born: May 1, 1900 Yingtan, China

Jobs: Stablehand and Mailcarrier (1913-1931), Soldier (1931-1955)

Career: Member of the Politburo (1955-1957), Chairman (1957-1973)

Bio: As the sixth child of peasant farmers, it would be easy to imagine that Meng Dawen would never amount to much. By his own admission (in a series of papers and remarks compiled and edited by his daughter over 20 years after his death) he was not particularly clever or strong as a boy. However, he was able to get a job as a mail carrier, allowing him to travel a little ways outside his village. During his travels he got involved with the Jiangxi Soviet and would end up taking part in the Long March.

During the Long March, Meng would get an education and get married after the brutal climb through Tibet. Upon reaching Shaanxi, Meng would basically go back to his job as a mail carrier until the Civil War, where he was commended for bravery. Which won him a position in Beijing after the Communist victory. Where he maintained various connections well enough to get a seat on the Politburo in 1955. He did his jobs well enough but never to the point that he drew any lasting attention to himself. Which would serve him well in the years to come.

His predecessor, Mao Zedong's, final act as Chairman was to encourage liberalization under the 100 Flowers Campaign before being taken by a stroke. Rather than claim the title of Chairman for themselves the various members of Mao's inner circle decided to appoint an outsider that they could manipulate and if necessary scapegoat in their own struggles for power. As a paper pushing outsider with no real charisma, Meng was exactly the man that they were looking for.

On some level Meng was open to being manipulated, particularly by Zhou Enlai who had unquestioned authority on all foreign policy decisions, he was not one to be pushed around or bullied as Madam Mao discovered when she when she was forced from the government and then internally exiled after a particularly nasty argument with the Chairman. Even Zhou found himself sidelined during the April Storm Crisis in 1970.

Meng's signature achievement was formalizing Mao's final one, fitting the 100 schools of though into the workings of the Communist Party. Light criticism would be tolerated as long as it was made clear that those speaking out were doing so not to "demean or defame" but "reveal real flaws and offer real solutions". Meng has sometimes been criticized for limiting free speech compared to the height of the 100 Flowers Campaign but his reforms did mean that was more tolerant of critical speech than any nation in the Warsaw Pact. Arguably, Meng's greatest impact on Chinese politics was an accidental one. In early 1972 he was diagnosed with bladder cancer and by December it became clear that he was no longer healthy enough to handle the trails of the job. Still he was worried that admitting to an illness would make him look week, so in a rare public address he announced that he was stepping down out of respect for previously undiscussed term limits. This lie would have the effect of normalizing peaceful transfers of power in the PRC.

Note: This is a concept that I have been considering for a while, Mao dying during the 100 Flowers Campaign leading to a slowly liberalizing China, would anyone be interested in reading a full timeline on this?
I would definitely read a full timeline of this!
 
Samuel Hull

President of the United States, 1869 – 1877

Party:
Whig

Born: 1805

Education: Phillips Academy Andover, Harvard College

Occupation: College Professor

Career: Governor of Massachusetts, 1839-1840, Postmaster General, 1841-1845, President of Harvard University, 1845-1852, Senator from Massachusetts, 1852-1869

Background: A professor of classics at Harvard, Hull is selected as a compromise candidate for governor by the Massachusetts legislature after neither candidate in the general election wins a majority of the popular vote. Although he only serves one term, he helps deliver the state for the Whig party in the Presidential election of 1840 and is rewarded with an appointment as Postmaster General. In this position, he is widely praised for improving the quality of the postal service.

After a period as President of Harvard, Hull is elected to the Senate, where he becomes a leader of the Whig Party’s abolitionist faction. This faction triumphs at the 1868 convention, nominating Hull for President. A slowing economy and allegations of corruption in the Democratic administration propel him to victory.

Term of Office: The triumph of President Hull’s first term, and many argue of the Whig Party as an institution, is the Compromise of 1870. In exchange for backing a constitutional amendment supporting a graduated income tax, Southern Democrats are assured that the federal government will buy their slaves at an attractive price, and pay for their transportation out of the borders of the United States. In theory, this benefits everyone, including Whig businessmen who profit from the sudden rush of capital into the stock market.

In practice, however, the working class see little benefit. They are required to pay the income tax, and face rising prices as the decline in the slave population drives down production of textiles and tobacco. The Democratic Convention of 1872 dissolves in chaos, with working-class northerners leaving to form the new Workingman’s Party, and aristocratic southerners joining the Whigs. The rump Democratic candidate ends up coming third in the electoral college, with Hull being triumphantly reelected and serving out a quiet second term.

Allen P. Hardiman, Jr.

President of the United States, 1877-1885

Party:
Whig

Born: 1819

Education: University of Georgia

Occupation: Farmer

Career: U.S. Representative from Georgia, 1853 – 1869, Vice-President of the United States, 1869-1877

Background: The heir to a Georgia plantation Hardiman is an unlikely candidate for a Whig politician. However, the Whig’s internal improvements benefit the Hardiman family, as does federal patronage whenever the Whigs are in the White House. Hardiman effectively buys himself a congressional seat in 1852, and by 1868 is one of the last Whig elected officials in the South. The proslavery faction of the party pushes his nomination for Vice President to balance the ticket.

Hardiman plays an unusually important role for a 19th-century VP, serving as President Hull’s go-between in the negotiations with Southern leaders leading up to the Compromise of 1870. Many historians argue that Hardiman himself convinced Hull to accept compensated emancipation in place of Hull’s original proposal that all slaves born after 1870 automatically become free on their 21st birthday. In support of this, historians note the outsized profits that Hardiman and several of his relatives and friends made from the sale of their own slaves, although allegations of corruption have been strongly disputed by Hardiman’s descendants. Nevertheless, it is an undisputable fact that Hardiman is significantly richer upon being elected President than he was when first came to Congress.

Term of Office: Hardiman’s legislative agenda is fairly limited. Facing pressures on the budget from the rising costs of emancipation, he signs a law allowing for the circulation of silver money, and levies a 50-cent-per-head tax on immigrants. In his second term, the Workingman’s Party solidifies as a political force, setting the stage for the rise of the Third Party System. However, the American people are not yet ready to accept the Workingmans Party’s radical proposals, and Hardiman is succeeded by Vice President Garfield.
Concluding the timeline I started with President Holland:

Isaac Smith

President of the United States, 1893 – 1901

Party:
Workingman’s

Born: 1851

Occupation: Lumberjack (1861-1872) Saloonkeeper (1872-1881)

Career: Nisqually State Senate, 1877-1881, Governor of Nisqually, 1881-1893

Background: The illegitimate son of a half-Squamish ‘barmaid,’ Smith grows up with a massive chip on his shoulder about his background. In adulthood, this turns into an intense hatred of the upper classes which makes him a natural recruit for the new Workingman’s Party. He is elected to the Nisqually Senate in 1877, and as governor four years later. As governor, he pursues a populist agenda, setting statewide labor standards and an eight-hour workday. Smith makes national headlines through his conflict with the railroad owners and lumber barons who control the state. The Workingman’s Party nominates Smith for the Presidency in 1892. With the nation mired in the Panic of 1891, the time is ripe for Smith to take the White House.

Term of Office: As President, Smith capitalizes on the opportunities created by the economic crisis, nationalizing bankrupt railroads and instituting a federal poor relief program. By printing Greenbacks, Smith inflates the economy out of recession. He also raises taxes on high incomes, up to 60 percent by the end of his first term, and secures the passage of constitutional amendments mandating the popular election of senators, guaranteeing the right to join a union, and extending the franchise to Indians and free African Americans.

In 1900, Smith is elected to an unprecedented third term, but he is assassinated at the 1901 World’s Fair. An anarchist is quickly apprehended and executed, but rumors swirl that the killing was actually a conspiracy of elite Eastern bankers, fearful that Smith would set himself up as dictator.
These are pretty cool! It could be neat to see the wider impact of these changes.
 
Paul Trevor
Born: 06/09/1934
Prime Minister of the United Kingdom 1978-1993
Leader of the Opposition 1973-1978
Leader of the Labour Party 1973-1993
Home Secretary 1968-1973
Health Minister 1966-1968
Member of Parliament for Rotherham 1955-1994


Paul Trevor, from a coal mining Yorkshire family, is perhaps the most beloved of all post-war British PMs. Elected to Parliament as one of its youngest-ever members, his age didn't become a barrier to success, and within a couple of years he was one of Labour's most high-profile members. Initially a somewhat rebellious member of the party's left, he moderated his positions during the 1960s and was rewarded with a cabinet spot as Health Minister in 1966. Performing well in this role, he became Home Secretary in 1968, and gained a reputation for a likeable, but no nonsense, approach. He was seen as the inevitable successor as Labour leader when the party lost government in 1973 and was duly elected. The catastrophic economic management of the Conservative government during the mid-1970s made him a Prime Minister in waiting and Labour won a landslide majority of 112 seats in 1978. The government took a pragmatic approach, strengthening social welfare programmes whilst also privatising certain industries. This led to a left-wing breakaway called Real Labour, but despite this potential obstacle the party won overall majorities, albeit by more narrow margins, in the elections of 1982 and 1986. By the late 1980s, social divisions were beginning to show, and the government was in a pickle over the European issue as well. Labour was widely expected to lose the scheduled (the government had introduced a four-year fixed parliamentary term in the early 1980s) 1990 election, but luckily they were up against a staunchly monetarist Conservative Party that scared away many working-class and lower middle-class voters. Against the odds, Labour won a slightly increased majority. In 1993, having reached the fifteen-year point of his premiership, Trevor decided to retire, with his popularity at records lows due to the early 1990s recession. Within a few years, however, his reputation had once again improved, and is now regarded as an elder statesman who governed the country in a competent way, and his personal charisma has done him no harm in the sense either.
 
Fergus O'kELLY, had got a medal after defeating an attack on a Girl's school in Afganistan. Opposes invovelement in Iraq. Defeats in 06 a prominent Republican for US Senate who had been expected to be candidate in 08. Just before 08 Democrat convention Hilary Clinton has a stroke and Obama withdraws because of a cancer diagnosis
 
Jonathan N. Murphy

President of the United States, 1948-1952

Party:
Progressive Party

Born: 1903

Education: University of Vermont

Occupation: Lawyer

Career: United States House of Representatives, 1938-1948

Background: The eldest child of a middle class Vermont family, Murphy was able to study law at the University of Vermont. However he choose the role of a public defender rather than a private lawyer, where he became personally intertwined with the downtrotten of America. Vowing to change them he joined the progressive party and managed to unite the leftist movement in Vermont to secure his election in 1938. Soon enough he would become one of the leaders of the progressive movement. The strength of the movement increased throughout the 40s and as much of the new-deal coalition left the democratic party after the nomination of Thurmond for the democratic presidential candidate it gave the push for Murphy to take the presidency as a dark horse candidate, with Henry A Wallace as his VP.

Term of Office:
Economically Murphy presidency was focused on continuing and expanding the liberalism of the new deal, barely pushing through his progressive legislation which gave him popularity among urban and midwestern voters but earning no favour from the establishment or the rural south. In foreign relations the focused on tighter cooperation between the United Nations and a more passive relation to the cold war, personally arguing for an end of McCarthyism but supporting the Berlin airlift and the Korean War among others. The most controversial part of the Murphy presidency was however his unrelenting support of the civil rights movement, where he proposed numerous times for extensive civil rights act, but because of their limited support outside of the progressive party only a heavily watered down Act was able to pass congress. However his high popularity among the wider population was not enough to earn him a majority of the electoral college, causing the presidency to fall into the hands of republican candidate Dwight D. Eisenhower.

Legacy: While originally being pushed as a "half communist" by the government at large, a different view would form of Murphy in the 70s where he started to instead be seen as one of the better presidents to have governed. His original civil rights bill would give inspiration to the civil rights act of 1962 which is finally accepted. In the modern day Murphy is seen as one of the better presidents by the majority of the public, but is still held in contempt in the south.
 
Protacio José Dáluz y García (1880-1957)

First Secretary of the Philippine Insular Government, 1930-1935

Political Party:
Federalist Party (1907-1946)

Date of Birth: 12th of October, 1880

Date of Death: 23rd of September, 1957

Education: University of Santo Tomás (Manila), Universidad Central de Madrid (Madrid), Yale University

Occupation: Linguist, Lawyer, Writer

Previous Political Career: Member of the Insular House of Representatives (province of Binangonan) 1925-1930; Member of the Council of State (1935-1950)

Background:
The fourth and youngest son of the well-respected linguist Protacio Dáluz T., Protacio José had collaborated not just with his father, but also with his elder siblings (Eusebio, Roberto María and Feliciano) in developing and propagating what was called the "common insular language" based on the tongues spoken in the whole Philippines, currently called Luuk. Of the whole Dáluz clan, only Protacio José had a politic career as he was elected as one of the representatives of his adopted province of Binangonan (OTL Rizal and northernmost Quezon) in the 1925 general elections, which he described in his autobiography just as "an extension of his usual routine as a lawyer and linguist."

Term of office:
Unexpectedly selected by the two houses of the Philippine Congress as a consensus as a result of the deadlock related to the results of the 1930 general elections, Protacio José Dáluz was nonetheless invited by Governor-General Dwight Dawis to form a government, thus he was de facto appointed as the First Secretary of the Insular Government, the de facto head of Philippine government and the deputy of the Governor-General in the Executive Council. As he served in the period of the Great Depression, Protacio José had initiated a series of measures that would aliviate all sectors of Philippine society, which includes the farmers, the organized labor and the elites, who later became instrumental in the economic development of the islands by investing on the emerging local companies, both in the 1930s and the post-war period. Once Frank Murphy became the Governor-General, the former's plan was adopted to the local necessities as a result of meetings with Protacio José, which included stengthening the agricultural cooperatives across the country and the focusing on processing raw materials for local production. In addition, Protacio José Dáluz continued the decentralized approach to economic growth started by his predecessors, arguing that concentration in a single area, most notably in Manila, would harm the economic health of the islands in the long term.

Legacy:
A year before his term had ended, Protacio José Dáluz had consulted the principal members of the 1934 Constitutional Convention that the new Philippine constitution should honor not just the de facto federal structure of its goverment, but also the status of Luuk as the native lingua franca of the archipelago, something that was honored and included in the 1935 Philippine Constitution. Despite his initial resentment, his successor Manuel Luis Quezón had recognized the fact that Protacio José Dáluz was an "unexpectedly fine statesman" that helped paved the way for the total independence of the Philippines. In addition, the roots of the Philippine public broadcaster was attributed to Protacio José Dáluz, both when he was a representative and as the de facto head of the Insular Government.
 
Alexandra Smith

Prime Minister of the United Kingdom 2015-20??

Political Party:
Labour

Born: 1970

Occupation: Teacher

Political Career: MSP for Edinburgh Southern: 1999-2007, MP for Edinburgh South: 2007-20??, Secretary of State for Innovation, Universities and Skills: 2007-2010, Leader of the Opposition: 2010-2015

Background: Growing up in the towns which surrounded Edinburgh, Smith attended the city’s university in the late 80s and quickly became involved with the Labour Party. Mentored by the late John Smith, Alexandra inherited the former Labour leader’s pragmatism, unflappability and confidence, which allowed her to rise swiftly through the ranks of the Scottish party, winning Edinburgh Southern in the first elections to the Scottish Parliament in 1999. Amid the acrimony which followed Britain’s participation in the Iraq War, Smith’s clear opposition to the invasion allowed her to hold off a strong Liberal Democrat challenge and retain her seat in 2003, following which she entered the Labour cabinet at Holyrood.

In 2007, after 8 years as an MSP Alexandra decided to attempt to become a Westminster MP. Recognising her potential, the sitting MP for Edinburgh South stood down and Smith easily won the nomination for Labour candidate. Luckily for her, the by-election took place just as Tony Blair was on his way out and Gordon Brown was enjoying a clear bounce in the polls. This, along with Smith’s personal popularity helped her win Edinburgh South with a small majority. Upon entering the British Parliament, she was almost immediately appointed to the position of Innovation, Universities and Skills in the first Brown cabinet. For the next three years Smith strove against the factionalism which was rife within the government and party at large, but to no avail. The experience left her convinced that Labour would never regain power unless it moved on from the Blair/Brown era and came together again, and after holding her seat despite an apparent Liberal Democrat surge during the 2010 election Smith resolved to enter the leadership contest and prevent the party from collapsing in on itself.

Pathway to Leader of the Opposition: The news that David and Ed Miliband would compete against each other to become Gordon Brown's successor dominated the media, made worse by the clear Blairite/Brownite split between the two brothers. This caused deep concern amongst the Parliamentary Labour Party, who saw that a long leadership contest would likely be dominated from start to finish by the bitter battle between the Miliband brothers to the detriment of the party as a whole. In addition, they worried that the longer they did not have a leader in place, the easier it would be for the new coalition government to pin all of the country’s economic problems on Labour without someone being able to give a coherent rebuttal.

These concerns were most clearly voiced by Smith and her cabinet ally Ed Balls. Whilst Balls had considered a run for the leadership himself, his strong working relationship with Smith and desire to take the fight to the Tories as quickly as possible led to him deciding against it. Instead, he and Smith used every ounce of their influence to ensure the ruling Labour National Executive Committee decided on a short leadership contest, running from the end of May to the start of July with an accordingly tight timeframe for nominations. Whilst some MPs on the left of the party complained about not having enough time to amass sufficient nominations to run, most of the PLP were of the view that if they were not able to get enough support in a few days then they were not going to make a successful attempt at the leadership. Most MPs who were planning on supporting Balls transferred to Smith, but she went on to receive nominations from across the party and emerged, along with Andy Burnham, as a ‘unity’ candidate. Her presence on the ballot made the leadership contest historic for having a female candidate for the first time, but some lamented a lack of further diversity (Diane Abbott having failed to receive the requisite nominations and Harriet Harman declining to run). That being said, most with the party agreed that it represented the best possible field from which the new leader would be selected.

Right from the outset of the contest, Smith attempted to claim the political space between the Miliband brothers as her own. Economically she was closer to David in terms of her approach to the deficit but was always at pains to place her views within the context of protecting the most vulnerable in society and regulating the worst excesses of the finance industry. This allowed her to cut through the stark divisions between the two brothers and gather support from both sides.

Smith also handled herself well in the debates between the leadership contenders. Whereas Ed Miliband’s inexperience and ‘geekiness’ were often pointed out in the media and David never quite managed to lose his aloof image, Alexandra came across as calm and empathetic, rising above the drama and speaking to the real concerns of the Party. The narrative of Smith being a ‘historic candidate’ also helped boost her profile and allow her more opportunities to talk about her vision. One particularly memorable moment took place at a campaign event in Durham, where a reporter asked how she personally felt about being the first female candidate for Labour leader. Without hesitating, Smith gave an impassioned response:

‘It’s not about me, it’s about doing everything we possibly can to stand up for the people who are threatened by this government’s cuts. It’s about holding Osborne and Cameron to account. It’s about whether we’re able to live in a fair society or one where who you know and how much money you have defines the course of your life’.

Over the course of June strong performances in Parliament helped Smith to cement her place as a frontrunner in the contest. As the coalition’s agenda began to take shape, so too did the attacks on Labour’s handling of the economy intensify. The new Chancellor George Osborne attempted to argue that the package of cuts he had prepared was necessary because the previous government had left Britain on the brink of bankruptcy. He also criticised Labour for bailing out the banks during the Financial Crisis. It was the latter point which particularly rankled Smith, who then stood up and demanded that Osborne deny ‘that he would not have done the exact same thing if he were in our shoes’. She also pointed out that thanks to Labour’s intervention the economy had returned to growth in 2009, something which the proposed cuts now threatened to derail. It was a magnificent counter which visibly irritated Osborne – a sign of things to come during his tenure as Chancellor. Smith's performances against the new government allowed her to receive endorsements from across the Labour movement, from the Blairite former Home Secretary Alan Johnson to many Union members who appreciated her dismantling of Osborne and also saw her as someone who would protect their organisations’ place in the party.

As party members arrived for the special conference on 10 July the polls had shown Smith tying or narrowly ahead of the Miliband brothers for the previous week, and this was borne out in the results of the first round where she clinched first place just ahead of Ed and David who finished in second and third respectively. Burnham finished in last place and most of his votes transferred to Smith in the second round which put her within touching distance of the 50% threshold needed to claim victory. David Miliband was then eliminated by the narrowest of margins, but it was clear who would be the beneficiary and Smith triumphed by a clear margin of 60% to Ed’s 40% in the third round. The visibly elated Scotswoman – who had only entered Parliament 3 years previously – took to the stage as the newly elected leader of the Labour Party.

After thanking her campaign team and the other leadership contenders Smith – aware that the eyes of the nation were upon her at that moment – sought to provide her clearest analysis of why Labour lost the last election and what they had to do in order to win the next one:

‘The British people no longer trusted us on the economy. They no longer saw us as a party which listened to them or a party which would help them to get on in life. Our whole campaign was centred on why people shouldn’t elect the Tories rather than why they should re-elect a Labour government. We didn’t take ownership of our failings and we didn't tell people about all the great things we stood for. Starting from today we must regain the people’s trust. We must tell them what our incredible Labour movement stands for and we must start doing it right now. We must tell them that we stand for fairness, giving help those who need it and an economy which works for everyone rather than just the privileged few. Join me in this endeavour and together we can deliver the fairer Britain we all want to see’.

Conference stood to applaud their new leader. Smith had won the leadership, but could she win back the trust of the electorate.
 
Alexandra Smith's Labour in opposition
In assembling her Shadow Cabinet Smith was mindful of the lessons she had learned by reading ‘Team of Rivals’ which explored how Abraham Lincoln had brought the challengers to his nomination as Republican candidate for President into his administration. Rather than destroying his opponents Lincoln invited them to work with him. By doing the same, Smith hoped to provide representation across Labour’s broad ideological spectrum and make best use of the talent available. Recognising that displaying economic competence would be key for Labour in opposition, Smith persuaded David Miliband to serve as Shadow Chancellor due to the commitment to fiscal discipline he had demonstrated during the leadership contest. Ed Miliband was kept on in his former government role at Energy and Climate Change, but Smith had also noted the enthusiastic grassroots following which Ed had built during his campaign. Seeking to capitalise on that, Smith also handed Ed the role of modernising and improving Labour’s campaigning infrastructure with a focus on the ground game in key marginal seats which had gone blue at the last election. Taking a leaf out of Tory campaign manager Lynton Crosby’s book, Ed was commissioned to gather data on constituents which could then be employed through targeted advertising on social media platforms and physical mailshots.

Recognising that her relatively brief time in government would be attacked by the Conservatives, Smith sought to maintain an experienced front-bench - Andy Burnham therefore remained at Health and Alan Johnson retained his position as Shadow Home Secretary, where his down-to-earth style contrasted well with the aloof Theresa May. Johnson would prove to be successful in the shadow brief, criticising May when the government continually failed to meet its own targets to reduce annual net migration ‘to the tens of thousands’. With a view to the future, a number of the 2010 intake were also promoted to junior roles. Along with other appointments such as Ed Balls to shadow the reconstituted Education department, Yvette Cooper at Housing, Communities and Local Government and Douglas Alexander as Shadow Foreign Secretary, it was broadly agreed that Smith had assembled a talented and capable team which would be able to hold the Coalition to account.

Over the course of the 5-year Parliament, Smith was determined to restore voter’s trust in Labour’s ability to effectively manage the economy. Working with David Miliband, she continually strove to articulate a plausible alternative to the increasingly severe cuts implemented by the Coalition. Miliband would retain the 2010 Labour manifesto pledge to halve the UK’s budget deficit within 5 years as official policy, but made clear that any cuts made by a Labour government would not be to the detriment of the young, poor and vulnerable. Smith and Miliband sought to compare Labour’s ‘socially responsible’ approach to the deficit with the Conservatives’ whom they said were making such deep cuts for ideological reasons alone. As the economy stuttered and fell into a double-dip recession in 2012-13 Labour began to creep into the lead when voters were polled on which party they thought would best manage the economy, with George Osborne’s personal ratings when compared with David Miliband being particularly dire. In response he and David Cameron attempted to tie the Labour leader and Shadow Chancellor to the economic failures of Blair and Brown, but their early acknowledgement that Labour had got some things wrong in office, along with their serious, realistic and most importantly credible alternative meant that they were never entirely seen by the public as the unreformed over-spenders the Tories made them out to be.

In fact, the state of the economy would deliver one of Labour’s finest moment during its period in opposition. During the Parliamentary debate on the ‘omnishambles’ Budget of 2013 Smith, David Miliband and Ed Balls each stood in turn to lambast Osborne’s proposals which they said included ‘all manner of gimmicks and schemes which the Civil Service tried to push on us when we were in government’. By the end of the day Osborne was widely seen as being out of his depth and his position as Chancellor looked increasingly untenable, meanwhile Labour had emerged from the confrontation appearing not only more compassionate, but more competent as well. Cameron knew that Osborne could not remain in-post but he could not bring himself to sack his friend all-together. A minor reshuffle followed with Osborne remaining in Cabinet and Defence Secretary Philip Hammond becoming the new Chancellor, receiving a brief to increase spending and get the economy moving again. Media commentators interpreted the move as an acknowledgement by Cameron that he was concerned about his chances at the next election – had he felt comfortable he would not have considered it necessary to shift Osborne from the Exchequer and this only served to further improve Labour’s standing with a public growing tired of the Tories’ austerity policies.

The divisions of the Blair/Brown era within the Labour Party had not completely gone away however and continued in the form of low-level sniping and counter-briefing between supporters of David and Ed Miliband. These continual spats were eaten up by the mainly Conservative-leaning press and used by the government to say that Labour had not really changed. Whilst both brothers claimed to not be responsible for the activities of their supporters, neither did they seem to be doing much to control it with the result being that the party’s progressive agenda sometimes became overshadowed by the persistent infighting. Matters came to a head in September 2013 when the Shadow Cabinet met to agree a response to the Prime Minister's proposal to bomb military forces of the Syrian government. Smith was deeply saddened by the situation in Syria, but with memories of the impact British intervention had on Iraq still fresh in her mind she asked her colleagues to back her in voting against military action. In this she had the support of most of the Shadow Cabinet, including the Shadow Defence Secretary and former soldier Dan Jarvis. However the meeting quickly devolved into a shouting match between Ed Miliband who was against intervention and David who strongly supported it. In a rare display of anger, the usually diplomatic Smith demanded that the brothers bring an end to their conflict or she would ‘sack the both of [them] so we can focus on actually being an opposition’. The hard-ball tactics worked - no matter where they stood ideologically, Smith was respected by all in the Shadow Cabinet and they heeded her call for unity. At Labour’s annual conference later that autumn the country was stunned when the two brothers took to the stage in order to make a joint statement imploring the party to come together and back their leader or risk losing the next election before it even appeared on the horizon. With the Milibands suitably disciplined and the factional sniping much-reduced, Labour entered 2014 more united that it had been for some time and Alexandra Smith looked like a potential Prime Minister.

Meanwhile, in Scotland profound constitutional changes looked to be on the horizon with the Scottish National Party achieving what was previously thought to have been impossible and winning an overall majority at Holyrood in 2011. The Labour leader was not blind to the lure of nationalism and the potential it had to wreck her party’s electoral coalition in Scotland, where it held over 40 Westminster seats. Mindful that she herself held a marginal seat, the Holyrood result served as a wake-up call for Smith that Scotland could no longer be taken for granted. She therefore worked closely with veteran MP for East Renfrewshire Jim Murphy and the newly elected leader of Scottish Labour Ian Murray to devise the best tactics for maintaining their connection with the Scottish electorate and combatting the appeal of the SNP. David Cameron also saw the SNP’s success and the independence referendum subsequently agreed to take place in September 2014 as a chance to destroy Labour’s chances in Scotland at the next election. Especially with a Scottish leader, Labour was guaranteed to campaign for ‘No’ and that could be used to drive a wedge through their traditional base of support in the country.

Frequently appearing alongside Ian Murray, Alastair Darling and Gordon Brown to make the case for the Union, Smith was fully involved in the referendum campaign and her appearances at rallies were well-received. Whilst SNP support rocketed following the 55%-45% vote against independence, Smith and her Scottish colleagues were judged to have done a good job in setting out their vision for a United Kingdom built on social and economic justice. As a result it did not appear that the SNP were the only party capable of standing up for Scotland’s interests in Westminster, something which would play a key role in the general election less than a year later.
 
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Alexandra Smith and the 2015 General Election
As election campaigning began in the Spring of 2015, the Labour Party felt reasonably confident that they would form the next government and Alexandra Smith would be Britain’s next Prime Minister. Strategic funding was in place, grassroots activists were ready to be deployed across many target seats thanks to Ed Miliband’s effective organising and a manifesto had been prepared which was considered to be both attractive and credible. Entitled ‘Labour will work for Britain’ the document represented the culmination of many months of painstaking internal negotiation and compromise. To the country at large, Smith seemed like a plausible national leader and the Shadow Cabinet was also reasonably popular.

All this did not mean that the result was taken for granted by the streamlined Election Strategy Group which Smith had hand-picked over the last few years. A small uptick in the economy at the start of the year had boosted the Conservative’s approval ratings and Smith therefore made sure Labour’s election campaign was run with discipline and professionalism right from the outset. With the polls suggesting the outcome was in the balance and the SNP expected to make gains across Scotland, one of the key questions at the start of the campaign was whether Labour might consider entering into a coalition with the nationalists. On this point Smith was absolutely explicit - no matter the result in terms of seats, Labour would govern alone – in her words ‘I want to lead a Labour government and implement a Labour manifesto, so that’s what I’m going to do’. This line was repeated time and again in the first few weeks of the campaign and eventually the question faded from the minds of the public, leaving Labour more space to talk about their policies. In response to SNP accusations that a Labour government would not speak for Scotland, Smith delivered one of her best lines of the whole campaign. Echoing her mentor John Smith, she gave a passionate reply which soon went viral on social media:

'I am a Scot myself, representing a Scottish constituency, born and brought up in Scotland, living and wishing to continue living in Scotland, having worked for many years in a great Scottish profession, and having roots too deep in Scotland to ever wish to sever them. I think I am as entitled as any nationalist to speak for my fellow countrymen'.

During the televised debates Smith would also benefit from her clear message on not entertaining the idea of a coalition. Whereas the smaller parties became bogged down in arguments about negotiation red lines, Smith could dismiss the matter entirely and spend more time attacking the government, making the case for Labour’s alternative programme. However she was always careful to direct the majority of her attacks – and most of the blame for the state of the country – towards the Conservatives. This was a conscious decision on the part of the Labour leader, whose campaign team had recognised that the Conservatives were in second place in most seats currently held by the Liberal Democrats. If they were not careful, Labour could end up splitting the anti-Tory vote in a number of seats which might have otherwise been held by the Lib-Dems. Local Labour parties in Tory-Lib-Dem battleground seats were therefore instructed to effectively stand ‘paper candidates’ and virtually all campaigning activity was instead focused on Conservative-Labour and Lib-Dem-Labour marginals.

Even as fears of a Labour-SNP coalition subsided, it became clear that the Conservatives were also trying to scare Lib-Dem voters into backing David Cameron or risk an economically destructive Labour government coming to power. In order to re-assure those wavering voters, Smith’s messaging and attention to detail on economic matters was laser-focused. When she was challenged by Cameron during a debate on where exactly the cuts would come from under a Labour government Smith was well-prepared, stating that they had accepted some cuts needed to be made and had identified areas where they were necessary, before pivoting to attack the Tories’ own record on the economy. ‘Unlike your government’s doctrine of austerity’ she responded ‘our plan will protect the young, the poor, the disabled. It will secure the long-term future of NHS rather than endanger it’. When pressed on the issue of taxation, she deftly countered that any additional taxes introduced would only be for the express purpose of providing funding for hard-hit public services and related initiatives.

Labour’s policy of ear-marking the proceeds of new taxes proved popular – for example Conservative attacks on planned levies for properties worth over £1 million as simply the ‘politics of envy’ fell flat when Smith explained that the tax income would be used to build new affordable homes and improve existing housing. Despite the Conservative’s best efforts to convince Lib-Dem voters that there was no alternative to further austerity, the Labour leader’s careful messaging on the economy meant they could continue supporting their traditional party in good conscience rather than feeling they had to back the Tories in order to lock a dangerous Labour out of Downing Street. Instead, Smith’s image of calm and measured competence helped most Lib-Dems conclude that they could tolerate a Labour government led by the pragmatic Scotswoman.

With the polls neck-and-neck in the final weeks of the campaign, Conservative messaging attempted to change tack and focused on the need for strong leadership which they argued only Cameron could provide. However, Labour’s outward display of discipline and unity meant the accusations of weakness were ineffective and the Conservatives were unable to present a potential Labour government as a ‘cabinet of chaos’. However some elements of the press took things much further, making very thinly-veiled attacks on the Labour leader along gendered lines and printing pictures of her husband and children. These were roundly criticised by the public and only served to generate sympathy for Smith in the last days before the polls opened. Conservative strategy had backfired at the worst possible time.

As the traditional coverage of election night began the final polls saw Labour establish themselves as slight favourites. With more and more results starting to come in the story of the election took shape: the Conservatives had lost around 50 seats to Labour, whilst the Liberal Democrats saw their parliamentary representation reduced by almost two thirds. Alexandra Smith held off a strong SNP challenge in Edinburgh South, but across Scotland Labour would lose half their seats to the nationalist surge. Some results in Labour targets were patchy – the party regained Nuneaton following its loss in 2010 but Amber Rudd held Hastings & Rye for the Tories against a big swing to Labour. By the mid-afternoon on Friday 9 May the results of the 2015 General Election were confirmed as:
  • Labour – 293
  • Conservatives – 275
  • Liberal Democrats – 22
  • SNP – 38
For the second election in a row a hung parliament was the result, but this time around there would be no coalition. It was therefore down to Alexandra Smith and the Labour Party to form a minority government supported on key votes by the Liberal Democrats and nationalists on a ‘confidence and supply’ basis.

An exhausted but jubilant Smith took to the stage in Edinburgh as party activists had to be held back from swamping their new Prime Minister. In a short speech she described the Labour Party’s victory as one ‘for all the people of the United Kingdom, from Cornwall to Caithness and across all walks of life. Whereas the Conservatives sought to break down the fabric of our country and undermine the foundations of our welfare state, Labour will seek to bring it back together and restore it to health’. Smith then pulled off the election’s final surprise when she invited Ed and David Miliband on stage where the two brothers publicly embraced in full view of the massed media. It seemed to onlookers that victory had bound the wounds which the party had inflicted upon itself during the years of New Labour.

Nevertheless, the election result was also a bittersweet one for all involved. Labour had won the most seats but failed to secure an outright majority. The Conservatives tried to stoke fears amongst Lib-Dem voters of an economically ruinous Smith government in thrall to the SNP but mostly did not succeed. The SNP publicly celebrated their best ever Westminster election result but privately wondered what might have been, having missed out on winning several more seats by very slim margins. UKIP Leader Nigel Farage had seen his party’s vote share shoot up to 10%, but the party did not gain any new seats and he once again failed to win a Westminster constituency. Finally, the Lib Dems were spared the sort of rout some had predicted during the election and Nick Clegg seized on that fact to try and maintain control of the party, but it quickly became clear he had run out of road and eventually resigned as leader the following Monday.

As for David Cameron himself, despite repeatedly saying during the election campaign that he would not resign as leader if his party were to lose, that was exactly what he ended up doing. When quizzed on his decision by disconsolate staffers, Cameron is reported to have simply shrugged and said ‘All politics ends in failure’.

There were mixed expectations across the country as to how Smith’s Labour would perform in power but one press commentator summed up the mood better than most:

‘The UK learned to live with a coalition government. It will learn to live with a minority government’.
 
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Gereon von Schleiden

Reichspräsident of Germany, 1925 – 1939

Born:
1874

Education:
Universities of Bonn and Freiburg

Military Service: Prussian Army, 1893 - 1895

Occupation: Attorney at law

Career: City counciller, Mayor of Mülheim am Rhein 1909 - 1914, Member of the Prussian Landtag 1914 - 1918, Member of the Reichstag 1919 - 1925, Minister of Post and Telecommunications under the Fehrenbach and Wirth cabinets 1920 - 1922, Minister of Labour under the Cuno and Stresemann cabinets, 1922-1925, Reichspräsident 1925 - 1939

Background: An attorney by profession, von Schleiden became involved in local politics as first city councillor and, from 1909 on as mayor of Mülheim am Rhein until its' incorporation into Cologne in 1914. As mayor of Mülheim am Rhein, he had been a Member of the Rhenish Provincial Landtag and from 1914 on of the Prussian Landtag. In 1919 he was elected as a Member of the Reichstag for the Centre Party and became Minister of Post and Telecommunications under the Fehrenbach and Wirth cabinets 1920 - 1922, and then Minister of Labour under the Cuno, Stresemann and Marx cabinets, 1922-1925. After the death of Reichspräsident Ebert, he was chosen over Marx as a compromise candidate of the Weimar Coalition parties (SPD, DDP, Centre) in the 2nd round of the 1925 presidential elections due to his better relations with both the former chancellor Wilhelm Cuno and the Bavarian Peoples' Party BVP, who supported him over their initial preference, Paul von Hindenburg.

Terms of Office:
On April 26th, 1925 Gereon von Schleiden was elected with 48,3% of the popular vote over 45,7% for Paul von Hindenburg. During his first term he lent his full dupport to the Luther, Marx and Müller cabinets, and acted as a mediator on several occasions to stabilise the more often than not rickety coalitions. On April 10th, 1932 he was re-elected with a narrow margin of 46,2% of the popular vote over 43, 6% for Adolf Hitler and 10.8% for Ernst Thälmann. After the electoral success of both the NSDAP, the KPD and the DNVP, in the 1932 Reichstag elections the Müller cabinet lost its' parliamentary majority and Hermann Müller (SPD) tendered his resignation as chancellor. He was succeeded by Heinrich Brüning (Centre), who couldn't gain a majority in the Reichtag due to the NSDAP, KPD and DNVP holding a combined 306 ot of 608 seats in the Reichstag while the coalition parties held only 291, thus Brüning had to rule through presidential decrees for the next 2 years until the 1934 Reichstag elections saw the support of the NSDAP and KPD drop by a combined 7.8% and the Brüning cabinet having the narrowest possible majority with just 305 seats. The 1938 elections saw the NSDAP and KPD lose another 6.3%, with the NSDAP falling behind the SPD's 24,8% with 23,5% of the popular vote. In 1939 Gereon von der Schleiden was succeeded by Theodor Heuss of the DDP.
 
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