Election of 1928
Herbert Hoover (
Republican) 220
John W. Davis (
Democrat) 285
Robert M. LaFollette (
Progressive) 26
Contentious States
California found itself the center of an electoral battle not between the Republicans and Democrats, but between the Republicans and Progressives. Hiram W. Johnson, as the vice-presidential candidate of the Progressives, did an extensive circuit of the state. He combined his Progressive ideals with isolationism and anti-immigration stands, lambasting Herbert Hoover's continuation of Black Jack's Oriental policies.
Michigan found itself pulled in all three directions. The Republicans and Progressives campaigned heavily in Detroit, which was viewed as a large NHA and VA supporter. Catholics voted almost unanimously for the Democrats, however, the black population of Detroit countered this. ("......for Smith.", Governor Chase Orson, future Vice-President of the United States was quoted as saying. The Upper Peninsula found a fight between Progressives and Democrats, trying to woo the poor rural voters there. The NHA was the prime issue, although issues of race came up often. Despite losing the state, the Republicans won the city of Detroit. This was not enough to oppose the poor rural majority aroused by the Democrats.
New York founds its traditional rural/urban split shattered by the Democratic Campaign. New York City was won by the Democrats, over matters of race and the NHA (Later Democratic maverick Franklin Delano Roosevelt said the city was "won by Tammany Hall alone.") Albany and Buffalo, threatened by the NHA, also voted overwhelmingly against, over concerns of their own interests in Hudson and Great Lake shipping. It was generally feared that the NHA would circumvent these traditional avenues of trade. Many of the rural estates of New York voted Democratic, fearing the Progressive aims (and taxes) seen as the future agenda of the Republicans.
Kentucky, a Southern state that commonly voted Republican, found itself in much the same situation as Michigan. Louisville, situated as a terminus of the National Highways, was prophesied to vote Republican. The rural areas found Progressive and Democratic campaigns running at odds. However, traditional shipping interests and dockworkers in Louisville feared the severing of the Ohio as a trade artery, and so voted Democratic, and against the NHA. The rural voters found more in common with the race policies of the Democrats, even if they agreed with a number of Progressive reforms. The state voted Democratic.
Indiana was a free-for-all between the parties. Both Republicans and Democrats had been broken apart by the KKK crackdowns under Black Jack. The state found a considerable Socialist influence in the North, and Democratic domination of the South. However, the Republican control of much of Central Indiana assured the state would vote Republican, and large segments of the North voted for the Republicans for the NHA, which would connect them to the great cities of Ohio and Illinois. The odd confluence of radical Socialists and conservative Democrats, however, would have great effects after the Crash.
Interesting Facts
The Democratic campaign included one of the first and most effective political films-
The Waters Perished. Directed by D.W. Griffith (uncredited) and paid for by a number of Democratic politicians, the film showed real footage of the conditions (of whites, mainly) in the Flood refugee camps, as well as footage of blacks under temporary labor and at Tuskegee University. Narrated by anonymous survivors in transition cards, it claimed that blacks were treated far better than whites by Hoover. It is widely viewed as one of the primary reasons behind the success of the Democrats in major cities.
Upton Sinclair delayed work on his book
Boston to campaign for the Progressives in California.
Eugene V. Debs, written in as a protest vote by many youth during the election, died in January of 1929. His late death is often regarded as something which stole votes from the Progressives, and as such, an earlier death or a release from prison is a common what-if for many Republicans in the post-Crash years.