Hopefully, Obama can transform the Affordable Care Act to somewhere close to true universal healthcare by 2016.
Bin Laden is Dead and GM is Alive: An Alternate 2010 Midterm TL
- Thread starter Usili
- Start date
-
- Tags
- 2010 midterm
And that's not even counting the VP debates. Biden is going to rip apart whoever goes up against him.
Right, thank you for that slight correction. Had likely confused him with Rick Perry when typing it up initially.
Next chapter should hopefully be up either tomorrow or the day after, and if anyone has any questions they want to ask so far, feel free.
VII: Red Blood on White Sand
VII: Red Blood on White Sand
“The ignition of the North African War from the Arab Spring, is one of the most pivotal questions ever asked by many historians and academic writers. If Russia had abstained and not vetoed the no-fly zone, would we be in the situation that we are now? It is a question that we cannot judge and we are not able to turn back the clock. We are forced to deal with the decisions as they are now, and to look upon and understand why such events and decisions happened across North Africa and the Middle East.”-Red Blood on White Sand
For many, a state of shock existed over the rapid escalation that had taken place and the war that was about to unfold across North Africa. Who had even pictured a war breaking out from the Arab Spring among numerous nation-states and even involving the three major states of North Africa, Algeria, Libya, and Egypt? Many had possibly wondered at a possible breakdown in Syria or Yemen, but never in North Africa. The first actions of the war would be made by Egypt starting on March 25th, with a limited series of air strikes aimed against Benghazi utilizing Mirage 2000s of the 102nd Tactical Fighter Brigade. The strike would also see the first air battle of the war, with six Mirage 2000s confronting four MiG-23s of the Libyan Air Force. While the Egyptians had an advantage in numbers and training, they were stuck with the issue of being loaded to bear with strike ordnance; their escort had broken off nearly forty miles prior because of fuel. The initial air battle would be quick and deadly, seeing three MiG-23s downed across the area around Benghazi at the cost of two Mirage 2000s. But it would be the sign of things to come for the air war.
The air engagements throughout the last seven days of March would merely show the kind of air war to be fought at the start. Mersa Matruh Air Base was their closest base to Libya, but in terms of aircraft available at the Air Base was a squadron of Chengdu F-7s (an export variant of the J-7), and a squadron of Dassault Mirage 2000s. Only the Mirage 2000s had a kind of combat radius when loading with munitions to be able to strike any kind of Gaddafi targets, and even then were highly limited around Benghazi due to the available combat radius. But the kind of range required to hit targets around Benghazi had meant that they were limited in the kind of combat they could do to avoid running short of fuel. The very limited amount of Libyan fighters based close to the front had exacted their toll however due to that, with a total of five Mirage 2000s being downed, at the cost of all nine MiG-23s that had been moved forward to defend the troops on the ground. An additional Mirage 2000 had also been downed by a SA-6 missile. Considering the mounting casualties being inflicted upon what the Egyptian Air Force had, additional aircraft in the form of F-16s were arriving at Mersa Matruh Air Base to support the slowly emerging air offensive in Eastern Libya and to support the upcoming movement of troops into Egypt.
The rapidly unraveling of the rebel forces in Benghazi and their withdrawal towards Bayda had spun further chaos for the National Transition Council as they struggled in their attempts at holding back Gaddafi's forces. The decision would be made for a ground intervention nearly immediately by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (following the 48-hour announcement), with the initial decision for a single Egyptian brigade to be moved to support the rebels, but with the fall of Benghazi it only heightened the kind of needs for a movement of forces to help the NTC against Gaddafi. What would emerge would be the decision for the movement of the entire II Corps to unilaterally destroy the Libyan forces and allow the removal of Gaddafi entirely; in addition, it would likely move to dissuade Algeria from committing a major surplus of forces into Libya to defeat the Egyptians. For the Egyptians however, their initial complement of troops were already underway to Bayda in the form of the 218th Independent Infantry Brigade, with additional units scattered and slowly getting ready to move out into Libya.
In the case for Algeria however, what kind of support that could be facilitated to Libya was more limited because of the distance to dealing with Egypt. Considering the unknown kind of forces being sent out by Egypt, a decision would be made for the incremental movement of an armored brigade into Libya. An initial two battalions (one armored with T-72s and one mechanized with BMP-2s) would be deployed first as the closest units, with the rest of the battalions to follow on. It was expected by April 19th for the entirety of the brigade to have been deployed to Libya, with other units in a slow follow-on type procedure. Alongside that of the deployment of ground forces, was the general commitment of aircraft to the theater of operations. The primary role of commitment for Algeria was seen more with air superiority aircraft, and would only point to that with the initial (and limited) air engagements between the Algerians and Libyans; eight MiG-29s and four Su-30s would be committed by Algeria into helping to maintain air superiority. One of the bigger points to be raised and questioned over was whether to commit any kind of tankers to support their one squadron of aircraft, with the decision made to send a single Il-76 to support their squadron.
With the commitment of forces by both Egypt and Algeria into Libya, the ground had been set for the first major battle of the North African War. On April 9th, lead elements of the Khamis Brigade would encounter elements of the Egyptian's 218th Independent Infantry Brigade just west of Bayda. The initial firefight would turn out poorly for the Libyans, as they pulled back to regroup to deal with the Egyptian infantry brigade. On April 13th, the Battle of Bayda would begin in full force with artillery and rocket fire emerging against the 218th Independent Infantry Brigade supported by a limited air support. Limited air support from the Egyptians would be repulsed by two Algerian MiG-29s and four Libyan MiG-23s, and the 218th would conduct a fighting withdrawal as elements of the Egyptian II Corps continued to move and support. By the 16th, elements from the 18th Independent Armored Brigade would arrive and repulse the attack, with both the Libyans and Egyptians being forced to lick their wounds ahead of any other kind of future attack. For Gaddafi, crushing Bayda would annihilate what was left of the rebels and force the Egyptians to consider the end of the war.
Consultations with President Bouteflika of Algeria had agreed that the Algerian armored brigade being moved through the Libyan Coastal Highway would move to support the Khamis Brigade against the Egyptians. However prior to the arrival of the Algerian brigade, the Egyptians would launch an attack along the Libyan Coastal Highway, forcing the Khamis Brigade to pull back near Benghazi, opening up the preparations for the 'Third Battle of Benghazi'. Limited movement of forces had allowed Egyptian F-16s to base themselves out of Tobruk, significantly reducing the range they would have to fly, but it was still a small amount compared to arguably what the Egyptians and Algerians had to defend them with. A total of ten F-16s had arrived in Tobruk ahead of the upcoming battle, intended purely for air superiority so the strike aircraft could complete their missions.
For NATO, the escalating conflict would once more force the question over what could be done. President Obama would shift against any kind of military intervention, fearing the United States would find itself drawn into the conflict, while both Prime Minister Cameron and President Sarkozy would maintain a push towards intervening in the conflict to remove Gaddafi from power. What would be agreed upon for all of NATO would be to maintain diplomatic pressure against the Gaddafi regime by both furthering sanctions and the United Nations (to what could be done). But NATO and the rest of the world found itself waiting and watching as Algeria, Libya, and Egypt were poised for a major battle to begin in Benghazi.
“The ignition of the North African War from the Arab Spring, is one of the most pivotal questions ever asked by many historians and academic writers. If Russia had abstained and not vetoed the no-fly zone, would we be in the situation that we are now? It is a question that we cannot judge and we are not able to turn back the clock. We are forced to deal with the decisions as they are now, and to look upon and understand why such events and decisions happened across North Africa and the Middle East.”-Red Blood on White Sand
For many, a state of shock existed over the rapid escalation that had taken place and the war that was about to unfold across North Africa. Who had even pictured a war breaking out from the Arab Spring among numerous nation-states and even involving the three major states of North Africa, Algeria, Libya, and Egypt? Many had possibly wondered at a possible breakdown in Syria or Yemen, but never in North Africa. The first actions of the war would be made by Egypt starting on March 25th, with a limited series of air strikes aimed against Benghazi utilizing Mirage 2000s of the 102nd Tactical Fighter Brigade. The strike would also see the first air battle of the war, with six Mirage 2000s confronting four MiG-23s of the Libyan Air Force. While the Egyptians had an advantage in numbers and training, they were stuck with the issue of being loaded to bear with strike ordnance; their escort had broken off nearly forty miles prior because of fuel. The initial air battle would be quick and deadly, seeing three MiG-23s downed across the area around Benghazi at the cost of two Mirage 2000s. But it would be the sign of things to come for the air war.
The air engagements throughout the last seven days of March would merely show the kind of air war to be fought at the start. Mersa Matruh Air Base was their closest base to Libya, but in terms of aircraft available at the Air Base was a squadron of Chengdu F-7s (an export variant of the J-7), and a squadron of Dassault Mirage 2000s. Only the Mirage 2000s had a kind of combat radius when loading with munitions to be able to strike any kind of Gaddafi targets, and even then were highly limited around Benghazi due to the available combat radius. But the kind of range required to hit targets around Benghazi had meant that they were limited in the kind of combat they could do to avoid running short of fuel. The very limited amount of Libyan fighters based close to the front had exacted their toll however due to that, with a total of five Mirage 2000s being downed, at the cost of all nine MiG-23s that had been moved forward to defend the troops on the ground. An additional Mirage 2000 had also been downed by a SA-6 missile. Considering the mounting casualties being inflicted upon what the Egyptian Air Force had, additional aircraft in the form of F-16s were arriving at Mersa Matruh Air Base to support the slowly emerging air offensive in Eastern Libya and to support the upcoming movement of troops into Egypt.
The rapidly unraveling of the rebel forces in Benghazi and their withdrawal towards Bayda had spun further chaos for the National Transition Council as they struggled in their attempts at holding back Gaddafi's forces. The decision would be made for a ground intervention nearly immediately by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (following the 48-hour announcement), with the initial decision for a single Egyptian brigade to be moved to support the rebels, but with the fall of Benghazi it only heightened the kind of needs for a movement of forces to help the NTC against Gaddafi. What would emerge would be the decision for the movement of the entire II Corps to unilaterally destroy the Libyan forces and allow the removal of Gaddafi entirely; in addition, it would likely move to dissuade Algeria from committing a major surplus of forces into Libya to defeat the Egyptians. For the Egyptians however, their initial complement of troops were already underway to Bayda in the form of the 218th Independent Infantry Brigade, with additional units scattered and slowly getting ready to move out into Libya.
In the case for Algeria however, what kind of support that could be facilitated to Libya was more limited because of the distance to dealing with Egypt. Considering the unknown kind of forces being sent out by Egypt, a decision would be made for the incremental movement of an armored brigade into Libya. An initial two battalions (one armored with T-72s and one mechanized with BMP-2s) would be deployed first as the closest units, with the rest of the battalions to follow on. It was expected by April 19th for the entirety of the brigade to have been deployed to Libya, with other units in a slow follow-on type procedure. Alongside that of the deployment of ground forces, was the general commitment of aircraft to the theater of operations. The primary role of commitment for Algeria was seen more with air superiority aircraft, and would only point to that with the initial (and limited) air engagements between the Algerians and Libyans; eight MiG-29s and four Su-30s would be committed by Algeria into helping to maintain air superiority. One of the bigger points to be raised and questioned over was whether to commit any kind of tankers to support their one squadron of aircraft, with the decision made to send a single Il-76 to support their squadron.
With the commitment of forces by both Egypt and Algeria into Libya, the ground had been set for the first major battle of the North African War. On April 9th, lead elements of the Khamis Brigade would encounter elements of the Egyptian's 218th Independent Infantry Brigade just west of Bayda. The initial firefight would turn out poorly for the Libyans, as they pulled back to regroup to deal with the Egyptian infantry brigade. On April 13th, the Battle of Bayda would begin in full force with artillery and rocket fire emerging against the 218th Independent Infantry Brigade supported by a limited air support. Limited air support from the Egyptians would be repulsed by two Algerian MiG-29s and four Libyan MiG-23s, and the 218th would conduct a fighting withdrawal as elements of the Egyptian II Corps continued to move and support. By the 16th, elements from the 18th Independent Armored Brigade would arrive and repulse the attack, with both the Libyans and Egyptians being forced to lick their wounds ahead of any other kind of future attack. For Gaddafi, crushing Bayda would annihilate what was left of the rebels and force the Egyptians to consider the end of the war.
Consultations with President Bouteflika of Algeria had agreed that the Algerian armored brigade being moved through the Libyan Coastal Highway would move to support the Khamis Brigade against the Egyptians. However prior to the arrival of the Algerian brigade, the Egyptians would launch an attack along the Libyan Coastal Highway, forcing the Khamis Brigade to pull back near Benghazi, opening up the preparations for the 'Third Battle of Benghazi'. Limited movement of forces had allowed Egyptian F-16s to base themselves out of Tobruk, significantly reducing the range they would have to fly, but it was still a small amount compared to arguably what the Egyptians and Algerians had to defend them with. A total of ten F-16s had arrived in Tobruk ahead of the upcoming battle, intended purely for air superiority so the strike aircraft could complete their missions.
For NATO, the escalating conflict would once more force the question over what could be done. President Obama would shift against any kind of military intervention, fearing the United States would find itself drawn into the conflict, while both Prime Minister Cameron and President Sarkozy would maintain a push towards intervening in the conflict to remove Gaddafi from power. What would be agreed upon for all of NATO would be to maintain diplomatic pressure against the Gaddafi regime by both furthering sanctions and the United Nations (to what could be done). But NATO and the rest of the world found itself waiting and watching as Algeria, Libya, and Egypt were poised for a major battle to begin in Benghazi.
Sabot Cat
Banned
This chapter was wonderful; it was like something out of Anglo-American/Nazi War. It's really clear you know what you're talking about because you had a lot of minute detail, yet it was exciting and flowed and was framed in such a way that gave gravity to it. I look forward to more! 
Zachanassian
Gone Fishin'
Is Syria still collapsing into Civil War per OTL, or has that been butterflyed away?
This chapter was wonderful; it was like something out of Anglo-American/Nazi War. It's really clear you know what you're talking about because you had a lot of minute detail, yet it was exciting and flowed and was framed in such a way that gave gravity to it. I look forward to more!
Thank you for the praise on that. I wasn't expecting that.
That will be covered in the future.
VIII: The Burning Horizon
VIII: The Burning Horizon
As the world watched and waited for the upcoming battle around Benghazi, it would be in the seas where further reports of fighting would break out on April 17th. At 1:31 local time, the Egyptian frigate Domyat would find itself struck by an anti-ship missile near the stern. The Knox-class frigate (formerly the USS Jesse L. Brown (FF-1089), had been engaging in anti-submarine operations near Bayda from rumors that either an Algerian or Libyan submarine was operating in the area. At the time, the Domyat had neither radar nor sonar running with her being under full emissions control. The anti-ship missile in question would be an SS-N-27 Sizzler, a variant sold for export known as the 'Club-S'. The impact and detonation of the ASM would immediately bring the Domyat to a shudder and halt, fire raging forth from the stern along with flooding from the detonation, which had torn through the hull. The steam turbine was out of commission, knocking propulsion offline. For the next ninety minutes, the crew of the Domyat struggled to stop the fires and the flooding, but at 3:06 local time, the captain would order to abandon ship. By the time the corvette El Suez arrived at 7:24 local time, twelve officers and one hundred and fifty-seven enlisted personnel had been rescued. Five officers and eighty-three enlisted personnel had either died aboard the Domyat or in time waiting for rescue.
The sinking of the Domyat had represented the first major sinking for the Egyptian Navy in the conflict at sea. The Libyan Navy had suffered significant losses already, with a total of five fast attack craft being sunk at sea, while the rest of the larger elements remained grounded in port. The Egyptian Navy represented a much larger number of vessels, but unlike Algeria were mostly forced to keep them focused in the Eastern Mediterranean and away from the conflict. Both Egypt and Algeria were equal for their submarine counts, but Algeria possessed a qualitative edge over Egypt, with two Kilo-class submarines (having been upgraded in 2009) and two Improved Kilo-class submarines, while Egypt had four Romeo-class submarines upgraded with more modern technologies in the early 2000s. It was to be expected that considering Algeria's significant disadvantage at sea, that they would be fighting underwater and it was where the engagements at sea were to be expected.
The Third Battle of Benghazi while predominantly being fought on the ground would find it's own focus in the skies both above Benghazi and further east to the border of Egypt and Libya. Alongside the increased deployment of Egyptian aircraft to face off against the Libyans and Algerians, the Algerians had done the same, with the arrival of an additional four Su-30s and two MiG-29s, pushing it up to a total of eighteen fighters based in Algeria to support the Libyans. Despite the additional deployment of modern Algerian fighters, the 'ball' of air superiority still remained in Egypt's court. For the most part, this was represented by the Airborne Early Warning and Control (AEW&C) capacity available for Egypt as provided by the E-2C Hawkeye. While Libya on paper had the capacity for ground-control intercepts, the lack of spare parts and maintenance for their system since the late 1970s and the constant ground fighting had significantly reduced the capacity for Libya (and in turn Algeria). With the capability offered by Egypt alongside the arrival of F-16s into Tobruk, it was known a strike had to be made in order to impair Egypt's capability for AEW&C. For that purpose, the Libyan Air Force was preparing it's own counter-response utilizing the MiG-25 Foxbat. The Foxbat was a Soviet-built and designed interceptor during the Cold War, having been designed to tangle with Strategic Air Command's bombers' in the event of a Third World War. On April 18th, two Libyan MiG-25s took off each toting two AA-6 Acrids for the sole mission of intercepting and destroying the airborne E-2.
For the strong considerations necessary in 'surprising' the Egyptians, six Libyan MiG-21s alongside four Algerian MiG-29s were planned to partake in engagements against approaching Egyptian aircraft in order to force the focus of the Hawkeye's crew away from the surprise of both Foxbats. The arrival of the MiG-21s and MiG-29s against an incoming strike launched by Egypt forced the crew of the Hawkeye into coordinating the four airborne F-16s of the combat air patrol into moving to deal with the interceptors, and in the opposite direction that the Hawkeye was traveling. At the time, the Hawkeye was traveling southwest closing the distance towards both Foxbats. At nearly 54nm away from the Hawkeye, both Foxbats lit up their radars and afterburners bringing the actual 'panic' to the crew of the Hawkeye as they realized the trap that had been 'sprung'. The Hawkeye in vain began to turn itself around and call for assistance, but they were alone, the CAP having been sent to deal with a strike of MiG-21s and MiG-29s. At nearly 36nm away from the Hawkeye, two Acrids were fired, one from each Foxbat. In slightly more than one minute, the first of the two Acrids detonated, ripping apart the Hawkeye, with the second following less than two seconds later. The E-2 had been destroyed, and it now represented the new threat for the Egyptian Air Force.
Both Foxbats managed to withdraw successfully, and for nearly two and a half hours, Egypt was left without any kind of AEW&C until an E-2 was rushed into position at a farther distance than what it was before. The new threat imposed by the Libyan Air Force in terms of the Foxbats (it had been believed that their Foxbats had been rendered fully combat inoperable) was forcing what aircraft they had available to be directed towards helping to defend the skies. Of the four F-16s that could be kept airborne at roughly any time (with what was available in Tobruk due to the supply lines), two had to be kept in defending the E-2 Hawkeye and coordinating the 'remainder' of the combat air patrol. This had shifted the 'air war' in Eastern Libya into more of a 'holding' action based off the very limited amount of F-16s available to be flown out of Tobruk to be able to 'escort' the strike aircraft at Benghazi.
As the conflict in the air began into more of a stalemate following the threat imposed to Egypt's Hawkeyes, the ground based action began to heat up. Libya had pulled their forces in, luring the Egyptians closer and closer towards Benghazi. The Libyans in terms of their primary fighting forces were composed of the Khamis Brigade alongside two regiments of paramilitary forces having been 'compelled' to help defend Benghazi against the approaching Egyptians; alongside the Libyan forces was the Algerian commitment in the form of a single armored brigade to help defend Benghazi. For Egypt, their primary forces consisted of the 18th Independent Armored Brigade and 218th Independent Infantry Brigade alongside two battalions of artillery (the 322nd and 325th); in addition, one brigade and one regiment of forces loyal to the National Transition Council had been brought together for the upcoming Third Battle of Benghazi.
On April 21st, initial elements of the 218th Independent would reach the outskirts of Benghazi, confronting Libyan elements in brief firefights as the rest of the forces began to move in. The fighting in the initial points was limited with small arms fire, light cannon fire, and mortar fire through the 21st as additional Egyptian combat elements began to slowly arrive. The 218th Independent Infantry Brigade was the first of the combat elements, with the 18th Independent Armored Brigade (and both artillery battalions) following behind and then the NTC's forces beyond that. Attacks on the 22nd and 23rd would see an uptick with heavier fire from artillery along with limited fire support from armored vehicles, as the Libyans slowly conceded territory as fighting began to slowly move into the city itself. By this point, many were already speculating that fighting was expecting to pick up in an intense urban combat and in regards to this, Egypt, Libya, and Algeria had all committed to pushing additional forces into the combat. Three brigades of the 2nd Mechanized Division (10th Armored Brigade, 713th Mechanized Brigade, 101st Self-Propelled Artillery Brigade) was planned to be committed to fighting in Benghazi, while the remaining brigade of the 2nd Mechanized Division (712th Mechanized Brigade) was planned to sweep south to seize the majority of the Libyan oil wells and prevent their destruction by the Libyans in their retreat. Libya for the most part was to be committing paramilitary forces directly into Benghazi, with groups 'mustered' and then brought to march into Benghazi to fight against the Egyptians. For Algeria, their commitment was to come in the form of an infantry brigade and pair of artillery battalions to help in the fight. The North African War was finding itself to picking up even further with additional commitment of forces.
Benghazi would only pick up in the kind of fighting as the Libyans were forced to slowly withdraw deeper into the city into a much more harried urban fighting. Aircraft and artillery attacks would pick up in intensity as fighting spread even further, but for Libya, they were arguably suffering the impacts worse than that of Egypt facing a hostile population within Benghazi, but that did not change much in the kind of major pitched battle taking place in Benghazi. Throughout May, the kind of pitched fighting was slowly turning into a meat-grinder as soldiers and equipment found themselves being sent into the fighting. For Egypt, they were slowly moving through and dealing with both the Libyans and Algerians, but at a hefty cost as the fighting picked up. Additional paramilitary forces from both the National Transition Council and Gaddafi found themselves thrown in primarily, but units were in some cases (primarily companies) found themselves annihilated in the conflict. For Benghazi, it was rapidly emerging into a city left by devastation as the pitched fighting only picked up in intensity. For Egypt, they were growing more and more with the general advantage as additional F-16s began to make their way in moving to support the kind of conflict while Algeria had a much more limited amount of reinforcements by air and land. An additional pair of E-2s had been downed successfully by Libya at the cost of six MiG-25s (a hefty cost in the 'fleet' they had), and air losses were picking up between Algeria and Egypt.
It was arguably in the movement of the Egyptian 712th Mechanized Brigade in early June towards the location of Libya's major oil fields (such as As Sarie, Masrab, Nafoora) that they would see the kind of devastation being done by Libya. It was strange as one noted, to see the horizon lit up in brightness despite the night surrounding them, and it would only unveil what the Libyans were doing. Scorched earth at the form employed by Iraq in the First Gulf War. They had lit the oil wells on fire, and it was rapidly turning worrisome over the kind of damage that had been likely inflicted upon the pipelines and likely refineries to prevent their capture by the Egyptians. The announcement on June 11th of the oil wells on fire combined with the general devastation would showcase in the markets, most respectively among oil prices. Already in May, oil prices had dropped due to fears of a global economic slowdown, but once more they began to ratchet up again with the likely loss of Libyan oil production to the world for at least the next two years (if not longer depending on the devastation and length of fighting). For Italy, Germany, France, and Spain, this posed a serious concern with major percentages of their oil (5%+) coming from Libya, and combined with Algeria in the war posed further concerns over the possibility of the spread of the Arab Spring into Algeria and the possible loss of their oil production and exports as well. Something had to be done as was emerging from the United Kingdom, France, and Italy, even if they had to go in without the support of the United States.
As the world watched and waited for the upcoming battle around Benghazi, it would be in the seas where further reports of fighting would break out on April 17th. At 1:31 local time, the Egyptian frigate Domyat would find itself struck by an anti-ship missile near the stern. The Knox-class frigate (formerly the USS Jesse L. Brown (FF-1089), had been engaging in anti-submarine operations near Bayda from rumors that either an Algerian or Libyan submarine was operating in the area. At the time, the Domyat had neither radar nor sonar running with her being under full emissions control. The anti-ship missile in question would be an SS-N-27 Sizzler, a variant sold for export known as the 'Club-S'. The impact and detonation of the ASM would immediately bring the Domyat to a shudder and halt, fire raging forth from the stern along with flooding from the detonation, which had torn through the hull. The steam turbine was out of commission, knocking propulsion offline. For the next ninety minutes, the crew of the Domyat struggled to stop the fires and the flooding, but at 3:06 local time, the captain would order to abandon ship. By the time the corvette El Suez arrived at 7:24 local time, twelve officers and one hundred and fifty-seven enlisted personnel had been rescued. Five officers and eighty-three enlisted personnel had either died aboard the Domyat or in time waiting for rescue.
The sinking of the Domyat had represented the first major sinking for the Egyptian Navy in the conflict at sea. The Libyan Navy had suffered significant losses already, with a total of five fast attack craft being sunk at sea, while the rest of the larger elements remained grounded in port. The Egyptian Navy represented a much larger number of vessels, but unlike Algeria were mostly forced to keep them focused in the Eastern Mediterranean and away from the conflict. Both Egypt and Algeria were equal for their submarine counts, but Algeria possessed a qualitative edge over Egypt, with two Kilo-class submarines (having been upgraded in 2009) and two Improved Kilo-class submarines, while Egypt had four Romeo-class submarines upgraded with more modern technologies in the early 2000s. It was to be expected that considering Algeria's significant disadvantage at sea, that they would be fighting underwater and it was where the engagements at sea were to be expected.
The Third Battle of Benghazi while predominantly being fought on the ground would find it's own focus in the skies both above Benghazi and further east to the border of Egypt and Libya. Alongside the increased deployment of Egyptian aircraft to face off against the Libyans and Algerians, the Algerians had done the same, with the arrival of an additional four Su-30s and two MiG-29s, pushing it up to a total of eighteen fighters based in Algeria to support the Libyans. Despite the additional deployment of modern Algerian fighters, the 'ball' of air superiority still remained in Egypt's court. For the most part, this was represented by the Airborne Early Warning and Control (AEW&C) capacity available for Egypt as provided by the E-2C Hawkeye. While Libya on paper had the capacity for ground-control intercepts, the lack of spare parts and maintenance for their system since the late 1970s and the constant ground fighting had significantly reduced the capacity for Libya (and in turn Algeria). With the capability offered by Egypt alongside the arrival of F-16s into Tobruk, it was known a strike had to be made in order to impair Egypt's capability for AEW&C. For that purpose, the Libyan Air Force was preparing it's own counter-response utilizing the MiG-25 Foxbat. The Foxbat was a Soviet-built and designed interceptor during the Cold War, having been designed to tangle with Strategic Air Command's bombers' in the event of a Third World War. On April 18th, two Libyan MiG-25s took off each toting two AA-6 Acrids for the sole mission of intercepting and destroying the airborne E-2.
For the strong considerations necessary in 'surprising' the Egyptians, six Libyan MiG-21s alongside four Algerian MiG-29s were planned to partake in engagements against approaching Egyptian aircraft in order to force the focus of the Hawkeye's crew away from the surprise of both Foxbats. The arrival of the MiG-21s and MiG-29s against an incoming strike launched by Egypt forced the crew of the Hawkeye into coordinating the four airborne F-16s of the combat air patrol into moving to deal with the interceptors, and in the opposite direction that the Hawkeye was traveling. At the time, the Hawkeye was traveling southwest closing the distance towards both Foxbats. At nearly 54nm away from the Hawkeye, both Foxbats lit up their radars and afterburners bringing the actual 'panic' to the crew of the Hawkeye as they realized the trap that had been 'sprung'. The Hawkeye in vain began to turn itself around and call for assistance, but they were alone, the CAP having been sent to deal with a strike of MiG-21s and MiG-29s. At nearly 36nm away from the Hawkeye, two Acrids were fired, one from each Foxbat. In slightly more than one minute, the first of the two Acrids detonated, ripping apart the Hawkeye, with the second following less than two seconds later. The E-2 had been destroyed, and it now represented the new threat for the Egyptian Air Force.
Both Foxbats managed to withdraw successfully, and for nearly two and a half hours, Egypt was left without any kind of AEW&C until an E-2 was rushed into position at a farther distance than what it was before. The new threat imposed by the Libyan Air Force in terms of the Foxbats (it had been believed that their Foxbats had been rendered fully combat inoperable) was forcing what aircraft they had available to be directed towards helping to defend the skies. Of the four F-16s that could be kept airborne at roughly any time (with what was available in Tobruk due to the supply lines), two had to be kept in defending the E-2 Hawkeye and coordinating the 'remainder' of the combat air patrol. This had shifted the 'air war' in Eastern Libya into more of a 'holding' action based off the very limited amount of F-16s available to be flown out of Tobruk to be able to 'escort' the strike aircraft at Benghazi.
As the conflict in the air began into more of a stalemate following the threat imposed to Egypt's Hawkeyes, the ground based action began to heat up. Libya had pulled their forces in, luring the Egyptians closer and closer towards Benghazi. The Libyans in terms of their primary fighting forces were composed of the Khamis Brigade alongside two regiments of paramilitary forces having been 'compelled' to help defend Benghazi against the approaching Egyptians; alongside the Libyan forces was the Algerian commitment in the form of a single armored brigade to help defend Benghazi. For Egypt, their primary forces consisted of the 18th Independent Armored Brigade and 218th Independent Infantry Brigade alongside two battalions of artillery (the 322nd and 325th); in addition, one brigade and one regiment of forces loyal to the National Transition Council had been brought together for the upcoming Third Battle of Benghazi.
On April 21st, initial elements of the 218th Independent would reach the outskirts of Benghazi, confronting Libyan elements in brief firefights as the rest of the forces began to move in. The fighting in the initial points was limited with small arms fire, light cannon fire, and mortar fire through the 21st as additional Egyptian combat elements began to slowly arrive. The 218th Independent Infantry Brigade was the first of the combat elements, with the 18th Independent Armored Brigade (and both artillery battalions) following behind and then the NTC's forces beyond that. Attacks on the 22nd and 23rd would see an uptick with heavier fire from artillery along with limited fire support from armored vehicles, as the Libyans slowly conceded territory as fighting began to slowly move into the city itself. By this point, many were already speculating that fighting was expecting to pick up in an intense urban combat and in regards to this, Egypt, Libya, and Algeria had all committed to pushing additional forces into the combat. Three brigades of the 2nd Mechanized Division (10th Armored Brigade, 713th Mechanized Brigade, 101st Self-Propelled Artillery Brigade) was planned to be committed to fighting in Benghazi, while the remaining brigade of the 2nd Mechanized Division (712th Mechanized Brigade) was planned to sweep south to seize the majority of the Libyan oil wells and prevent their destruction by the Libyans in their retreat. Libya for the most part was to be committing paramilitary forces directly into Benghazi, with groups 'mustered' and then brought to march into Benghazi to fight against the Egyptians. For Algeria, their commitment was to come in the form of an infantry brigade and pair of artillery battalions to help in the fight. The North African War was finding itself to picking up even further with additional commitment of forces.
Benghazi would only pick up in the kind of fighting as the Libyans were forced to slowly withdraw deeper into the city into a much more harried urban fighting. Aircraft and artillery attacks would pick up in intensity as fighting spread even further, but for Libya, they were arguably suffering the impacts worse than that of Egypt facing a hostile population within Benghazi, but that did not change much in the kind of major pitched battle taking place in Benghazi. Throughout May, the kind of pitched fighting was slowly turning into a meat-grinder as soldiers and equipment found themselves being sent into the fighting. For Egypt, they were slowly moving through and dealing with both the Libyans and Algerians, but at a hefty cost as the fighting picked up. Additional paramilitary forces from both the National Transition Council and Gaddafi found themselves thrown in primarily, but units were in some cases (primarily companies) found themselves annihilated in the conflict. For Benghazi, it was rapidly emerging into a city left by devastation as the pitched fighting only picked up in intensity. For Egypt, they were growing more and more with the general advantage as additional F-16s began to make their way in moving to support the kind of conflict while Algeria had a much more limited amount of reinforcements by air and land. An additional pair of E-2s had been downed successfully by Libya at the cost of six MiG-25s (a hefty cost in the 'fleet' they had), and air losses were picking up between Algeria and Egypt.
It was arguably in the movement of the Egyptian 712th Mechanized Brigade in early June towards the location of Libya's major oil fields (such as As Sarie, Masrab, Nafoora) that they would see the kind of devastation being done by Libya. It was strange as one noted, to see the horizon lit up in brightness despite the night surrounding them, and it would only unveil what the Libyans were doing. Scorched earth at the form employed by Iraq in the First Gulf War. They had lit the oil wells on fire, and it was rapidly turning worrisome over the kind of damage that had been likely inflicted upon the pipelines and likely refineries to prevent their capture by the Egyptians. The announcement on June 11th of the oil wells on fire combined with the general devastation would showcase in the markets, most respectively among oil prices. Already in May, oil prices had dropped due to fears of a global economic slowdown, but once more they began to ratchet up again with the likely loss of Libyan oil production to the world for at least the next two years (if not longer depending on the devastation and length of fighting). For Italy, Germany, France, and Spain, this posed a serious concern with major percentages of their oil (5%+) coming from Libya, and combined with Algeria in the war posed further concerns over the possibility of the spread of the Arab Spring into Algeria and the possible loss of their oil production and exports as well. Something had to be done as was emerging from the United Kingdom, France, and Italy, even if they had to go in without the support of the United States.
Zachanassian
Gone Fishin'
Oh you clever bastard, you got us hooked by getting us thinking this was an Americal politics timeline, when in fact it's about a major war in North Africa and the formation of a Pan-European Military.
Well, IOTL, the EU was considering intervention into Libya even without the US going to be involved. Considering the large share of oil imported by Europe from Libya (let alone Algeria), it does make sense. This also has to do with the 'sweetness' of Libya's oil, which means (from how I understand it) it doesn't need as much refining as say from the Middle East which is more 'sour'. With the news of what Gaddafi is doing in terms of damage to the oil infrastructure, it would likely galvanize them into action very soon to handle it. And that is even without the United States being committed to it.
Oh you clever bastard, you got us hooked by getting us thinking this was an Americal politics timeline, when in fact it's about a major war in North Africa and the formation of a Pan-European Military.
It still is about American politics with the next part covering domestic politics in relation to something dealt with up through July. Something that admittedly frustrates me with certain American politics TLs is how they seem to ignore the unfolding of what is going on around the world and what kind of differences could happen as a result say two years down the line. With this, I wanted to present it as bluntly as possible the kind of differences that could happen in such a volatile point (the initial unfolding of the Arab Spring and the UN vote on the no-fly zone) and how the cards could find themselves laid out with the ripples from the PoD slowly spreading.
And Pan-European military? Speaking honestly, I wasn't even thinking that, but it might be something to consider depending upon what the EU does here, especially with a choice I am determining for the TL.
Libya was the first real trial-run of a EU-led military operation. That obviously failed rather miserably with France and the UK acting independently and the US following that up afterwards, but with the longer period of time to hash out many of the differences and disagreements between the EU powers, It might be possible for the EU to move together on the issue. IOTL major problems arose from disagreements regarding authority over military forces and how exactly the EU was going to help coordinate the various efforts being proposed. With time to think it through a collaborative EU effort should be possible. That would in turn make the prospect of combined EU efforts in other interventions more likely and would create a framework within which the EU nations can cooperate. This might also have some impact on the politics of the EU but I can't really say for certain what they might be atm.
Great story though
Great story though
Zachanassian
Gone Fishin'
I'm not complaining. The fact that the rest of the world gets ignored aside from a few brief mentions is also something I've found to be frustrating with a lot of US political timelines, especially given that the US is the world superpower and as such minor changes in domestic US policy should have huge knock-on effects all over the globe.
As for the EU, I don't really see much hope for a short-term Libya intervention. The Europeans are still highly dependent on the US for logistics, intelligence, and transport, so any European intervention is going to be very limited and short-lived. OTL, Libya, Syria, Ukraine, and the refugees were the shocks that started pushing the EU (or at least the Germans) towards more military cooperation and integration. The US not getting involved in Libya with the possibility of an even worse refugee crisis two years earlier could very well possibly accelerate the desire for more integration. Or it could break the EU apart.
The UK general election is also a year out at this point in the TL, so that could turn out differently. A botched intervention in Libya might be enough to swing the polls against Cameron. Heck, the Scottish Independence Referendum is still 5 months out, though I kind of doubt you're going to throw something as shocking as Scotland going independent at us.
Libya was the first real trial-run of a EU-led military operation. That obviously failed rather miserably with France and the UK acting independently and the US following that up afterwards, but with the longer period of time to hash out many of the differences and disagreements between the EU powers, It might be possible for the EU to move together on the issue. IOTL major problems arose from disagreements regarding authority over military forces and how exactly the EU was going to help coordinate the various efforts being proposed. With time to think it through a collaborative EU effort should be possible. That would in turn make the prospect of combined EU efforts in other interventions more likely and would create a framework within which the EU nations can cooperate. This might also have some impact on the politics of the EU but I can't really say for certain what they might be atm.
Great story though
Both interesting comments, facing what the EU might do and the kind of issues they are going to be facing if they do intervene and possibly knock-on effects. Although Zachanassian, this is 2011, the general election was last year in the UK.
If I might inquire to those who are reading this TL, is there anything you'd like to see in terms of being explained or would like to know more about as it stands right now?