An AH Battle: 1st Battle of Midway, 17 - 21 June 1942

ITTL he is in the text on Hornet as CO of VF6. It is one of the reasons Hornet survives as his squadron employs his new tactics, avoiding turning fights and is more effective in its CAP role. later to be the weave. In the opening stages of the Pacific campaign this was a reason for higher F4f losses till familiarity with the Zero and its strengths and weaknesses grew.
F4F losses were higher versus A6Ms early in the war, but nowhere as bad as what you're describing. Let's look at the pure fighter versus fighter actions.

At Wake Island we saw two F4Fs lost for no A6Ms; at Coral Sea we saw six F4Fs lost for three A6Ms. All this before the Thach Weave was developed and implemented, and before Koga's A6M was captured in the Aleutians and analysed.

At Midway, where the Thach Weave was put into practice, we saw seven F4Fs lost for ten A6Ms. Koga's A6M was captured and analysed shortly thereafter.

That's an early war exchange rate of fifteen F4Fs for thirteen A6Ms, which is actually only slightly better than one to one in favour of the A6M.

Clearly even before the Thach Weave and the capture of Koga's A6M, the Wildcat was holding its own.

Taking the above into consideration, I would expect Wildcat losses in your scenario to be a bit more on par with Zeroes downed.
 
F4F losses were higher versus A6Ms early in the war, but nowhere as bad as what you're describing. Let's look at the pure fighter versus fighter actions.

At Wake Island we saw two F4Fs lost for no A6Ms; at Coral Sea we saw six F4Fs lost for three A6Ms. All this before the Thach Weave was developed and implemented, and before Koga's A6M was captured in the Aleutians and analysed.

At Midway, where the Thach Weave was put into practice, we saw seven F4Fs lost for ten A6Ms. Koga's A6M was captured and analysed shortly thereafter.

That's an early war exchange rate of fifteen F4Fs for thirteen A6Ms, which is actually only slightly better than one to one in favour of the A6M.

Clearly even before the Thach Weave and the capture of Koga's A6M, the Wildcat was holding its own.

Taking the above into consideration, I would expect Wildcat losses in your scenario to be a bit more on par with Zeroes downed.
Coral Sea was a bit of a damp squib ITTL, and Aleutians are a follow up shortly, so exposure to zeroes' has been limited to date and the pluses and minuses of the two types are still being found out the hard way. In the opening phases the Zero very much still had the bogey reputation, only dispelled over time. Here I am following the narrative example of endless other AU writers, citing the losses early on, eg. James Young, against the tide imperial, and Newt Gingrich's "Day of Infamy' or the more IOTL works like Slow but Deadly by David Faulkner. These are all characterized by brutalizing encounters and F4F losses in the initial battles. Loss numbers here reflect these writings and are a narrative device and mirror the lack of exposure as such ITTL. Note that two of the carrier air groups are fresh from the Atlantic and their fighters will have still been largely operating with the pre-war doctrine. It will change but at this point it is very much the IJN at its apex, while the USN is still shaking off the legacies of its peacetime approach and training. To me, at this stage the IOTL figures you quoted are not reflective of this different TL yet, and why the standout F4F performance of Hornets VF6 in contrast is the new yardstick which will lead to subsequent developments. T
 
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The 'fighter direction' of the Japanese fleet a Midway was for the warships to fire their main armament in the direction of any approaching aircraft and hope that the fighters on CAP reacted to it.

Given there was no centralised fighter command and the fleet fighters carrying no radios this meant that the IJN CAPs reaction to an approaching enemy was totally uncoordinated and at times during the Midway battle counter productive as it drew away the fighter cover allowing subsequent attacking groups of aircraft a free reign.
As we know the Japanese AA was not very effective. The 25mm guns were too light and slow firing to be that deadly, and their 5"-gun mounts were too slow to effectively train vs. fast air targets. Their best defense was that individual ships would start steaming in high-speed circles. That did create the tendency of breaking up formations, and effecting operations.
 
Part Eight

(SPOILER: As I alluded to earlier, this is my first ever attempt at writing and I'm probably being far too ambitious. What I am trying to do is to put a first person POV every few chapters to personalize my wider narrative. This my weak area and too often the result seems to me too wooden and one-dimensional. Nevertheless, here is the first part of my 'Midway' effort. The "Dikkipedia' battle account will follow and parts are pre-empted her, but I hope you enjoy this attempt, and feel free to critique not just my AU but grammar as well. Have fun and look forward to hearing how its perceived. T)

INTERLUDE ONE: - “A Tough Day at the Office for a Fighter Ace.”

0430 hours 17 June 1942 – HMNS Australia.
Task Force 44, 90 miles ESE Midway Island.

‘Are you awake Sirs, it’s 0430?”
Lt John McDaid, (Jimmy or Stretch to his peers), was lying on his bunk naked except for a pair of shorts. Already half-aware in expectation of this call, managed to grunt out a response, but failed to stop a firmer knock on the hatchway and louder repetition from their hovering steward in the passage outside, “Are you awake Sirs, its reveille?” This time his roommate, Pete Driscoll, responded more loudly from the lower bunk, “Yes, we’re awake and moving,” flicking on the lamp above his bunk, the sudden brightness making Jimmy wince as it flooded the narrow-cramped cabin with light.

Now awake Jimmy carefully reached up to the light fitting above his own head, and by feel, disengaged the bayonet fitting in the socket, feeling the gentle wash or air cease over his sweaty chest, as he swapped back in the bulb, he had earlier removed that night. With his own top bunk now lit, he carefully moved the small personal fan to the improvised shelf by his head, checking the already cracked and brittle Bakelite plug for damage and gently rolling the frayed cord up. One of the very first purchases on his initial visit to Hong Kong in 1938, the fan itself displayed a fine patina of cracks, but belying its cheap cost and acquisition in one of the myriads of tiny back lane shops of the crown colony, it still continued to work and remained a lifesaver in the tropics. Despite the attempts to improve ventilation during its reconstruction during the 30s, the fact remained that Australia was a pre-WW1 ship, designed for the North Sea, and poorly suited for the vastly increased crew and employment in the tropics. Already he could feel the fine sheen of sweat drying clammily on him, and at action stations with the already inadequate fans turned off, the room would rapidly become a humid still sweatbox. Undoubtedly it was his prize possession on this deployment, and reflecting this Jimmy treated it with deliberate care, valuing above most of his other items of personal kit, simply for the meagre cooling effect it offered in his current situation. This vital task done he then joined Pete in the well-practiced and finely choreographed routine of two men sharing a confined space conducting their daily routine to start the day. This done and both now in uniforms already losing their creases as sweat made them cling, he followed Pete out into to the dimly lit passage outside. A quick glance at his watch and he said, “Still some time to go. Deck, Irish?” he posed, receiving the expected muffled “good enough,” response and they both proceeded to head to the first set of ladders leading up to the flight deck.

Two minutes later they both shuffled through the blackout curtain and dimmed tactical light, exiting the island onto the still empty flight deck, both silently welcoming the fresh air and breeze blowing from the ships passage. This was the best time of the day, actually, just before dawn. The Pacific stars were still shining, the flight deck still wet with perhaps a little spray misting up from the bows. The island loomed, a large shadow against the stars, and looking at the dull shapes and angles of a Seabattle, tail ran out onto the nearest outrigger, broke the immediate view aft. Curious how it was all dark but you could still see and define shapes by their bulk. There was the sound of waves brushing the ship’s side, steadily, on and on, with their own sort of rhythm. No heat yet, no action, no gunfire, no adrenalin, no shouting or tumult, just an impression of coolness and welcome contrast to the heat and confines of below. This was another simple communion and true indication of shared friendship needing no words as both just quietly enjoyed the ambiance. After a while the faint wash of pale light began to define the horizon behind the ship, and soon the brief ting of alarm indicated the aft elevator dropping into the hangar deck below, and the first of the aircraft handling parties commenced their tasks of marshalling the first sortie of the day. Recognizing that their brief quiet interlude was done, both turned almost in unison to reenter the island and head for the squadron ready room below, even as the ships Tannoy crackled to life and called the crew to dawn action stations. The timeless routine of a ship of war, sanctified by tradition and experience had begun again for another day.

Shortly thereafter they entered 712 Squadrons slowly filling ready-room one deck down seeing the Commander (Air) and his assistant, Lieutenant Commander (Flying), Wings and Little F, as they were always known, already in deep discussion with the Squadron CO Lt- Comd Phillip Carstairs ‘Skipper”. Once flying operations actually commenced you would rarely see them outside Operation Room in the island or Flyco, the small open space with a parapet overlooking the flight deck, where they oversaw the conduct of all the ships aviation operations. But till then they would continue to liaise directly with the aircrew when possible.

Skipper made that point with some force at the command ‘huddle’ — gesturing at a proffered document, then obviously getting the expected response, nodded once and broke from the group moving to the dais at the front of the room, while Wings and Little F moved off to one side, and would leave shortly, returning to the island as the crackling Tannoy ordered the ship to action stations. At this point they were joined by the last two of the squadron’s internal hierarchy Michael Phelan, the Senior Pilot, or SPLOT, and in effect the skipper’s exec, and Andy ‘Dusty’ Rhodes, the other flight commander of the squadron. For administration purposes, at the moment Australia operated two ‘type’ Squadrons, 712 with 24 Dragonfly and 709 Squadron, the TBR/Scouting Squadron with 16 Seabattles, giving it an embarked air group of 40 aircraft at full strength, though these usually broke down and operated in flights of four within the squadron. The four Lieutenants, all experienced and senior most officers of the squadron, exchanged greetings and moved to the front of the ready room as a group, dropping as a block into the front row, the in effect bringing quiet to the room and the remaining Sub-lieutenants rapidly gained seats and paid attention. This air of at tentativeness was disrupted as a last pilot, gear obviously in disarray and thrown on in a hurry banged his way through the door. Even as he received the SPLOTs evil eyed glare, Skipper spoke up, “So nice of you to join us Tangles, take a seat and we can get this show on the road.”

“Righto,” he commenced, “from now on the task force will be maintaining a CAP during daylight hours until otherwise notified. This will be a single flight of four at this stage, though all non-alert carriers will also have an additional flight each at normal Alert and Standby readiness. For today Aunty has the starting shift for the airborne flight, followed by us tomorrow and then Placid,” quoting Pacifica’s callsign. “We will continue to maintain this rotation until the situation changes. What we now have is the Wing order from Aunty (Terra Australis) outlining the task force operations order in event of encountering major enemy forces. This will be an all-out strike, employing all available squadron aircraft that were serviceable, from all three carriers. The details of the strike package are in the op-ord which will be available here,’ gesturing to the document, but I will provide a brief outline so that all pilots are aware of the Wings intent.”

“The strike package will consist of three elements, a TBR element, callsign Heron, Divebombing element, Callsign Magpie, and fighter escort, callsign Kestrel. The balance of unassigned fighters will remain as TF defense and identified as callsign Sparrow. The planned breakup of these elements as follows. Heron element will consist of the full Seabattle complement of Aunty and Lady Oz, hopefully 32 aircraft. Auntie’s four flights will be Heron One and our 16 709 squadron SeaBattles will be Heron 2. Now we get down to the nitty-gritty for us. Magpie element will be 24 dragonflies in the dive-bombing role. Lady Oz will contribute 16 aircraft in this element. I’ll be leading element one with two flights. Stretch," nodding to Jimmy, "you will be Magpie Two with the remainder. Since you’ve apparently achieved your bag limit already this year Stretch, I’m afraid we’ve got to get dropping bombs this round, so the rest of the squadron can start working on their own scores,” He delivered this line with a slight smile, as it generated the expected laugh from the gathering, and whilst responding with a smile, Jimmy again winced internally at the unsolicited notoriety generated by his leading ace hood. Continuing on Skipper resumed, “Placid will proved Magpie Three with a further, eight bomb equipped Dragonfly to round out the package. Depending on final availability numbers the Magpie element may be rounded out by an additional flight of four from Placid to act in the close escort role for the strike, but that will only be confirmed on available numbers at the time. The balance of the escort will consist of hopefully 24 Dragonfly’s from Aunty as Kestrel 1,2 and 3, to operate in the fighter role. These figures are for maximum effort and assumes 100% availability,” generating a raspberry from the pilot group. “I know, but there’s sufficient flex in organization to massage these numbers if needed,” he responded. “This breakup leaves us with up to 32 Dragonfly employed as the Sparrow element for defense, with eight from Placid and us, sixteen from Aunty. For control purposes Chill you will lead the Sparrow elements in event of a major attack,” nodding to the SPLOT. The final element is the Stringbags off Placid, these will be callsign Crow, and will continue their usual patrol taskings as directed by Wing. That in general term is the deployment overview for the planned strike if the task force is required for a major attack. A final confirmatory brief and detailed orders will be issued prior any actual strike. I’ll hand over to Schoolie now for the balance of the normal daily brief, but when that’s done, Stretch I’ll get you to duck down a get an update on the timing and availability status on our down birds.,” nodding to the status board to the side of the ready room.” “Will do sir,” taking in at a glance that there were currently two down checked aircraft on the board, before concentrating on the remainder of the brief. With one of his ‘George’ jobs being the squadron maintenance officer, and he was quite familiar with its expectations, so just spent the remainder of the briefing recording the usual details, frequencies, heights, and weather on his knee pad and map, as normal preparation for flight ops. Till the ship stood down from dawn action stations his duty station was here, when not flying, and he would remain seated, going over some of the upcoming issues with the other three Lieutenants present. With its conclusion and a brief confab with the other Lieutenants as to any issues, he then headed down to the hangar spaces as the remaining pilots were corralled by the flight commanders and settled into the daily taskings of any operational squadron.

Soon the announcement crackled out over the Tannoy, announcing stand down from Dawn action stations, replaced by a new voice. “This is the captain speaking, all hands be advised we have just received news that Japanese aviation forces have just commenced air attacks on Midway Island. At this stage there is no further updates, but be aware that there are significant enemy forces now operating in our proximity, be aware and alert as the next action stations may very well be for real and no drill. I expect you to listen well to your officers and attend to your duties. We will keep you informed as we receive further update. Until then carry on.” And the voice cut off with a crackle. With this triggering a murmur of discussion, and after a brief check on the status board, Jim ducked out, heading forward and down a deck for the hangar and the squadron maintenance offices. Stepping out into the huge dim enclosed box, it was abustle in activity as usual. Shared home of the two squadrons of Lady Oz’s embarked air group it was capable of holding 32 aircraft currently, though with a deck park and outriggers on the flight deck above, this had been stretched to 40 in wartime. By their very nature the two types had roughly polarized the hangar into two areas, with the larger SeaBattles, needing a longer takeoff, were customarily mustered to the aft of the hangar space, while the smaller more numerous Dragonfly filled out the balance forward. This generalization was subject to the reality of a slow, constant almost Brownian-like motion as airframes were bustled to and fro, in the endless dance of maintenance work and marshalling for launching, all notionally under the management of the ship’s aircraft handling officer. This almost tribal division within the air group itself meant that 712 Squadron offices were located forward on the opposite side to the ships island, and 709’s located aft.

Stepping into this openness of the largest single compartment of the ship Jim was pleased to see that at the moment both the elevators at either end were down, currently allowing a wash of light in at either end, and the welcome movement of air from the ships passage to course through its crowded expanse. In more temperate latitudes this steel enclosed box, crowded holding 30-odd aircraft, could be a pleasant enough workshop for the boys. Here however in the tropics it could become hell upon earth. In a daytime temperature of anything up to 120-130 degrees Fahrenheit, the slightest movement produced a stream of perspiration. Fortunately, it was still early and the temperatures were for now more reasonable, but this would change with the lifts up and ships ventilation fans stopped in the event of action. Taking this familiar sight in, Jimmy briefly scanned the view, before ducking across the hangar deck between the closely packed airframes and avoiding the bustling aircraft handlers, many of them already shirtless and sweating, undertaking the daily array of tasks and checks, implicit in keeping the aircraft flying, His brief scan had not revealed his own aircraft, side-number A-22, It was RNN practice for each carriers embarked aircraft to have a specific prefix for the carrier and aircraft number in white, located immediately to the blue and white roundels of Nieustralis aircraft in the Pacific. Thus, Australia’s airframes bore a ‘A’, while the other wings respectively had a ‘P’ and ‘T’ for Pacifica and Terra Australis. Not seeing his own aircraft immediately visible, he didn’t bother searching and made for the heart of the squadrons ground support, The hatchway leading to the712 Squadron maintenance and administration office opposite.

Entering the compartment was to enter realm of the senior non-commissioned ranks who formed the institutional backbone of the squadron. Well aware that his hat might be as its maintenance officer, but in reality, this was just a figurehead for the vast experience and knowledge that was collectively gathered here. The intricate web of choreographed actions required when an aircraft was flown regularly without mishap rested on the foundations managed here. Each airframe was controlled, for all that its servicing was a straightforward, uncomplicated procedure. Every 30 hours it underwent an ever-increasingly rigorous overhaul culminating—if it lasted long enough! —in a truly major one which was tantamount to taking the whole thing apart and re-building it. It was also subjected to a daily check—tyre pressures, oil, hydraulic and air pressures, the correct functioning of ignition, instruments, radio and guns. If an aircrew was fortunate and their aircraft was in the right place at the right time, this daily check could conveniently be carried out on the flight-deck. If they were not so lucky, however, the daily check had to be done in the hangar, that ill-lit, noisy, and here in the tropics unbearably hot dungeon where aircraft were lashed down cheek by jowl, surrounded by straining, swearing mechanics clad only in a pair of shorts—wringing wet from perspiration—and gym-shoes. Here they toiled, fuming at obstinate nuts, red-hot pipes and sparking plugs; and with the roll or pitch of the vessel calling constantly for a change of balance. Their hands never ceased to clear sweat from their eyes and within ten minutes their faces were covered in greasy filth and grime, rendering them almost unrecognizable. It was an alien yet inextricable partnership to his own role as pilot. There were times when the state of serviceability called them to slog it out in the hangar until the early hours of the morning. Yet each new day found them again repeating their tasks, at times after only two- or three-hours’ sleep, an example of professional endurance and pride, often characterized by an almost possessional degree of moaning that a happy lower deck considered almost a right.

Conscious of his own intrusion into this specific small microcosm, he approached the Squadron Chief Petty Officer, greeting him “Morning Chief,” unsurprised at seeing a familiar copy of the op order already in his hands. “I see you’ve got a head start on me as usual.” “Aye Sir, I’ve taken the liberty of sending Maggs, down to the bomb magazine and he’ll check the grease and plungers of the fuses as well as prep sixteen for our full strike portion. Sixteen will be the full load out we hope. I see from them readiness board before I came down two are down checked. Aye, that should be updated soon. 247 was down checked with radio problems, but we found it to be just simply a loose wire and connection, and given a quick test it should be available within the hour. Actually, our only doubtful problem child stopping a full deck could be 244. It appears to have blown a head and I’ve got a full crew working on replacing that and, barring any new issues we hopefully will be closing her up before 1000. That will give us a full board technically, but only without doing a full engine test to seat the replacement and run it well in, which I’d rather we do if we get the chance before launching. “As always chief, yours and the crew chief will have the final call. Aside from the 500-lb eggs I see that the op order has us launching with drop tanks? " "Aye sir, it’ll be a maximum weight launch, with all Magpie elements to carry the smaller 45 gallon drop tank in the plumbed outer pylon. From there the discussion briefly devolved into the technicalities of total aircraft weight and probable fuel consumption rates and ranges as Jimmy confirmed details to present at as part of the squadron brief if the strike was launched. The final confirmatory point was made by the Chief, that all the strike aircraft had been fitted and tested with the newer more powerful windscreen heating element, and reminded Jimmy that this would need to be engaged before commencing any attack, otherwise diving bombing from height through moist tropical layers of air would cause fogging, obscuring targets. Thanking him for this reminder, Jimmy ducked back out of his hair, retracing the route back to the ready room, noticing in passing a small group of aircrew laboring over the raised cowling of one Dragonfly. “Our sole problem child he concluded before ducking back up into to start preparing reviewing the updates and preparing his own briefing points if needed.

Sitting in the ready room proved to be more trying than normal, waiting for further updates whilst trying to get immersed in some of the relentless processing of paperwork that was required in his role as flight commander, hearing first that an enemy carrier force had been located unexpectedly southwest of Midway and then the shortly after 0920 the news that the Americans had launched a major strike. Combined with this he was just one of several plotting the rough positions on the board in the ready room. It came as no surprise when the news came down that Placid had been tasked to dispatch a flight of her Stringbags to search to the south and west of the task force, even as he could feel the increased thrum underfoot as the ship increased speed to close on events. Glancing at the board he noticed that the full complement of aircraft where now available, and then at around 100 the entire ready room was galvanized by a report cut short from one of the Stringbags of enemy carriers 200 miles to the south. Even as this was being processed and the steps to marshal the ships strike aircraft for launching, a second confirmatory report, also cut, short, confirmed the carrier’s presence. A previously unknown Japanese carrier force was to their south and closing.

Even as the Tannoy blared to announce "Now hear this. Search has located two enemy carriers roughly two hundred miles south-southeast. Ship is to assume flying stations. Stand by for strike orders.” As Jimmy checked his watch, which said 1120. Even as. Skipper strode hurriedly into the ready room, saying, “As you were.” Jimmy joined the brief conference at the front with the others, adding the couple of information points and then they quickly returned to their seats. Putting some papers on the lectern, the CO immediately began the strike briefing. “We’ll be launching soon, so listen carefully and write the numbers down. No changes in the mission order, so both Magpie and Heron elements leaves together. Once formed up the strike will cruise at one hundred thirty knots, Heron at eleven and Magpie at twelve thousand feet as previously detailed. Wings orders are to proceed to the target independently if separated but coordinate our attack by radio with Heron Lead, if possible. I will be Magpie Lead with Red and Green flights, Stretch you will be Magpie Two, with Blue and White flights. Magpie three is from Placid with Gold and Orange flights,” he concluded as the pilots frantically scribbled down details. Late changes, we will have Yellow Flight of four Dragonfly as Magpie four to act as our close escort. If we encounter fighter opposition it will be at the discretion of each element lead as to which if any flights jettison their loads to act to protect others of the strike element. Kestrel element will conform to the Heron element and act as its close escort as first priority. The sense of urgency continued to come through as Skipper spoke rapidly, “Course to the target zero zero eight, and distance should be one hundred seventy-five. Wind one two zero at twelve. All the pilots were writing rapidly. The reports indicate that there are increasing incidence of tropical squalls to the south, though we should be above most of the frontal weather upon approach. The frontal weather could cover the target area: “If the Japs are under the clouds, we might have to do some hunting, but the frontal weather has been patchy, so we should be able to find a whole task force with two carriers. With the fuel load and range we should have a little time to loiter for the torpedo planes to arrive.” Jimmy thought, that’s if we aren’t immediately engaged. Without radar, the Japanese have to do all their fighter direction visually. As long as we are able to locate their carriers and make our dives, the frontal weather at the target could be an advantage for us. Skipper continued, “Stretch told me to remind you to switch the windscreen heater to max before commencing any dive. With the humidity and thunderstorms there is a high chance of fogging if you don’t. The Task force will maintain the present course south heading directly for the enemy to shorten our return. On the way back, both Manchester and Melbourne will be launching Walruses, Callsigns Duck 2 and Duck 3, to act as search and rescue for damaged returning aircraft. If you are in trouble, contact them on the guard frequency, and also gave a ditching point to aim for if you cannot communicate. At launch we will be at max gross weight with full fuel and a five-hundred-pound bomb.” Then the Tannoy announced, “Now hear this. All strike crews and escort, man your planes[JD1] .” Skipper finished by addressing the SPLOT. “Chill you’ll be boss of the TF CAP and Sparrow elements, with Aunties FDO (Fighter Direction Office) in control. As soon as the strike is cleared, get the rest of the fighters on deck, and a second flight into the air, Understood?” Receiving a nod, he turned to the pilots and, raising his voice, said, “Good luck all and I’ll see you on the other side!” As the pilots stood up, Jimmy grabbed his heavy lined flight jacket along with his parachute and plotting board and checked his Mae-west lifejacket. It could be cold above 10,000 feet, despite the tropics. As all the pilots were heading for the flight deck, he took a final look at his watch, it had only been about forty minutes since the search results were announced. Emerging from the island into a hot, sunny day to be faced by a packed flight deck. With the Seabattles stacked to the very stern round down, even tightly interlocked the leading Dragonfly was level with the bridge. As the various plane captains and handling parties were swarming over the last few planes to be brought up. The 709 pilots were already heading aft to their ranked charges as the 712 pilots scattered to their own dragonfly at the front of the marshalled strike. so as not to hold up the launch when their turn came.

Jim noted that Skipper had paused ahead of him, gathering the 7 pilots of his element in a huddle for a final word and elected to copy him. Grabbing the attention of the pilots from his Blue and White flights, he gestured them close, suddenly again conscious that this kind of skill was not his forte. “OK guys, are there any final questions?” He quietly posed, and after a brief pause to shape his words went on. “Right, from here on just treat this as another day at the office,’ he continued, ‘no frills and unnecessary risks, just concentrate on the task in hand and do it cool, calm and steady. Watch your fuel state. We have plenty, but if they are in squalls we may have to stool around a bit and hunt around for business, “getting nods from the gathering. “Drop tanks first and punch them individually as they go dry, and then just do each task to the best of your ability.” Feeling he was finishing lamely he just gave a brief nod to the group and said, “Good luck and mount Up,” turning to head for his aircraft as the others also broke up to head for their aircraft.

Knowing his position in the strike he headed for the third row of marshalled Dragonfly seeing the plane captain, Chief Rigger Monsen watching him approach. He walked up to A-22, his ‘Three Belles’ skirting around the forewings to the left side. Greeting the CPO with an “All set to go Chief” and receiving his confirmation he did his quick walk around, inspecting the control surfaces and pitot tube and for no obvious sign of leaks, not that any was expected but a condition reflex for all pilots. Completing his circuit, he glanced down and seeing a chalked message on the 500-pounder on the center pylon under the fuselage, ducked closer to read “Dragon Droppings” clearly. Despite the serious ness of the moment, he couldn’t help but quirk a grin as he straightened. It was an RNN tradition for the ground crew to hold a competition to see who got to apply the art to any bombload. Turning to the CPO he asked with a gesture “Who?” still smiling and received a grin in response as he replied “Gillman.” “The tall thin armorer from outback Queensland?” he posed, searching his memory and getting a nod in response. “Actually, I think that's pretty damn good, so pass on my thanks,” he finished with a smile as Jimmy stepped up onto the wing root. He paused briefly here, not registering the six rows of victories stenciled on the fuselage, rather just doing his own personal pre-flight routine for luck, bringing his fingers to his lips before touching them to the nose art of his three girls just forward of the cockpit, then touching the small photo inside his vest pocket, before the athletic scramble to get seated followed by the plain captain as he assisted him.

Lowering himself into the concave bowl of the seat, designed to fit a packed parachute on which he sits., he pushes his feet forward to the rudder pedals. Being six foot three inches tall had given him his nickname ‘stretch’ but also meant that he was a very tall man to fit into the cockpit, making it comparatively cramped in his case. Between his backside and the parachute, is a one-man dinghy, carefully stowed into a canvas case and attached to the parachute harness by a webbing lanyard. Slipping the spare water bottle he carried into the convenient recess by the seat, he straps himself in, first, into the parachute harness, then into the safety harness, assisted by the Chief standing on the wing and tightening the straps. Donning his helmet and goggles and connects the R/T lead and oxygen pipe, he’s ready to start up and with the thumbs up settles as his chief who jumps down to reappear forward of the left wing. In front of him are ranged the controls, levers, switches, dials—in all, about 90, with which he is thoroughly familiar. Commencing, he runs through his check-off list. Magneto switches off; Control locks off; check that rudder, elevators and ailerons are all turning ‘the right way’ in response to movement of the controls. (They have been known to have been reversed, with dire consequences.) Nose wheel locked; the propeller control is in fully fine pitch; Mixture control to full rich, to give the engine plenty of petrol to get her started. Elevator and aileron trimming tabs in neutral; Five degrees of right rudder trim; cooling gills open; oil coolers and intercoolers open; petrol cock turned on to main tank. This self-sealing container, holding 350 gallons, is positioned immediately behind the cockpit, in front of the engine, is supplemented at the moment by the two small 45 gallon drop tanks, one under each plumbed mounting in the rear wing immediately outside the retracting undercarriage. (Consumption, as a matter of interest, is about 60 gallons per hour at cruising speed and no less than 100 at operational speeds.) All this conducted in only a few seconds as almost a conditioned reflex. Glancing now out of the cockpit to confirm to the Chief, visible forward to one side below him, that the magneto switches are off. With this the Chief signals a fitter, invisible at the rear of the airframe to commence. The fitter grasps the propeller blade nearest to him and rotates it once or twice ‘the wrong way’, blowing out; tough going, this, against the compression of 14 cylinders. Now the Chief moves back and gestures to the pilot who turns on the master electrical switch, rendering all systems ‘live’ and gives the priming switch two or three short but squirts, injecting a shot of neat petrol into the cylinders. Again, looking to the fitter, who signals to him that no one is standing within range of the great propeller. The pilot turns the magneto switches to ‘on’ and presses the starter switch, firing the Koffman starter with a deep-throated tiger’s cough. It jerks the propeller into life, back-fires once, then settles into the comforting roar which signifies a good, clean, fire-free start. Jimmy seeing the all clear relayed, moves the mixture control to auto-rich and advances the throttle to give 500 revs per minute on the rpm indicator, watching as the oil pressure gauge awakens and climbs too normal. Concurrently scanning the dials before him, hydraulic pressure is normal, oil temperature is rising to normal, the ‘artificial horizon’ is vibrating slightly, showing that it, too, is awake and healthy. He switches on the radio and a crackling quick test confirms the set is functioning satisfactorily. With all showing normal he opens up the throttle steadily to 1,000 revs and, keeping an eye on the rev counter, turns off one of the magneto switches. The revs drop by 50. He switches back to ‘Both’. A pause; then he turns off the other. Now the drop is only 30. Both are acceptable, for anything up to a loss of 100 is safe. Everything is OK for him to move. He throttles back and gestures both thumbs up to the Chief receiving a snappy suit in return.

The start-up routine now done, he scans the masses aircraft to his front, now a sea of blurring propellers as the engine warms up and he awaits the takeoff release. Looking up he can see the green light on Pri-Fly lit to approve takeoff and sees ahead the launching officer gesture then drop his flag, and the launch was underway. His view limited by the massed airframes of Magpie One ahead, he can see little as Skipper leads off with the first element, only becoming visible as it lifts into view climbing and turning to port. Gradually the deck ahead clears, and things seem to be progressing trouble free till the sixth aircraft, two ahead obviously runs its engine to full power in preparation to launch, when suddenly there is a loud bang, audible even over his own engines roar, and a sharp black puff then ragged banging clatter as the engine erupts a cloud of grey smoke. In a well-trained rush he can see the deck crew run forward to push it aside to continue the launch. Seeing the fuselage number A-44 as it is cleared from ahead, he can help but recall that this was this morning’s problem child, and obviously the attempt to get it ready for the strike was unsuccessful. Finally, the deck ahead was clear and he is the next cab off the rank. Running up to full throttle and checking the gauges are clear he quickly rehearsed the takeoff in his mind. Meeting his eyes he waves his hands crisscross once in front of his face and gives a thumbs up to Fly One, who gestures the chocks clear and swings his flag down, as Jimmy released his brakes and starts down the deck. When the bow looked to be about two hundred feet ahead, Three Belles lifted off with its usual elevator like sensation, the Dragonfly needing little stick rotation once it reached flying speed. After the slight bobble crossing the bow, it commenced its climb, feeling heavy and cumbersome with its load, as he followed the aircraft ahead as they turned left and began to circle to wait for the third element and escort flight to join them. Throttled back to climb power as his wingmen cut inside his turn to close up on his plane; he then raised the landing gear and flaps, seeing Magpie one ahead. Looking back, he could see that all of Magpie Two was off successfully as they formed up on him, as the first SeaBattle of 709 now trundling down the vacant expanse of deck, struggling airborne with its torpedo underslung. Circling steadily as they climbed, he could see the Dragonfly from Placid rising to join Magpie lead to its port, as his own element shook out to starboard. Clearly one short, he heard the brief, “Three to Magpie Lead, joining with six, one went in on launch,” came the terse update, as the final flight of four joined assuming a cover position above the three Magpie elements, and distinguished only by the larger 90 gallon drop tanks in the fuselage pylon rather than the 500-pound bombs of the rest. Now marshalled the whole strike group departed, assuming the attack heading even as it continued to climb. Compared to normal it was undoubtedly sluggish, but it was still the best climb rate and the entire Magpie package matched Skippers lead shaking out into a looser transit formation. Even as his eyes continued the relentless rove of the sky of a fighter pilot, he couldn’t help but feeling 22 of a possible 24 dive bombers was good result and going to be a serious problem for someone. With the sweeping clear vision at the moment, he could see the mustered SeaBattles slightly below and lagging with their slower cruise and the cloud of their escort hovering now above. An hour later they began to see more broken cloud forming as they were approaching some of the frontal weather. There were cumulus clouds, some fairly dark, but there was a lot of space between them, and they could maintain their cruising formation, only occasionally flying through small wisps of cloud. By this time, they had leveled off at 14,000 feet, still below the tops of the highest towers of clouds beginning to hump up over the horizon well to the south.

After another twenty minutes, as Jimmy scanned the sky, he heard a crackle and a voice from Kestrel One reporting spotting a large formation of airplanes off to one side headed north. “Two o’clock, looks like an enemy strike group heading north,” came over the radio. “Kestrel lead, I see them too. Leave them for now, our mission is the strike,” before relaying the update to Aunty and the Task Force. Now, on top of the risks of their own mission, Jimmy knew their ships would be attacked before they got back, possibly disabled or sunk. Having already twice experienced the loss of his own ship this thought left a cold feeling in his stomach. They droned on. Another three quarters of an hour went by broken only as the various aircraft jettisoned their empty drop tanks. They passed over many small and much more broken cloud in the overcast at about 8,000 feet in a long streamer to the formations port, but saw no ships. Ahead rising in a much more pronounced rampart of clouds stretched right to left across the horizon ahead, some parts towering well above their own height. Before this Jimmy could see a large opening in the overcast ahead and to the left of their course. Suddenly there was a crackling in his earphones. “Magpie Lead here. Tallyho! Directly below.” Glancing down he could see nothing immediately, then checking the clock on the instrument panel, which read 1302. He also looked at the outside air temperature on the gauge, which read 36. He shivered thinking how cold that was and glad he’d kept the canopy closed now. With this change and humidity, he was almost certain fogging was going to be an issue as he followed the formation around in a shallow turn to the left, circling counterclockwise towards the wide opening ahead, staying over the clouds mostly out of sight from below, but still not seeing what had triggered Skippers ‘Tallyho.”

Now coming up to the opening, he got a start at realizing how much it was like coming to the edge of a stage and for the first time he could clearly identify the wakes of ships below in the distance, all seemingly heading north. He led his section slightly to the right to get out of sight again over the clouds and then followed the planes ahead in a shallow left turn. His tension increased, but they were lucky so far and it was inexplicable to find no Japanese CAP up high, even if the formation was still some distance away. The Dragonfly formation continued in a large circle skirting the opening. Now they were southwest of the opening in the clouds and could see that the Japanese task force was headed away from the black squall line with heavy rain clearly forming to the south. If they had to wait a long time for the torpedo planes, this opportunity might disappear into that squall. Jimmy could now for the first time glimpse the leading carrier through the clouds, unusually seeming to have a green hull, in contrast to a sand-colored flight deck. Clearly visible was a large red meatball in the center of the fore deck. She had turned into the wind and was obviously launching aircraft and he could see the small dark green crosses seemingly to slowly lumber off the bow before gaining height. Slightly more distant he could now confirm the second square deck of another carrier, also launching planes, and both odd looking in his eyes with the absence of an obvious island.

Others that had taken off earlier were climbing in the distance and for the first time he thought he might have detected the specks of a distant CAP near their height, but if it was it had made no move toward their formation. They were very lucky to be out of sight while they waited, but they would get a hot reception when they made their dives, and the fighters might keep climbing and find them. Watching almost God like from up here he could see that the leading carrier had almost finished launching and would soon be free to use the approaching the rain squall. Skipper came on the radio again: “Heron Flight, be aware the carriers have flushed their birds and our windows closing’!” At first there was no reply till about four minutes later, the radio crackled: “OK, Magpie, Herons starting in.” With this Skipper transmitted, “Kestrel, this is Magpie Lead, you’ve got a dozen plus diving in on you from about Angels 10, and they’ve just flushed their decks, so it looks like there’s another bunch coming up low. I’m releasing my escort to assist, but it looks like they’re going to dogpile you". "Understood Magpie. You heard the man boys, it looks like we’re about to get busy,” came a faint response. As there obviously began a furball of aircraft in the distance, and already one or two trails of smoke streaking the sky. That must be them, meaning they had the Japanese task force in sight and were starting the run in to the target.

Feeling surreally like a spectator, Jimmy followed Skipper in one final circle to the left on the southeast side of the opening in the clouds. This was good for concealment, because the Japanese were now closer to the northwest. Jimmy paused, wondering however if they would be able to dive from that side, because the ships below now seemed fully aware of their exposure, obviously turning away from the developing attack north, and heading for cover under the clouds below. Jimmy felt his adrenaline flowing as Skippers final instructions came over the Radio. “Magpie Two, take your element and engage the nearer, westernmost of the pair. I’m going to extend East with Magpie One for a moment and engage the second more distant one. Understood?” “Copy One”, he responded, as Skipper continued, “Three hold for the moment and observe the results. If we miss, follow up targets at your discretion, copy?” “Roger that," came the response as Jimmy already was preparing for his dive.

Not wasting any further time, he ordered Magpie Two to echelon left, as he watched One continue on for a moment, before adjusting his own final heading, bringing the now charging carrier below to be visible at about the 11 O’clock position to his own nose. A glance at the dashboard clock revealed It was 1318 as he did a brief final check of the seven trailing Dragonfly shaking out in a loose spaced line to his left. In contrast to his one previous live dive-bombing attack this was almost surreally like a peacetime exercise with training bombs. For all it was no peacetime target barge being sedately towed below him, the contrast with his memory of the mad scrambling attack from 6,000 ft under overcast at a wildly turning Japanese cruiser was unbelievable. Naturally it had missed, but here everything just seemed so much comparatively simpler. Hopping to repeat that peacetime accuracy of his last attack on a barge target, he was suddenly felt calmly in the zone as his target slid into his view.

Pulling down his goggles, and sliding back his canopy as it locked, and felt the icy wind, as he tightened his harness and gave his last command, “Everyone make sure the windscreen heater is set to full,” before his perception said everything was just right, and said, “Attacking now.” With this he could feel the tension peak as his gaze rivetted on the carrier seemed to slide virtually under his wing. She was not a Japanese fleet carrier and was beginning to make vigorous evasive maneuvers, leaving a snakelike wake, but she would do.

He put out the dive flaps and went through the routine, feeling Three Belles slow sharply as the large, perforated flaps of the rear wing popped open: supercharger low speed; propeller low rpm; mixture rich; and carburetor heat on. He closed the throttle and snap rolled up and over into his dive. As he straightened out and found the aircraft steadied out in a 70-degree dive, airspeed stable at about 280 mph, as the carrier appeared in his windshield directly ahead of him as he hung from his straps. Already passing through 10,000 feet, for the first time the experience seemed to differ from a drill as a few antiaircraft bursts appeared ahead. In his calm state of concentration, he suddenly was not very afraid of the antiaircraft fire because it was late, and he was coming down so fast that there was only a small chance that the gunners would get the range right. That was a big advantage of dive bombing, some part of his mind abstractly mused, as he lined up the gunsight on the rapidly growing carrier ahead. Vaguely a few seconds later, he peripherally registered a fogging beginning to form around the windshield edges and he hoped the others also remembered the windscreen heater. But it was effective, and he could still see the outline of the carrier clearly in the center of the windshield. The wind appeared to be from the southeast as his target began to drift, so he rolled ninety degrees to fly northwest and tried to aim off for his release point to the southeast of the carrier as it twisted and turned. Again, he had a distant feeling of lucid clarity, as if he had all the time in the world as the altimeter showed him passing through 3,000 feet, everything seemed startlingly clear and simple as he gathered the large red meatball of the carrier deck into his sight, adjusting slightly to where he thought it would be on the point of release. Dropping his left hand on the bomb release lever as he was passing through 2,000 feet, the normal release height, he held steady another long second before releasing at 1,400 feet. Even as doing this he briefly triggered a one second burst of the Dragonfly’s cannon to trip the gun camera for record. Feeling the slight bump as the bomb dropped clear, he started a smooth steady pullout as his body was suddenly being pressed firmly into the seat pan by the rapidly rising g-force, quickly ramping up to over 6-g. As the blood rushed from his head his vision began to gray out, becoming almost tunnel like though it did not quite disappear, and the sudden surge of voices in his headphones lost as a waning murmur.

Unbeknownst to him, the 500-pound semi-armor piercing bomb released by him tracked perfectly, striking the flight deck of the IJN light carrier Chitose just some three feet to right of the center line marking. Part of the Fifth air fleet and operating with her sister ship Chiyoda as the 11th carrier division, both had just finished launching their remaining fighters and were seeking to duck into the squalls to the south when the strike from TF 44 arrived. Concentrating on the approaching torpedo aircraft threat from the north, there is little doubt that the threat of dive bomber attack from the Dragonfly element was not recognized until that attack was fully developed, with hardly any defensive fire until the first bomb was already falling. Easily piercing the wooden flight deck it then punched through the hangar deck to finally detonate, striking the. Starboard steam turbine and destroying the engine room and all propulsion. In itself, this hit was probably sufficient to have sunk the light carrier. Being barely 15,000 tons the three strikes which rapidly followed doomed the lightly built conversion. Afire from fore to aft and racked by internal explosions and fewer than 150 of its 1100 complement and air group would be recovered from the water.


[JD1]
 
Part Nine (the Dikki continues). Enjoy!

The Southern Engagement – TF44 and the 5th Air fleet.

With both opposing forces made up of smaller carriers, this action is often depicted as a sideshow to the main conflict. This perception does not reflect the actual impact on the eventual outcome of the battle, nor the intensity and losses incurred by the opposing TF44, and 5th Air Fleet involved. Following the original guidance given TF44 was still about 90 miles to the SE of TF58 and closing slowly as the initial stages of the engagement opened. Approximately 220 miles to the south, Admiral Ozawa and the newly formed 5th Air fleet were moving north under radio silence tasked to surprise and cut off any USN force once committed. To achieve this, he had Carrier Division Eight, Hiyo and Oiyo, detached from their original role to support the Aleutians Operation, and the two light carriers Chitose and Chiyoda of Carrier Division Eleven and supporting forces.

In terms of strength, the two groups while significant were smaller than the other carrier groups in the battle. Ozawa’s four decks carried 168 aircraft (Oiyo and Hiyo 54, Chitose and Chiyoda 30 each) while the three TF44 decks held 116 aircraft (Terra Australis 48, Australia 40, and Pacifica 28). Offsetting these numbers, the air groups of the three RNN carriers were composed predominantly of veteran aircrew, all experienced in conducting combat operations since the war commenced. The Japanese aircrew lacked this experience in comparison to those of the other IJN air fleets and had had their training restricted due to aviation fuel shortages leading up to this operation. Ozawa’s screen was the four heavy cruisers, a Light Cruiser, and the seven destroyers. The screen of TG 44 was seven light cruisers (RNN (4), RN (2), and the USS Concord) and eleven destroyers (RNN 6, USN 3, and 2 RN). These were the forces that would become involved after the opening exchanges between the main forces commenced on 17 June.

With the detection of the initial strike on Midway Island at 0605, it became apparent that the main Japanese force was further south than originally anticipated. As the balance of allied forces was to the north and west of him, Grace ordered a sweep to the south and southwest to determine if other Japanese forces were also located further south than anticipated. and increased speed to 20 knots to close with the other allied groups, now heading southwest to close on the Japanese forces located.

The initial exchanges between the main forces went as described, with both sides being shocked at the size of the opposition as the initial blows were exchanged. The presence of the three RN carriers south of the USN forces was perhaps the more profound as the Japanese had never remotely factored such a presence into their plans. With the location of the RN force tentatively identified shortly after 1100 Ozawa was directed to launch a strike at ‘three British carriers”. Monitoring the developing action to the north it had come as a distinct shock when the CAP of his force had engaged and destroyed a ‘British’ biplane. Initially, this report was received with disbelief, but when a second such aircraft was destroyed at 1125, (both patrolling Swordfish aircraft dispatched from the Pacifica) he was faced with the prospect of what he was facing another force to his north. These were part of the search pattern launched by Grace and were able to send a contact report before their destruction and were able to alert TF44 to the existence of Ozawa’s force.

With the presence of three carriers and a location, he launched the prepared airstrike shortly after 1130. The strike eventually totaled 122 aircraft, 40 torpedo bombers, 40 dive bombers, and an escort of 42 fighters, whilst retaining 32 fighters as aircover for his force. The inexperience of the air groups delayed its departure and resulted in some disorganization when it eventually departed to the reported location some 200 miles to the north. The strike had barely departed when the search aircraft earlier dispatched reported the location of a force of three carriers, some 60 miles to the southeast of that first location received. The initial report was cut off but confirmation was received from another search aircraft redirected to that location. This gave greater detail and confirmed three ‘Nieustralis’ carriers before contact to was also lost. This was sufficient for Ozawa and he ordered that the new location be transmitted to his airborne aircraft and that the strike be redirected there. The sum effect of these actions was that rather than a single cohesive force the strike would arrive over TF44 in roughly two disorganized groups about ten minutes apart.

In TF44, much in the same fashion as the Japanese, the proximity of the Japanese carriers to the south was unexpected and a disconcerting shock. The initial sighting report was of two aircraft carriers before contact was lost. These were the Chitose and Chiyoda as the other two carriers were obscured by a squall line at the time of location. With the confirmation of this by a second search plane before it to was shot down, TF44 rapidly prepared a strike from his three carriers and launched additional surveillance to establish more detail on the composition of the enemy force. A 72 strong strike was launched from TF44, consisting of 26 torpedo bombers, and 46 Dragonflies, 22 configured for the dive-bombing role carrying 500lb bombs, and the remaining 24 to act as a fighter escort for the strike, departing shortly after 1155. Admiral Grace retained 32 fighters available to defend TF44. Whilst preparing for this strike he also notified the other task elements of the allies of the location of this new enemy force. As they were already involved in a struggle for survival with the main Japanese forces, there was little that could be done other than acknowledge receipt of this update. The dogleg involved in the redirection of the Japanese strike resulted in both strikes arriving over their opponent at approximately the same time after 1300.

Expecting a counterattack, Ozawa had deployed a strong CAP of 16 Zero’s over his force, whilst maintaining the remaining 16 Zeroes on deck ready for a rapid launch. Lacking radar for early warning, the incoming strike was only detected a few miles out. The ready aircraft were launched but there was insufficient time for them to gain height to engage the approaching force, and they were directed to engage the descending torpedo bombers, which were considered the greater threat. The CAP aloft incorrectly identified the approaching bomb-equipped Dragonflies at altitude as fighters, due to their distinctive cruciform silhouette, and elected instead to also engage the approaching Seabattles as they descended to attack. The result of this was to draw the Cap into an intense confused action at a low level as the 24 escorting fighters attempted to protect the 26 attacking Seabattles from over 30 Zeroes. The final result was that the Japanese CAP effectively nullified the torpedo strike, shooting down 18 of the attackers, and 13 of their escorting fighters, whilst suffering 13 losses of their own fighters. Of the remaining Seabattles all but two would ditch or be written off on return to TF44. The sole success of the torpedo strike would be to place a single hit in the engine room of the light cruiser Tatsuta from an already burning Seabattle before it crashed, which would result in her eventual sinking late that evening.

This sacrifice would not be in vain however as it drew the Japanese fighters down to sea level. As a result, the 22 bomb-equipped Dragonflies arrived over the Japanese formation virtually undisturbed and were able to conduct the subsequent attack in a deliberate manner opposed only by the anti-aircraft fire of the ships involved which proved largely ineffective. Unopposed the Dragonflies proceeded to roll into their 70-degree dives, targeting the exposed Chitose and Chiyoda scoring three and four hits on each respectively. Even though being only 500lb bombs, both light aircraft carriers were of less than 12,000 tons displacement, and neither was robust enough to cope with this degree of damage and the sinking of both by late afternoon. With this outcome obvious the final seven dive-bombers diverted to engage the Oiyo and were only able to score a single hit right on the very bow of the vessel before it regained the cover of a rain squall. This hit forward would not endanger the vessel but would limit its ability to launch aircraft for the remainder of the battle. The surviving untouched 19 aircraft of the dive-bombing group were able to exit the battle largely undisturbed by the dispersed Japanese CAP and successfully regrouped as a single formation as they withdrew. The balance of the strike was suffering much more battle damage and dispersed as the result of the action, formed up in a much more disorganized straggle of small groups as the surviving aircraft headed back to their carriers.

The final act of this strike would involve the relatively untouched group of returning dive-bombing Dragonflies, joined by two of the original escorts. This group of 21 aircraft, free of their bombload could now act in their primary fighter role. Directed onto the returning vector of the Japanese raid, by the still operating radar of Terra Australis, they would exact a fearsome execution on the damaged aircraft encountered of the disorganized returning strike. It would later be assessed that this group destroyed an estimated 31 aircraft of the returning force for the loss of two further aircraft before the air engagement finally concluded.

Concurrently, TF44 was preparing to receive the Japanese strike. With radar warning, all 32 defending fighters airborne and intercepted the approaching raid some 20 miles outside the screening vessels. Despite being able to disrupt much of the organization of the attacking force, faced with over 120 inbound aircraft the defense was swamped as the attack developed. To some respect, the disorganized arrival of the strike, spaced out as it was over nearly 20 minutes, would aid the Japanese. The final group of 18 aircraft from the Chiyoda, enjoyed a virtual free run on their approach, with the defending fighters already dispersed and combating the preceding arrivals. Those aircraft that successfully broke through the defending fighters still had to face the defensive fire of the surface vessels.

When the final Japanese aircraft departed around 1345, they left behind a force in disarray with all three RNN carriers visibly on fire and seemingly incapable of further combat operations. Australia had been the nearest to the incoming vector of the strike and bore the brunt of the initial assault. Torpedoed three times on the port side and struck by five bombs she would roll over and sink around 1450 taking over 500 of her crew down with her. The Pacifica in the center of the formation received two torpedoes close together on the port bow which blew a large hole over twenty feet wide below the waterline. This benefited her, in that the resultant sudden loss of way resulted in the two bombs that struck her did so well forward. This left her badly on fire forward but under power and barely able to make way until her forward bulkheads were reinforced. Lastly, the Terra Australis took a single torpedo midships and received four bomb hits. It also was hit by a damaged Kate that deliberately flew into the rear of the island after releasing its weapon and strewing burning fuel across the deck. At a distance, the damage appeared far more significant than was the case, and the radar fitted to the island remained operational. Unlike the other two, the Terra Australis armored design enables it to remain under power and still capable of reaching 24 knots. Of the four bomb hits, two hits penetrated the armored flight deck before detonating on the armor of the hangar deck below. Here the carrier benefited from the fact that all the bombs carried by the Japanese strike were limited to 500-lbs, due to the distance of the strike. This and the fact that the hangers were empty of aircraft and combustibles, resulted in the fires being rapidly contained. With the application of repairs, the Terra Australis was able to commence recovery operations shortly after 1420. Despite the damage suffered the Terra Australis remained combat capable, much to the amazement of the embarked USN observers. In addition to the carriers, the cruiser screen also suffered losses with the Emerald and Concord both left powerless and subsequently to sink before evening. Manchester and the Launceston took damage forcing them to withdraw. The Japanese strike lost some 50 aircraft and the defending fighters lost21.

The remainder of the afternoon was required for TF44 to reorganize and complete the process of recovering aircraft and picking up survivors. By 1530 Grace finished recovering the surviving aircraft on his sole remaining carrier and was left with 31 operational aircraft of the mornings 116. Of these, 27 were Dragonflies and just two each of Spearfish and Swordfish remained operational. Around 1615 as Grace prepared to separate his damaged ships to return to Hawaii, he received notification from observing aircraft that the Japanese appeared to be launching a small strike. With this, he elected to remain with the damaged vessels and prepared to receive the attack.

At this time Ozawa too was assessing the results of the action. Like Grace he too was left with just one fully functional carrier, with the slightly damaged Oiyo restricted to only launching the lighter Zero. The loss of his two light carriers was disturbing along with the demonstrated effectiveness of the Dragonfly aircraft. Not only as a fighter against the Zero, but its effectiveness in the dive bomber role had come as an unpleasant surprise. His worry deepened as the remnants of his strike slowly dribbled in. By the time the last of the 39 survivors was recovered he had to accept that nearly 70% of the aircraft committed had failed to return and was left with barely 60 available aircraft, and only one fully operational flight deck. The reports of three burning carriers were promising, but the ability of his group to conduct offensive operations was compromised by his losses. Nevertheless, he determined to attack and sink any damaged vessels of the opposing force whilst the opportunity existed. He launched a small force of 21 aircraft composing 9 Val, 6 Kate, and 6 Zeros which represented virtually the sum of his remaining offensive capability shortly after 1600.

He was unaware that his force remained under observation by a spotter launched earlier and using the persisting bad weather to the south as cover, it was able to report the launch of this strike. With this advance notice and the advantage of radar direction, Grace was able to deploy the remaining Dragonflies to ambush the approaching strike some 25 miles short of TF44. This was brutally effective and proceeded to down 17 of the strike for the loss of 2 fighters without any of the Japanese force reaching visual distance of TF44. Recovering just four aircraft as dusk fell, Ozawa was faced with the fact that well over three-quarters of his air assets were lost and his force was no longer capable of conducting offensive operations. When the size of the ambush was reported, and still unable to determine how large a force opposed him, Ozawa elected to preserve his remaining force and used the fall of darkness to break contact and head east to marry up with the approaching invasion group. The ships of the 5th Air Fleet would play no further combat role in the Midway operation.

With the success of the aerial ambush Grace too recovered his aircraft before dusk and proceeded to split his command. He released the Pacifica and the two damaged light cruisers along with 5 escorts to withdraw towards Hawaii. Grace used the cover of darkness to move his remaining operational ships, Terra Australis, three light cruisers, and six destroyers, and rendezvous with TF58 shortly after dawn. For the remainder of the Midway operation, the two groups operated as a single unit under the command of Vice-Admiral Lyster of TF58, Terra Australis acting as the fourth carrier with the other three RN vessels.

The final exchange of the day was late in the afternoon with the Yamaguchi launching the remaining aircraft of the Kido Butai against TF58. Having received Ozawa’s initial report of three burning carriers and aware that Yamamoto had closed and would rendezvous that night, he elected to make one maximum effort against the as yet undamaged group of enemy carriers. Retaining just 30 fighters for defense meant that the final strike numbered over 180 aircraft. Radar gave TF58 plenty of warning and all its fighters were airborne as the strike approached. By this time TF58 was within 10 miles of the battered remains of TF 16 and 17 and 20 of the defending fighters were tasked to cover them, leaving some 50 available defenders. With warning the CAP was at height and ready as they engaged the strike some 15 miles out. The 65 escorts somewhat outnumbered the defenders and a savage melee developed which allowed the 120 attackers to close on the TF. Here two factors played a key role in helping the defense. As already proven each carrier was closely supported by an allied battleship, contributing considerably to the defensive fire. Secondly, the strike consisted of the surviving aircraft from eight carriers and lacked the coordination of earlier strikes. Regardless, the attack was pressed home with great vigor and with sufficient numbers to penetrate the screen. All the carriers were hit by torpedoes, the Audacious twice, and dive bombers succeeded in hitting all three carrier’s multiple times. The Bulwark was hit by three bombs, and the other two carriers twice, but here the armored nature of the British designs proved their worth. All three ships remained under power and command and with combustibles secured and empty hangars, the resultant fires were largely contained before dusk. All proved capable of recovering their aircraft that evening and with emergency repairs would remain combat capable the next day, though Audacious, hit twice and with extensive underwater damage, was restricted to a top speed of 20 knots, barely sufficient to operate aircraft. The other ships to receive damage were the battleship Richelieu, hit by a bomb and a torpedo, and King George V struck by two bombs, but both remained operational, albeit at a reduced speed. This was achieved at a cost of some 70 aircraft from the strike, with the British CAP losing over half its numbers.
 
Part 10

Taking Stock

With the fall of night, both opponents were left to assess the results of the days' conflict. During the darkness, both moved to consolidate their remaining vessels into a single force, whilst trying to save damaged ships and recover survivors. The sheer size and scope of the engagement, along with the severity of the losses, deeply shocked both sets of leadership. Each had been confronted and disturbed by an opponent far larger than had originally been expected and the major losses in aircraft both had experienced hamstrung the possible options available to both sides.

That evening Admiral Lyster as the senior surviving allied commander caucused with Admirals Spruance, Kincaid, and Grace on options and rapidly agreed that offensive operations seemed no longer viable. The option of the Allied carriers conducting a night strike on the Japanese was briefly tabled and discarded. Even with the Terra Australis joining, there were simply too few remaining aircraft available to mount a strike of sufficient strength to significantly damage the opposing force. Attempting such a feat simply seemed to risk exposing the allied forces to greater losses next day, without the prospect of commensurate gain. Of the original twelve carriers, five were sunk and two badly damaged, and whilst the remaining carriers were operational, all had been damaged to some degree. Of more importance there remained barely 200 available aircraft to be deployed from them. With many of the ships afloat already damaged to varying degrees, it would be all that they could do to shepherd the stragglers back to Hawaii without further loss. It would be fair to say that the command element was fairly traumatized by events, not just by the losses, but also by the sheer scope and intensity of the air combat and the level of forces involved, far beyond those originally anticipated. With the consensus of this group, he informed Nimitz back in Hawaii of his intentions to discontinue the action and advised Midway to evacuate all remaining aircraft and as many personnel as possible on them.

Even whilst this was occurring the Japanese were also taking stock of their own situation. Post-war analysis and interviews revealed a startlingly similar mindset on both sides in the wake of the battle. With barely 250 available aircraft and three of their largest carriers sunk Yamamoto was faced with an equally daunting prospect for the next day. It was only the proximity of reinforcements in the form of the closing Invasion Group that enabled the plan to take Midway to proceed. As it was the size and totally unexpected inclusion of the six allied carriers and what they represented in the long term deeply disturbed Yamamoto. He was later to remark that it was at this point of the war he realized that it was not only could they not win, but how badly would Japan eventually lose. During the night the priority was to concentrate his forces to enable the occupation of Midway to proceed, but otherwise, adopt a defensive posture till reconnaissance the next day revealed the true state of his opposition.

In terms of the conflict as an aerial battle, nothing on this scale had ever occurred or even been realistically considered in naval warfare before. In terms of losses, both sides through either combat or the sinking of carriers had lost over 500 aircraft each, a figure previously inconceivable, and representing a crippling blow on the professional capabilities for naval aviation of both navies. That its legacy was to be both galvanizing and enduring was to be crucial in subsequent developments in the Pacific.

Dawn next day revealed the combined allied fleet with seemingly five operational carriers withdrawing east and obvious signs that Midway’s aircraft were being evacuated. The Japanese force was also identified with five carriers, but the presence of two further carriers and the battleships of the Invasion Group confirmed the allied decision to end the engagement. In what seemed to be a result of mutual exhaustion, both groups proceeded to break contact with the opponent’s main force and concentrate on saving the damaged vessels of both sides.

Midway Losses 1.jpg


Withdrawal.

The final phase of the battle was telling in its way. The actual assault and occupation of Midway itself, whilst fiercely contested was a foregone result. Support by direct fire from battleships resistance barely lasted a day and, whilst suffering over 500 casualties, the Japanese troops completed occupation and accepted the surrender of some 280 survivors of the garrison on the morning of June 21. Emergency repairs enabled a portion of the Oiyo’s air group to immediately occupy the airfield as an interim measure, but Yamamoto would insist that Japanese Army aviation assets assume this role as rapidly as possible to restore his carrier arm numbers. By the end of June elements of the 17th Army, originally tasked for the Coral Sea Operation, occupied the island. The aerial defense of the island would rest with the army as IJN assets aside from seaplanes were withdrawn to Japan.

The final stage of the naval conflict incorporated the significant submarine assets both sides had deployed to the conflict. The USN assets had been deployed to cover the north-western approaches and were poorly placed initially to intercept the withdrawing Japanese forces. Nevertheless, eventually six of those were able to intercept some of the slowly withdrawing damaged vessels and mount attacks. The failure of the US torpedoes was again to be damning. At least three Japanese warships, including the badly damaged carrier Akagi, were struck by weapons that failed to detonate. The sole success was the sinking of the heavy cruiser Mikuma by the USS Skipjack and a single strike on the battleship Haruna that failed to sink her. In a tragic coincidence one of the few successes struck and sank the merchant vessel Isi Maru carrying over two-thirds of the embarked POWs from Midway, killing most of them. Less than 90 of the garrison would reach Japan and just thirteen survivors were eventually repatriated back to the US at the end of the war. Despite the best efforts of the escorts only a single submarine, S-29 of the attacking submarines were sunk.

The Japanese navy was able to concentrate nine submarines on the approaches to Hawaii and unlike the US efforts were able to sink the damaged heavy cruiser Chester and score hits on the slowly moving HMNS Pacifica and USS San Juan. But for the proximity of Pearl Harbor and the availability of salvage tugs, both would probably have sunk. As it is both would not return to service till 1943 and joined a long list of vessels requiring urgent dockyard attention. These attacks were not prosecuted without loss and four of the nine Japanese submarines would be sunk by the escorts before the final damaged units reached safety.

This spasm of violence would mark the final operational phase of the battle. The occupation of the Alaskan islands of Kiska and Attu would go ahead as planned unopposed and the Japanese priority for the next period switched to fortifying these conquests. The strategic impact over the long term was just beginning and its impact and the resultant flow-on effects had yet to be assessed.
 
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I think this is written well, and certainly understand where the author comes from when it comes to writing people. Always a danger of making the various characters stale, so I try to avoid where possible.

I think this is a good example of a more realistic set of losses for both sides, setting aside all the quibbles about the when how what and why anyway. Good story.
 
As we know the Japanese AA was not very effective. The 25mm guns were too light and slow firing to be that deadly, and their 5"-gun mounts were too slow to effectively train vs. fast air targets. Their best defense was that individual ships would start steaming in high-speed circles. That did create the tendency of breaking up formations, and effecting operations.
One thing that I detest in AU’s is the Lazarus like ‘silver-bullet solution presented often when presenting a new TL. The issue of the problems of the IJN AA systems is well known and frequently discussed. What is offered in my TL is an incremental improvement in two areas, but still reflects some of the faults present I the IJN weapons, and refrains as I said from the unrealistic ramp up and reproduction of a USN air defence clone. The first change rises from the Tomozura incident in 1934, when the capsize of the vessel causes the IJN to do a major visit to the issue of topweight which impacted many vessels. In this case fitting three 5-inch guns to a small hull result in finding a smaller gun to reduce topweight. Here, it results in the development of the excellent 100mm DP gun commencing far earlier in 1934 as a result instead of 1937 as IRL. The result is that this is rolled out far earlier as a ‘light escort gun’ and its in production begins in numbers earlier ITTL. While the fleet destroyers of the Fubuki and Yagumo class continue to retain the 5-inch mount for the slice-n-dice’ of torpedo attack, the IJN is aware it has in its hand an excellent piece of kit in the new mount, and its spread proliferates. By 1940 the gun is used in smaller combatants and the second-class destroyers such as the Kamikaze class are being rearmed with it. Below is my take on this proliferation with the 1940 rebuild of the Kamikaze. Instead of four LA 4.7-inch mounts and six 21-inch torpedoes in three twin mounts, the rebuild plates over the forward twin torpedo and you now have a DD with four 100mm in open mounts, and a single quadruple 24-inch torpedo mount. A much more balanced and attractive redesign and of great utility. The thing about this it also means that ITTL it is far easier to ramp up numbers and proliferate the system already in production as a replacement for the existing gun systems. While no matching the excellent USN 5-inch/38 calibre gun and Type 33/37 directors, here it is a valid incremental improvement that will proliferate rapidly to replace the Type 98 5-inch gun which is at its best for barrage work.
Kamikaze_Class_(AA-1940) draft change.jpg

The second change is the selection of a short-range AA weapon system ITTL. IRL between 1925-35 the IJN used the British 2-pounder (40mm) system with a 50-rd belt feed. The IJN was unsuccessful in developing a 100 rd belt system and in 1935 investigated the 25mm Hotchkiss magazine fed system, which was to be adopted and become endemic on virtually all IJN vessels in WW2. Its problems are well known and documented (excess vibration, lack of stopping power etc) and an endemic weakness in the Japanese air defence. In this line rather than the 25mm adoption the IJN go down a different line. Dissatisfied with the 25mm gun, what they do is adopt a magazine fed version of the existing 40mm system. MY reason for this that it has some benefits but will still reflect some historic weaknesses of the IJN air defence. It is not a clone of the USN. The LV 40mm round has only 60% the range of the 40mm bofors. It still has the low cyclic rate required by the frequent change out of magazines. While still having limitations what it does represent is an incremental improvement in that the round has far more stopping power. Frequently the historic toughness and survival of US aircraft is more often a reflection of the lack of stopping power of the 25mm round, in the same way the 20mm proved less effective stopping Kamikaze’s. Here, since it a continuation of the IRL gun, the IJN will have an incrementally more effective system, without trying to slavishly be the same as the USN. Just imagine the towering flak castles of late war in which every one of the triple 25mm mounts we see in models and pictures, are replaced by twin magazine fed mounts of the type shown below. A very intimidating prospect and one I hope you don’t consider too unrealistic.
WNJAP_40mm-62_.jpg

As I said these are just incremental steps which I think are defendable ITTLI hope you find these developments and views interesting, and I look forward to hearing your thoughts. T
 
Part Eleven

Aftermath​

The Battle of Midway has often been called "the turning point of the Pacific". It was the latest and perhaps greatest naval victory achieved by the Japanese to that point in the war. Superficially Yamamoto had achieved all the aims stated for the initial plan, the capture of Midway Island with the destruction of the US carrier forces in the central Pacific and the occupation of the Aleutian objective. Yet for all that Japanese news announced a great victory and it was perceived as a resounding defeat in the US, it came to represent the watershed moment in the conduct of the war for the IJN. It marked the point at which the expansion phase of operational planning concluded and future operations would be in the context of adopting the ‘barrier’ strategy to form a defensive perimeter. Offensive plans such as Operation FS (to invade and occupy Fiji and Samoa) or attacks against Australia, Alaska, and Ceylon; or even Hawaii and the west coast of the USA including Panama were no longer considered viable. From this point on the strategic initiative would steadily swing in the USA's favor as the IJN operational tempo changed from aggression to an emphasis on prolonged attrition to achieve an acceptable outcome to the war.

For the US the impact of the defeat would be far-reaching, politically as well as militarily, especially as the total casualty figure would far exceed that suffered at Pearl Harbor. It would initially cost President Roosevelt a great deal of political capital to sustain the ‘Germany first’ priority of his war plans and subsequently delay its implementation, with strident demands for action in the Pacific in response to the loss. Conversely, the significant role of the allied navies in the battle would eventually prove far more beneficial once that role became well known. The USN CNO Admiral Ernest J King would also be dismissed in the aftermath and replaced by his deputy, Admiral Frederick J Horne, as a result of his response to the RN/RNN unit’s involvement in the battle. Already under scrutiny for his abrasive personality and questions regarding his actions to the German East-coast U-boat offense on American shipping, his tactless response to the allied involvement in the loss highlighted his Anglophobia and led to his dismissal. His barely concealed disdain and scapegoating of others for facilitating allied involvement as being responsible for the loss, combined with the prioritizing of USN repairs in preference to more damaged allied units, were the final straw to his appointment. President Roosevelt was said to have bluntly told him that any officer who is incapable of maintaining civil relations with an ally who has shed blood for the US was a liability the nation could not afford, particularly in a time of war. Conversely, it was those very attempts to blame Admiral Nimitz amongst others for the results, that enabled that officer to remain as C in C of the Pacific Theatre to the end of the war. His replacement Admiral Horne would prove both able and far more suited to the requirements of maintaining an effective alliance in the role of CNO.

Another significant flag officer dismissal was Rear Admiral Ralph Christie. Prominent in the development of the Mark 14 torpedo between the wars he had proved resistant to reports that the exploder of the warhead was faulty. Despite a relentless stream of operational reports to the contrary, as late as May 25 he had still formalized a response stating that the failure issues were largely a result of poor maintenance or crew errors rather than a fundamental issue with the torpedo design. The numerous detailed failures during the battle, which could have significantly damaged or sunk numerous enemy units, contributed significantly to the defeat. Within the USN he was widely attributed as being responsible for the failure to address those issues before the battle, despite ample opportunities. He was posted to command the 9th (Great Lakes) District on 1 July 1942 and subsequently receive no further professional appointments before his retirement in 1945. The surviving USN Flag Rank officers Spruance, Kincaid and subsequently Mitscher, would all be highly successful operational commanders later in the war, but were strongly influenced by the battle. All would later admit that subsequently they never felt as free to risk aggressive action and thereafter were more considered and conservative in the offensive outlook they took.

The other long-term significant legacy of the battle was the loss of confidence in cryptology information from US code-breaking services by the USN. For long periods during both 1943 and 1944, the USN was once again receiving good operational insights and timely intelligence into the plans of the IJN. However, as a result of the battle much of this was distrusted and on several occasions disregarding this intelligence or failure to act promptly would cost US forces severely.

USN Impact

The effect of the battle was to have a profound and lasting effect on the design of US carriers. The contrast between the fate of the relatively unarmored Ranger and Wasp and the armored allied designs which had all suffered multiple bomb and torpedo hits, yet remained operational was striking. That the pre-war American designs could be rendered combat incapable due to the unarmored flight deck whilst even the smaller and more lightly armored HMNS Terra Australis had endured four bomb hits, two penetrating the deck armor, yet remained capable of recovering and operating aircraft, was profound to USN observers. The level of damage suffered by all four of the armored allied designs was considered sufficient to have probably sunk any pre-war design USN carrier, yet not only had they survived but all had remained to some limited degree combat capable in their role. The first three vessels of the new Essex-class vessels were too far progressed to be changed, but the design of all subsequent ships was revisited to incorporate an armored flight deck in light of the battle experience. The losses and need for new carriers lead to the prioritization of the conversion of nine of the Cleveland-class light cruisers to become light carriers (the Independence-class CVLs), as well as accelerated development of the smaller CVEs.

The role of the battleship to act as a ‘flak-castle’ in close protection to the carrier was highlighted, with its effectiveness for the Japanese also noted, along with the inadequacy of the existing quadruple 1.1-inch gun. This would lead to the massive proliferation of the 40-mm Bofors mount being employed along with the 20-mm Oerlikon gun. This, along with the impressive contribution of the Atlanta and San Juan emphasized the importance of the screen in air defense highlighted the increased role of the AA cruiser as well.

Major changes would also result in the aircraft being operated by the USN. The catastrophic losses suffered by the Devastator TBD resulted in its immediate withdrawal from all front-line duties to be replaced by the Grumman TBF Avenger. Whilst recognizing its robustness, the inability of the F4F Wildcat to hold its own in a turning dog fight with the Zero lead the USN to seek an urgent replacement. This would ultimately result in the F6F Hellcat becoming the standard fighter deployed on fleet carriers by mid-1943, but at the same time, the outstanding performance of the RNN/RN Dragonfly in the dual-purpose role of fighter and dive bomber was recognized. Despite partisan and at times almost rabid opposition from aviation industry lobby groups in the US, the USN insisted on and got an American version produced under license that would begin to appear for frontline service late in 1942. This would serve on light and escort carriers as well as marine aviation units for the rest of the war, where its ability to fulfill both fighter and bomber roles offered greater flexibility necessary for smaller air groups. The USN had seized the Brewster Aeronautical Corporation in the US in April 1942 after numerous industrial and management failings. Already familiar with the Dragonfly due to service of the Brewster Buffalo alongside the Dragonfly in the NEI it proved straightforward to produce the aircraft under license. The American version would be armed with Browning.50-caliber machine-gun and fitted with folding wings for the first time, and eventually over 850 would be produced and served with distinction with the USN and USMC, the only non-US design fighter aircraft to undergo large scale production in the US during the war.

Significant changes were made to the operational doctrine and employment of fighters in air defense. In terms of operations, the size of the fighter components in carrier air groups would be greatly increased in proportion to allow sufficient numbers for both escort and defense missions. Also, tactical training would be changed with the employment of methods like the ‘Thatch Weave’ and better interception and control methods for fighter operations to address issues revealed during the battle. Both the United States and Japan accelerated the training of aircrew, but eventually, the United States would have a more effective pilot rotation system, which meant that more veterans survived and went on to training or command appointments, where they were able to pass on lessons they had learned in combat to trainees, instead of remaining in combat, where errors were more likely to be fatal.
 
Look that's all well and good but what happened to Sub Lt Tangles?
Like I said, this is the area of writing that I feel least confident in and am taking my time to try and personalise him well, so when I finsish I will add part two of the interlude. But since it's my most mechanistic process I will have to say its 'watch this space' now. Will try to have the rest of the days combat over TF44 done before 7-10 days. Still have a final bit of my Dikki to come and that will be the end of this 'battle chapter'. T
 

nbcman

Donor
Even with the Alt Naval Battle of Midway, the ~5,000 IJ forces are too weak to overcome the 2,000+ defenders of Midway who have dug in and have multiple guns capable of sinking the Japanese planned bombardment units (1 CL & 2 DDs). Source: https://www.usni.org/magazines/naval-history-magazine/2023/june/japanese-plan-seize-midway Note that the US forces were continuing to dig in and expand up to the OTL Battle of Midway. With the additional time for this ATL battle, Midway's defenses would be even tougher to crack.
 
Even with the Alt Naval Battle of Midway, the ~5,000 IJ forces are too weak to overcome the 2,000+ defenders of Midway who have dug in and have multiple guns capable of sinking the Japanese planned bombardment units (1 CL & 2 DDs). Source: https://www.usni.org/magazines/naval-history-magazine/2023/june/japanese-plan-seize-midway Note that the US forces were continuing to dig in and expand up to the OTL Battle of Midway. With the additional time for this ATL battle, Midway's defenses would be even tougher to crack.
I think the numbers overstate the case. The midway garrison manning was in the vast majority aviation personnel to support the 120+ aircraft based on the island. The actual defense force was the 6th Defonce Bn (reinforced) about 800 strong, but that included those manning the arty component and C& D Coy of the 2nd Marine Bn. With 3BB and CAs in direct gunfire support, tons of time and complete aerial dominance, I think that it's a foregone conclusion. Get held up and the overhead floatplanes will correct up to 18-inch shells on stubborn resistance and there is no hurry in overcoming any defense. Particularly as the defenders are aware that the naval component has been defeated and all remaining aircraft to be withdrawn. I don't doubt in the slightest that it would be a bloody and hardfought fight in the slightest, the USMC just doesn't go down easy. But conversely there was less general awareness of the Japanese treatment of POWs at this stage of the war, and at some point their commanders are going to try to save the remainder of his force. But too tough to crack in the face of this amount of support is a bit of a stretch in this scenario, I think. T
 
F4F losses were higher versus A6Ms early in the war, but nowhere as bad as what you're describing. Let's look at the pure fighter versus fighter actions.

At Wake Island we saw two F4Fs lost for no A6Ms; at Coral Sea we saw six F4Fs lost for three A6Ms. All this before the Thach Weave was developed and implemented, and before Koga's A6M was captured in the Aleutians and analysed.

At Midway, where the Thach Weave was put into practice, we saw seven F4Fs lost for ten A6Ms. Koga's A6M was captured and analysed shortly thereafter.

That's an early war exchange rate of fifteen F4Fs for thirteen A6Ms, which is actually only slightly better than one to one in favour of the A6M.

Clearly even before the Thach Weave and the capture of Koga's A6M, the Wildcat was holding its own.

Taking the above into consideration, I would expect Wildcat losses in your scenario to be a bit more on par with Zeroes downed.

I think keeping Zero to F4F losses roughly equal is justified from the 1942 combat records, but there were outlier results on both sides where the results were considerably more one-sided. In terms of carrier warfare, IMO there is too much focus on which of the two was the 'better' fighter vs. other fighters.

The important aspect was how each rated against bombers, because here the naval battles were won or lost in 1942. I think the answer is that as a strike escort, that the A6M was radically superior to the F4F. It's range, it's rate of climb, and its maneuverability allowed smaller numbers of Zeros to better protect bomber formations even when heavily outnumbered. As a fleet CAP asset, however, I think overall the F4F was the better aircraft. It could absorb punishment that Zeroes could not, meaning a more durable and dangerous interceptor, and it had a better director system. OTOH, the Zero had better endurance and rate of climb meaning that in cases where multiple strike groups were arriving one after the other, (ie, Midway or Santa Cruz), the F4F's tended to lose all cohesion sooner, while the Zeroes could become ragged and scattered, but still maintain some degree of effectiveness.
 

nbcman

Donor
I think the numbers overstate the case. The midway garrison manning was in the vast majority aviation personnel to support the 120+ aircraft based on the island. The actual defense force was the 6th Defonce Bn (reinforced) about 800 strong, but that included those manning the arty component and C& D Coy of the 2nd Marine Bn. (1) With 3BB and CAs (2) in direct gunfire support, tons of time and complete aerial dominance, I think that it's a foregone conclusion. Get held up and the overhead floatplanes will correct up to 18-inch shells on stubborn resistance and there is no hurry in overcoming any defense. (3) Particularly as the defenders are aware that the naval component has been defeated and all remaining aircraft to be withdrawn. I don't doubt in the slightest that it would be a bloody and hardfought fight in the slightest, the USMC just doesn't go down easy. But conversely there was less general awareness of the Japanese treatment of POWs at this stage of the war, and at some point their commanders are going to try to save the remainder of his force. But too tough to crack in the face of this amount of support is a bit of a stretch in this scenario, I think. T
1. Not true. If you read the article I linked, you are missing the additional forces that reinforced the 6th Defense Battalion. I cited the number of defenders, not the total garrison which was somewhere around 4 thousand personnel according to the National WW2 Museum. Source: https://www.nationalww2museum.org/w...une 1942, PBY Catalinas,of 50-150 miles apart.
2. BBs not only were not used for shore bombardment at this stage of the war nor did the IJN plan to use battleships for bombardment as part of their MI plans, they didn't have appropriate ammunition to perform shore bombardment.
3. Except the invading forces may be too weakened to overcome the US forces resistance after taking casualties coming ashore let alone when fighting onshore. Note that there were only 5,000 IJN/IJA troops attacking a garrison that was not much smaller than that.

If you are going to assume that the IJ forces are going to somehow successfully invade as part of your TL, you should consider revising the total IJ casualties and US POW counts to reflect the actual US garrison size.
 
3. Except the invading forces may be too weakened to overcome the US forces resistance after taking casualties coming ashore let alone when fighting onshore. Note that there were only 5,000 IJN/IJA troops attacking a garrison that was not much smaller than that.

I think IJN doctrine called for the creation of shore parties in emergency situations when needed, so I doubt the 5,000 men of the landing force were the only ones available in a pinch. The other factor was that Midway Atoll was two islands in which the defenders could not easily switch forces from one island to the other - certainly not as easily as the attackers could do so - making the defense more complicated. Long and short, I doubt there were many members of the garrison of Midway that regretted not being subject to an invasion attempt!
 
I think IJN doctrine called for the creation of shore parties in emergency situations when needed, so I doubt the 5,000 men of the landing force were the only ones available in a pinch.
The combat effectives in that 5000 man force were Ichiki's 2/28th (about 1000 men), who would storm Sand Island, and Ota's 2nd Combined SNLF (1500 men), who would take Eastern Island. The remainder were two battalions of construction troops and a survey/weather group. Once the Marines slaughter Ichiki and Ota's men, there will be no real reserve to conduct a follow up assault.
 
The combat effectives in that 5000 man force were Ichiki's 2/28th (about 1000 men), who would storm Sand Island, and Ota's 2nd Combined SNLF (1500 men), who would take Eastern Island. The remainder were two battalions of construction troops and a survey/weather group. Once the Marines slaughter Ichiki and Ota's men, there will be no real reserve to conduct a follow up assault.
1. Not true. If you read the article I linked, you are missing the additional forces that reinforced the 6th Defense Battalion. I cited the number of defenders, not the total garrison which was somewhere around 4 thousand personnel according to the National WW2 Museum. Source: https://www.nationalww2museum.org/war/topics/battle-of-midway#:~:text=By June 1942, PBY Catalinas,of 50-150 miles apart.
2. BBs not only were not used for shore bombardment at this stage of the war nor did the IJN plan to use battleships for bombardment as part of their MI plans, they didn't have appropriate ammunition to perform shore bombardment.
3. Except the invading forces may be too weakened to overcome the US forces resistance after taking casualties coming ashore let alone when fighting onshore. Note that there were only 5,000 IJN/IJA troops attacking a garrison that was not much smaller than that.

If you are going to assume that the IJ forces are going to somehow successfully invade as part of your TL, you should consider revising the total IJ casualties and US POW counts to reflect the actual US garrison size.
Guys, Valid points, I allowed my perception of the Wake Island casualty figures to influence the numbers I have quoted. Good critique and I will amend my draft numbers to much more reflect this reality Tks. Secondly, I can't see in that link provided how you arrive at the 4,000+ garrison figure as I can't see that number quoted. The previously sources I have seen both were around the 2600-2800 figure and the more detail you can provide on where you sourced that material and figure would be much appreciated to be amended and incorporated into my effort. Having said this guys, this scenario is clearly not our TL so don't get wedded to it, and the actuality of the garrison is peripheral to the wider picture. The narrative is, the Japanese will successfully invade Midway, this success shapes what follows. This narrative sets up subsequent events where the IJN must respond to US moves paving the way for Midway II is a USN victory, and the retaking of Midway Island, not Tarawa, is the first step in the island-hopping campaign. The thing is I will not go too far down into this level of Grass and Weeds minutiae since it serves little purpose to the overall narrative. That is why I appreciate thefigure s, but it easily addressed with one or two paragraphs, for example my post Coral Sea chapter could say. The withdrawal of the Shokaku and Zuikaku after to Truk was accompanied by the intended Port Moresby force, which would subsequently be used as part of the Midway Operation. Voila, the invasion force is now over 10,000. Just because the IJN does not use BB's IRL until the bombardment of Henderson Field by Hiei and Kirishima (Note they're not damaged here and guess what's going to happen to them at Guadalcanal, ;) ), doesn't mean that rationale applies here. Yamamoto is a decisive commander and will bring the maximum force to bear to expedite this occupation and then withdraw ASAP. Your providing me with a different garrison figure is useful to adjust force levels involved, but the historic reality of our TL can be met fairly easily with changes without being unrealistically. The line that the invasion force will be slaughtered easily, IMO is not reflective of the changed timeline and the options involved such as the level of naval gunfire support available and its effective use to suppress opposition. For narrative purposes, it will be a bloody defense, the Japanese will be very badly handled, but eventually with the level of available support and force imbalance prevail, end of chapter and setting the scene for subsequent events.

Remember this is a totally different campaign and AU. From TWHW the Japanese have not secured the DEI, Java, Timor, Sumatra, and Singapore have not fallen. Faced with this reality they are forming a defense barrier is not largely inclusive of PNG ITTL, and while they occupy Lae for its port and airfield facilities, having tested the waters in the Coral Sea but not followed through and the reality is that no further operations are going to extend much south. There is no Buna-Gona landing, and the Kokoda operations is not a starter, so the south Seas Force is not frittered away. The Milne Bay landing is not attempted so the SNLF is also available to supplement the Midway invasion Group. A change in this timeline will be a significant force in the admiralty Islands, so the defense line here runs, Admiratly Is, Rabaul, Tulagi and eventually Nauru. A lot more of this is fleshed out a higher level as I said, and will reflect an increasingly divergent picture ITTL, though some of the IRL baseline such as the garrison strength is useful to shape force levels involved and restrain any flights of fancy being too unrealistic.
 
Part Twelve

Japanese Response

That the Japanese would undertake equally sweeping, if not greater changes than the USN despite winning the battle, indicates how significant an impact the result of this battle made. Japan won the battle to conquer Midway Island, but the presence of an equal number of RN and RNN carriers, in the wake of the earlier NEI operations, bought home the strategic imbalance of forces facing Japan in the longer term. That the Allies were now in a position to release significant forces from operations in the European theatre would only increase the level of force imbalance facing the IJN in the Pacific. With no sign that the U.S. would seek peace in the wake of the battle as Yamamoto hoped, his country faced a daunting prospect in the longer term.

Although the Japanese would continue to secure more territory, with operations in the SW Pacific and securing Nauru, it would only be a matter of time before the U.S. would move to a state of naval parity and eventually supremacy which would only be exacerbated by allied support. The Battle of Midway redefined the central importance of air superiority for the IJN. Without any form of air superiority, the Japanese would never again be in a position to launch a major offensive in the Pacific or conduct effective defensive operations.

After the battle, with the Tosa still undergoing repairs following the Coral Sea Operation, and soon to be joined in dock by Akagi and Hiryu. This left the Shōkaku and Zuikaku as the only large carriers of the original Pearl Harbor strike force still operational. Of Japan's other fleet carriers, the two improved Shokaku-class, (Watatsumi and Kuroakami laid down in 1940) where working up but striking the same issues Ozawa highlighted regarding the impact of fuel restrictions on aircrew training. With the Taihō, which would not be commissioned until early 1943, represented the only fleet carriers available with Shōkaku and Zuikaku; until the arrival of the first of the Unryu-class vessels currently under construction in 12 months. The three vessels of the Junyo-class would all be available to supplement these shortly and, although technically classified as fleet carriers, were smaller civilian conversions offering less effectiveness in that role. For the foreseeable future, much of the naval aviation capabilities would rely on the increasing number of light carrier conversions just becoming operational. In the time it would take Japan to replace carriers, the U.S. Navy had more than two dozen fleet and light fleet carriers, and numerous escort carriers building thanks to the shipbuilding program mandated by the Second Vinson Act of 1938.

The heavy losses in carriers had a similar flow-on effect on personnel. Not only had the loss of veteran aircrews at Midway permanently weaken the Imperial Japanese Navy. These heavy losses in veteran aircrew (perhaps over 50% of the aircrew embarked on the carriers) were not permanently crippling to the Japanese naval air corps as a whole; the Japanese navy had 2,000 carrier-qualified aircrews at the start of the Pacific war. But the loss of over 40% of the carriers' highly trained aircraft mechanics and technicians, plus the essential flight-deck crews and armorers, with the loss of organizational knowledge embodied in such highly trained crews, were still heavy blows to the Japanese carrier fleet and would take time to replace. The prospect of constant attrition of veterans during further operations would be the catalyst for the sharp downward spiral in operational capability.

Awareness of these prospects made the IJN almost immediately set in place steps to address the issues. Plans to accelerate the training of aircrew were prioritized. Analysis by Admiral Ozawa on the relative skills of the pilots of the 5th Air Fleet emphasized the requirement for increased training and greatly increased fuel allocation required to produce effective air groups. This would become the highest priority to the IJN to maintain a viable air asset by 1943, and much of the operational tempo of the carrier force would be cut back whilst its personnel and aviation assets were rebuilt. The securing of the NEI oil fields helped but a crash program to develop and expand the existing Sakhalin Island fields was prioritized. In many ways, this would be fortuitous as by 1945 these, and their proximity to the Japanese home islands, would represent the only oil resource available to Japan in face of the otherwise overwhelming US naval blockade.

Further measures were introduced to preserve aviation personnel. Evacuation of air group personnel from damaged or sinking vessels was prioritized. Measures such as the greatly increased deployment of seaplanes and submarines to recover downed aircrew included in future operations along with directives to aircrew to seek recovery reiterated. As a result of the battle, new procedures were adopted whereby more aircraft were refueled and re-armed on the flight deck, rather than in the hangars, and the practice of draining all unused fuel lines was adopted, along with a review of damage control training measures. The new carriers being built were redesigned to incorporate only two flight deck elevators and new firefighting equipment, with more carrier crew members were trained in damage-control and firefighting techniques.

In terms of aircraft, it was forced to be recognized that allied aircraft were rapidly improving and that soon would exceed the performance of current operational models of the IJN. Ozawa in particular was at the forefront of the introduction of change and improved models after the battle. His emphasis accelerated the development and acceptance of the Shiden. Though very large for a carrier aircraft and a handful for all but the most experienced of pilots, two or three chutai of this aircraft would eventually be deployed aboard each large fleet carrier of the IJN as standard from 1943 on, to act as a counter to the newer American designs. Rapidly recognized as the equal to the best allied fighters by both sides, its reputation was enhanced by using the cream of the IJN to fly them and generally known as honchos in their hands. Also accelerated was the development of the successor to the Zero, the smaller A7M Reppu, which would start to appear in some numbers by 1944 and be deployable on all carriers. Both would prove superior fighters and help maintain to a degree parity of performance with the USN, though not in numbers required as the war progressed. In addition, plans to greatly increase production rates were introduced to some effect, but never in sufficient quantity to match the overwhelming production might of the US.

Ozawa, strongly backed by Yamaguchi, was also strident about lapses in the specific employment of fighters as a result of the 5th Air Fleets experience. He emphasized the need to acquire radar urgently, highlighting the effectiveness of RNN attacks on returning aircraft and his second strike, even to the extent of seeking urgent assistance from Germany. The lack of adequate warning hampered the effective employment of the CAP. As a result of the battle, it became IJN doctrine to deploy a ‘bubble’ of scout planes from the screen out 50-70 miles down a threat access as Yamaguchi had done, to provide adequate warning in the absence of radar. He also advocated better aerial management of defensive fighters to prevent over-commitment of the CAP too soon. Though never matching the capabilities of the allied air controllers these changes would significantly improve the defensive performance in later battles.

Major improvements were instituted in anti-aircraft armament aboard ships. Employment of the excellent 100-mm Type 98 and lighter 80mm Type 98 guns were accelerated. Perhaps the most significant change was to accelerate the replacement of the Type 96 25-mm gun with the Type 00 40-mm version to supplement the lighter gun as the standard close-range gun of the IJN. Already under limited production, it would become the crash priority to fit on all surface vessels in mass numbers. Though lacking a high-velocity shell and thus the range of its allied 40-mm equivalents, it nevertheless was significantly more damaging than the type 96 it replaced, and become the feature of the towering ‘flak-castles’ of Japanese ships later in the war. A flow on of this would be the re-armament of most of the older Japanese light cruisers with a variety of 127, 100, and 80mm weapons for employment in the anti-aircraft role. Secondly it became the tactical model to employ these vessels as intimate close support to carriers in fleet operations. They would prove far more effective later in the war in this employment, rather than their original destroyer-leader role.

All these represented a major sea-change in policy to the IJN, and there would also be further changes involving the aviation support industries that would flow on from this. It was noticeable how little real opposition was expressed by the previously strong ‘battleship’ lobby of the IJN to these changes. In some way, this lies with the recognition and contribution of the RN involvement in the battle. In many ways, the RN remained the institutional founder of the modern IJN, with much of its professionalism and ethos drawn from those beginning. The involvement of significant RN forces helped to shatter the institutional blinkers of the battleship lobby and their preoccupation with the ‘decisive battle’ concept solely with the USN. The ‘decisive battle’ had been won with aviation assets and yet still there existed major surface forces beyond those of the USN to contend with.

Most historians now acknowledge that these changes represented the start to the middle or ‘attritional’ phase of the Pacific Theatre, which, while achieving some notable tactical successes, would ultimately prove to be a strategic failure for Japan in the faces of the allied and in particular US logistical might. Whilst failing to counter the eventual outcome of the war the new strategies and doctrine adopted would inflict far more on the allies in terms of eventual casualties and losses in subsequent battles before victory was achieved.

Longer-Term Operational and Strategic Implications.

It would not be until November, with the arrival of the last two of the Yorktown-class carriers Bon-Homme Richard and Ticonderoga, both still in work-up phase in the Atlantic post-commissioning, that the allied carriers would begin to be released from the Central Pacific. Both the Lexington and Pacifica required extensive emergency repairs before being able to proceed to the US to be fully repaired (indeed it was Admirals King’s irrational direction that the lightly damaged Hornet be docked first that nearly resulted in Pacifica sinking in Pearl Harbor, and ultimately lead to his dismissal). The result of this was that the balance of the battles in the SW Pacific for the next six months would be largely fought by the smaller carriers of both sides and the higher importance of land-based assets in this upcoming campaign.

The long deployment greatly improved the inter-operability of the allied forces and the USN, developing both familiarity, trust and procedures which would be the basis of aviation operations between the allies for the remainder of the war. The presence of the Dragonfly aircraft in Hawaii greatly assisted the USN in developing aerial tactics to cope with the highly maneuverable Zero. Acting as ‘enemy’ during this period the RN/RNN component helped polish tactics like the Thatch Weave and improved the effectiveness of USN fighter tactics, and greatly helped the inexperienced air groups of the new carriers, along with improving the standard of air control of these forces. Both Terra Australis and Bulwark would undergo urgent repairs when space became available in Pearl Harbor before being released for operations in the SW Pacific in late October. They would be followed by Audacious and Illustrious from late November. By this time the repaired Saratoga would return to join the other three fleet carriers to form the basis of US Carrier forces for operations in the Central Pacific for 1943.

For Japan, the occupation of Midway for all its cost failed to generate any real long-term strategic benefit, except to perhaps deny a closer USN submarine base to Japanese waters. Initially, Japan was able to repair and operate an airbase there, but it was never large enough to be employed as a springboard for operations against the Hawaiian chain. The US in November began a relentless night area bombing campaign, Operation Woodpecker, by the Hawaiian-based B-17 force. By April 1943 the repeated bombing of the tiny island area had rendered it inoperable as an airbase except for a few seaplanes operating from the atoll lagoon. The constant attritional cost of attempting to keep it supplied was a logistic failure and after the 2nd Battle of Midway in 1943 what forces remained were largely withdrawn before its recapture later that year.

Thus, Midway was the first of the great carrier vs. carrier battles of the Pacific Campaign and resulted in a hiatus in the central Pacific for the second half of 1942, with attention switched to SW Pacific. Both sides used this period to recover and analyze the battle, in preparation for a renewal of the wider conflict in 1943. The sheer size and intensity of the aviation forces involved was unprecedented in any naval operation conducted in the war up to that point. Aside from stunning the leadership of both sides with the losses involved, it also bought to prominence and confirmed the vital importance that naval aviation and air supremacy would have in all subsequent naval operations for the remainder of the war.

END OF MIDWAY DIKKI.

OK everyone, that concludes the end of my Midway Battle Chapter and I hope you bear in mind that it is part of an increasingly difficerent AU here from the events IOTL. The sheer force levels involved should make that clear, but I have included it because even if I sound defensive, believe it I do appreciate the critiques and value the feedback and have already included a couple of things raised to change my draft. Please feel free to respond and ask if you want to elaborate on the rationales or changes presented, and I welcome others perspective but remember that IMO we are sailing in new waters and events IOTL are providing context and not necessarily rigidly fixed here. I hope you have enjoyed this and have found it interesting a I look forward to what you come up with. Regards T. (PS. I will in due course run the second half of the personal interlude up the flagpole shortly for your enjoyment.)
 
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