An Age of Miracles: The Revival of Rhomanion

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I believe I've already established my position in Egypt. Annex them, bring peace, profit. The situation with the ottomans is much more new.

While I don't think the OttoKomPersians and Russia are going to come to blows for a LONG time (Central Asia is a bit too far from each of their respective homelands) there could still be animosity built up. Cossacks v.s Ottomans are a much more real possibility, and one I hope is explored. What will start out as raids by both sides could turn into something much dirtier.
 
Hassan is in a difficult position. The Copts are a threat, but behind them are the Romans, an absolutely enormous threat. If he stayed in Upper Egypt, he could increase the possibility of some sort of diplomatic arrangement with Rhomania but it is not the type of chance one would bet lots of money. If diplomacy doesn’t work, he doesn’t have the resources to stop a more serious challenge than the Army of Pacification. The Copts can put another dozen tourmai into the field and if the Romans corset them with another five or six, that’s a force he has no chance of stopping without the resources of Cairo and environs. With that he has the resources to possibly stand up to another counterattack.

The Ottomans and Russians are looking in different directions but borders have the tendency to create friction. Also most of the frontier between them is held by the Cossacks. OTL Kazakhstan ITTL is Cossack-stan. A lack of sparks is extremely unlikely. Osman Komnenos’ first combat experience was repelling a Cossack seaborne raid via the Caspian on Mazandaran.

Georgia’s a credible power in its own right, if not on the scale of the Roman or Second Ottoman Empires. Either one could defeat it if they were willing to go all-in, but nothing less would cut it. As for conquering or vassalizing it, it does have the entire Caucasus mountain range to fall back on as a fortress.

Iskandar is healthy and still in his 20s. The Turks are a minority but they control the majority of the military hierarchy while Persians staff most of the bureaucracy and religious positions in the Ottoman domain.

OTL Egypt definitely had it better. But I figured that a Christian empire dominating a largely Muslim Middle East was bound to end in a lot of tears and blood, much as I would like otherwise.

Ottoman POV: To the west is Rhomania, rich, prosperous, and disgustingly good at defending itself. And to even get at it one has to deal with Georgia because of their conquests from Timur II. They’re also quite capable of defending themselves. But they are Christians who have a habit of pushing on the House of Islam.

To the east, first is Sukkur. The Indus valley is a decent acquisition. The Sindhi are no slouches, but they haven’t shown any signs of being hard hitters on the level of Rhomania or Georgia. Beyond them is the rich and teeming Gangetic plain, still filled with petty states, the jetsam of Delhi and Bihar. But expanding this way means attacking fellow Muslims.

South: Hormuz and the #@*% Omani. Establishing a protectorate over the Holy Cities would be nice.

North: Frostbitten inebriated hairy infidels. We’ll pass.

Pyrgos is OTL Cavite City.

Rome is under the control of the formerly Mainz Pope. The Romans and Sicilians have reluctantly acquiesced in the matter.
 
So the Ottomans will now move South.
The Omani are in for some pain, though the Ottomans don't seem to be all that capable on the naval front so it'll be a long fight.

It makes sense from an economical stand point, since having control over both Hormuz and Basra will ensure dominance over the Persian Gulf and the associated trading benefits (though admittedly it's diminished significantly since the Romans destroyed the Mamelukes). It also makes them a step closer to establishing a clear sphere over the Arabs, who could make a great second when it comes to potential future wars against the Roman Empire.

Basileus, could we get a rundown of the demographics of the major and secondary powers? It'd give us a rough idea as to the relative economic and military potentials of the various states.
 
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It is a good time for the Ottomans to construct a navy. The roman fleet is weakened by the war with china.
The romans should do everything they can to prevent the ottomans from taking Oman. They are a good buffer for their asian holdings.
 
Rome is under the control of the formerly Mainz Pope. The Romans and Sicilians have reluctantly acquiesced in the matter.

To some degree, the return of the Roman Papacy is useful. It might weaken the Holy Roman Empire a little by restoring some independence of the Church. And the Roman Papacy could only be dangerous if backed by the Germans anyway, so not much would change.

It is a good time for the Ottomans to construct a navy. The roman fleet is weakened by the war with china.
The romans should do everything they can to prevent the ottomans from taking Oman. They are a good buffer for their asian holdings.

Navies are expensive, take a long time to build, and even longer to make effective. It'd be quite difficult for the Ottomans to challenge the Roman-Ethiopian-Omani alliance at sea even if they didn't need to build from a low base as it is.

A cheaper and potentially more effective option for the Ottomans would be to sponsor piracy and cooperate with the Portuguese, Triunes, and Dutch to put pressure on the Roman network of allies and trade routes in favor of trade overland or through Ottoman ports.
 
The Empire controls:
-all of Greece
-all of Bulgaria
-portion of eastern Serbia
-all of Crimea
-all of Anatolia
-all of the Levant
-all of coastal Tripolitania
-the city of Suez
-all of Ceylon
-all of the Spice Islands
-the city of Pahang and environs
-Manila and environ, with rest of the Philippines in vassalage.

You forgot Malta and Venetia.

Also, yay, finally caught back up with this wonderful TL!:D Egypt seems to be turning into a bloodbath, tho.:eek: At this point ITTL, I'm echoing the voices saying that the best possible outcome is for it to fall back under direct Roman rule...
 
Navies are expensive, take a long time to build, and even longer to make effective. It'd be quite difficult for the Ottomans to challenge the Roman-Ethiopian-Omani alliance at sea even if they didn't need to build from a low base as it is.

True. But: If the ottomans go against Oman, now is a
good time. Ethiopia is busy with internal problems and the pious emperor in Constantinople might not support heathens (omanis) when he can support true christians (ethiopians, serbs) against heathens (Muslim egyptians) or catholics (hungarians).
 
Rhomania: 15.75 million
HRE: 17 million
Triple Monarchy: 16 million
Russia: 14 million
Second Ottoman Empire: 12.5 million
Sicily: 2.5 million
Hungarian Empire: 6.5 million (includes Austria, Croatia, Bosnia, and Serbia)
Castile: 4.2 million
Georgia: 4.9 million
Vlachia: 1.3 million
Lombardy: 3.2 million
Arles: 5.5 million
EAN: 3.7 million
Al-Andalus: 2.7 million
Portugal: 1.2 million
Aragon: 1.5 million
Poland: 4.5 million
Prussia: 1.6 million

The Romans are a bit pathologically allergic to the thought of a Pope in Rome, regardless of whether or not he's a threat. It's not surprising considering the last one was Julius II.


1592: In the western Mediterranean, the Barbary corsairs are growing in strength once again, having recovered from the debut of the fregatai. At this point they have more of the ship type than anyone other than the Romans. Fast and maneuverable even with a respectable armament of twenty guns, they are perfect for the corsairs’ needs. The coasts of Provence and Liguria, largely immune to the pirates earlier in the century, are also coming under attack. Fortified watchtowers spring along the coast to warn the inhabitants of the raiders and to protect them, but the raiders are not seriously stymied by such efforts.

The best defense is a seagoing fleet, but Arles has both an Atlantic seaboard and a long land frontier with the Triple Monarchy to defend as well. The corsairs are painful, but the Triunes are an existential threat. Genoa also has to watch its landward side against a Lombard Kingdom desirous of restoring its pre-Dantean War boundaries and its position as a major trade power has been declining steadily, particularly as Venetia has reestablished itself as a major seaport as well, equal to that of the Serene Republic in her glory days.

The Kingdom of Lombardy has been through some rough times since the end of the Dantean War in 1577. The Romagna, restored to Lombard control by German arms, has been continually restive. The Commune of Ravenna has on three separate occasions appealed to Constantinople (via the Kephale of Venetia) for support, but not even Demetrios is interested in getting involved.


To the west, it has been a hard century for the Kingdom of Aragon. First there was the Emperor Andreas’ debut onto the field of Mars and the loss of the Kingdom of Sicily, shortly followed by the loss of the Kingdom of Valencia to Al-Andalus. Then came the devastating Barbary raid of Barcelona in 1534. In between and since those disasters Aragonese political history has seen continual disturbances in Roussillon, Sardinia, and the Balearics. The cession of Minorca to the Hospitaliers was not only to be an anti-corsair measure but also a means to help stabilize the outlying territories of the Aragonese realm.

King Martin IV the Ceremonious (or the Lazy, depending on which chronicler is followed) is dead. His two children are his legitimate daughter Joanna, twenty one years old, and his bastard son Alfonso, who is twenty six. Joanna is already a widow, her husband, one of the Aragonese grandees, died in a fire less than three months after the consummation. Famed for her piety, she is popular amongst the nobility, especially as many aspire to marry her and gain the crown.

Alfonso, on the other hand, is a classic rogue, fond of fights and women, and typically the latter are lowborn, although at twenty one he did have a spectacular affair with the stunning Countess of Foix, then fifteen to the Count’s sixty six years (it is the inspiration for The Mountain Pasture, probably the most famous poem in Arletian literature), plus at least two more affairs with highborn and married ladies. Reportedly he already has sired half a dozen bastards in towns across the Kingdom. Disdained by the nobility, he is immensely popular with the middle and lower classes who delight in his exploits of cuckolding the nobility.

He is especially popular in both Majorca and Sardinia, since after the affair with the Countess of Foix the mainland has gotten too hot for him. One of his key allies and friends is Cesare Colonna, preeminent amongst the Sardinian émigrés. Fabulously wealthy already from the plundered wealth of Latium, he has invested in Sardinian silver mines and also gained the trust and respect of the native Sards, who still live around their nuraghi, watchtowers who were already centuries old when the Carthaginians first set foot on the island.

Joanna is proclaimed Queen to the outrage of Alfonso and the artisans of Barcelona. Both half-siblings utterly despise each other, and although Alfonso knows he cannot count on any support of the nobility from the mainland (the native aristocracy of the islands are another matter, since they share his disdain of mainland nobility) he declares himself King, currently basing himself out of Palma, the chief city of Majorca.

The Balearics and Sardinia rally to his banner, giving him a respectable fleet with which he starts harrying the Catalan coast. That support does not give him the strength to invade Catalonia itself; for that he will need foreign allies. The Hospitaliers back him as he personally aided them in forays against the Barbary corsairs, and although they cannot provide an army they do provide references for him to acquire loans on the Roman money market.

Arles is another matter. King Leo is willing to put fifteen thousand men into the fight, in exchange for Roussillon. Alfonso agrees, the Arletians responding with alacrity. The Arletian army has improved substantially since the end of the Arletian Civil War, largely through Roman influence channeled via retired Roman officers lured through generous salaries as advisors. Arles is now divided into eight themes, each district responsible for the pay and provision of one thousand troops.

After serving seven years as active troops, the soldiers then pass into reserve status for another fourteen. They pay less in taxes but are subject to recall in times of need as well as periodic training reviews, although the Romans consider such exercises too spread out and short to be truly effective.

Payment for this army is maintained largely both through export duties and the head tax, administered by tax farmers, which naturally is a cause of significant corruption. Wine, cheese, dried fruit, and salt are the main exports but Marselha itself is renowned for its ornate carved furniture (the Triumvirate are all frequent customers) in which Jews feature prominently as cabinet makers.

On June 27, two months after her coronation, Queen Joanna is beset in Barcelona by an insurrection of the lower classes. Angered over low wages, high food prices, and rampant corruption they have been stewing in discontent for years and the sight of their champion Alfonso waging open war against the nobility which wantonly exploits them brings that stew to an open boil. Four days of open warfare in the streets end with the expulsion of Joanna and her partisans.

Alfonso quickly comes to claim his prize. Although it is no longer the great mart of the western Mediterranean as it was in the 1300s and early 1400s, Barcelona is still a city of great importance with forty five thousand inhabitants, the largest in Iberia after Lisbon, many engaged in candle and soap making, plus fishing and shipbuilding. However that success ends at the city walls.

Joanna retreats inland to Lleida but a small army of her supporters begins a blockade of Barcelona’s landward side. At first it is quite loose but as reinforcement of men and guns arrive it gets steadily tighter. Still Joanna cannot threaten Barcelona from the sea as well, so the odds of her taking the city back in the current situation are minimal. Alfonso knows this and taking advantage of his sister’s forces being tied down at Barcelona he intensifies his attacks along the coast, seizing several seaside villages and towns.

That said, those victories are more impressive on a map than they are in actuality. With his limited manpower resources, he cannot hold any of those positions save Barcelona against even half-serious resistance, but his apparent progress coupled with the swift advance of Arletian troops in Roussillon is alarming in Toledo, where King Felipe has been following the Aragonese succession issue closely for some time.

However now with the war going Alfonso’s way, Castile openly intervenes in support of Joanna. Alfonso promptly pulls out his forces from his coastal enclaves, but Barcelona is reinforced by companies of German and Hungarian mercenaries hired with loans from Rhomania. Soon financial institutions in the Triple Monarchy begin offering their support as King Henry sees Alfonso as a means to keep Felipe occupied.

Felipe’s intervention also has the effect of turning the Aragonese War of Succession into an Iberian war. Maalik Mohammed III of Al-Andalus is terrified by the prospect of all the rest of Iberia coming under Felipe’s wing, so he takes the drastic step of openly intervening as well on the side of Alfonso. Anything else, Mohammed feels, would not suffice in these desperate times.

Mohammed only intervenes directly against Joanna, but it is only a matter of weeks before Andalusi and Castilian cavalry are skirmishing in the environs of Tarragona. Shortly afterwards Felipe formally declares war on Al-Andalus.

Rhomania is apathetic and uninvolved in these matters, but that is decidedly not the case in Egypt. Reinforced by the remaining tourmai, the Copts and Nile Germans have stopped the Muslim advance, although the latter’s land remains a battleground and they are clearly incapable of pushing them back. Suez is blockaded on its landward side, the local Muslims expelled by the Kephale as a security risk.

A year after the rebellion began, Hassan is now lord of three-fourths of the Despotate of Egypt, ruling from Cairo. The rebels in Makuria, though formally independent, are strongly susceptible to influence from what comes to be known as the Idwait Sultanate, especially after attempts to break into Sennar prove to be bloody failures. He has his own court complete with officials, ceremonies, and coinage (most taken directly from the Mamelukes) and has local governors appointed to oversee the provinces.

Away from the battlefields in the north, the countryside is largely peaceful and well-ordered with the local peasantry taking over the possessions of their former masters. Most of the land is divided into small or moderate-sized holdings over which the farmers have complete ownership, with villages sharing common land such as pastures, orchards, fishing holes, and wells. Discounting the regional differences, it is highly reminiscent of the rural landscape of the Aegean themes.

No irony however is present in the Roman response. Constantinople had initially been slow to recognize the severity of the crisis, expecting the Copts to handle the matter themselves. Only in October does Helena summon Despot Demetrios III to Constantinople to explain himself. It is the first serious and explicit assertion of suzerainty by Constantinople over one of the Despotates since their formation, but Egypt is in no position to protest. Sicily and Carthage are other matters, but with escalating attacks from the corsairs, plus the stirring of a reviving Lombardy, mean that neither are inclined to jeopardize good relations with the Empire.
 
The roman response seems strangely slow, just summoning the Despot? The empire is cut off from its eastern holdings. Wasting months just to hear a bunch of excuses (what else can the guy say?) doesn't seem the smartest way.

Aragon is in its death throes, If I remember correctly there was once a mention of a "King of the Isles" and Alfonso is the guy, so he will probably hang on to the Balearics and Sardinia. The rest should fall under Castille one way or the other (how the war will unfould given Arletian and Andalusian involvement should be interesting).
 
Aragons only chance at survival is that the other states in the region don't want castile to get it.

The Romans probably just want to know what is really happening in egypt and once they do they will name a price for their help. I think the Despot will cooperate. The present situation is extremely bad.
 
Aragons only chance at survival is that the other states in the region don't want castile to get it.

Only Andalusians don't want to get it. Arletian won't risk an all-out war with Castille, once they've secured Roussilion, they'll just make a deal throwing Alfonso to the wolves. What's the differences about getting the region from Alfonso or Joanna? They'll get it anyway.
 
Is Corsica under Genoa?

I ask because, should Genoa state their opinion on the affair in Iberia it could be a nice moral boost following any defeats on the mainland to take Corsica from the Joannan Genoans.

Perhaps the Doge makes a deal with Joanna to take Sardinia and that gives the Republic the go-ahead to start a naval war in the Mediterranean and may even drag Arles deeper into the affair and might just bring them into full on war. Triunes stay neutral so long as the war seems to be maintaining its momentum.

Maybe Leo makes a deal with the lombards to get them to take out before they can become a threat to his kingdom on land.
 
Looks like Alfonso took the Seduction focus. (The irony of the Hospitallers and Al-Andalus fighting to support the same claimant in this affair is not lost. Iberia's in for some interesting times.)

I really do hope Hassan is smart enough to stay away from Suez until he's consolidated his power base, at least.
 
I wonder how this conflict in the Iberian Peninsular will affect colonization, I would imagine significant resources would have to be poured into it given the amount of outside intervention.
 
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