Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes VII (Do Not Post Current Politics or Political Figures Here)
- Thread starter BigVic
- Start date
Just gunna take an explanation i made from IE and plop it here
"The Martian Invasion was not a great plan on the side of the Martians. Too rushed, too panicked, too over confident... as well as their forces being split up dramatically. 90% of Colonial/Terraforming forces being stuck across America and Military forces being scattered around the globe, from Paris, rural new Jersey, parts of Africa, Eurasia, all that. The Martians where under the assumption that Earth will become like Mars and began forcing water to their colonies without a care for the poor Earthlings."
Happy Fatty's Constitution, Part 3:
Guillermo Ford has been elected President of Panama, as per the AP. He defeats PRD candidate Tomás Altamirano Duque and Solidarity Party candidate Guillermo Endara.
Ford's victory is humbling for the PRD, which has suffered a tall fall from its landslide five years ago. President Rubén Blades, elected largely accidentally due to the murder of his running mate, has been a factory-made warning of the dangers of political neophytes in power; once an independent voice, as time has gone on he has listened less to his own Papa Egoró party and more to the PRD with which he has largely governed; he even formally joined his new party in 2000. Blades has generally failed to stem corruption, and many of his ambitious projects are stuck in severe delays and quality issues - many attributed to corruption from the PRD's strong machine element, which has been accused of essentially selling the spare, and some not so spare, parts of the Blades agenda as a massive graft scandal has dominated Panamanian news this year. The only project which has been universally well-received is the expansion of the canal, which began two years ago, but it is projected to take another decade to finish and is thought to produce little political capital until it is finished.
This has produced some internal splits in the governmental forces, between those ideologically or personally loyal to Blades and those loyal to the establishmentarian machine faction. When the time to choose a candidate came, the contest wasn't pretty, and many believe Tomás Altamirano Duque, the establishmentarian winner, burned many bridges in the process of winning the nomination. Blades, in a controversial move many described as selling out to the PRD, used his power over the party to ensure that Papa Egoró endorsed him. Combined with a recession hitting the country earlier this year and their candidate's ties to the Noriega regime that brought new life to once-tired attacks linking them to the military dictatorship, few are surprised at the decisive defeat the government forces have received.
The government's sole hope was that the opposition seemed somehow even more disorganized. From early on in the campaign, many were wondering about the ability of the liberal MOLIRENA and the nationalist Panamanianists (the recently renamed Arnulfist Party thanks to a law that prohibits naming parties after people, whether dead or alive) to defeat the PRD if they were divided. As such, many were wondering if the two parties would form an electoral alliance, and, if they did, who would top it, a live question that easily threatened to destroy such an alliance before it could be formalized. They did manage to form one, with the stronger personality of Guillermo 'Billy' Ford - subject of a famous 1989 picture where, as a vice-presidential candidate, he was badly beaten by Noriega's infamous Dignity Battalions before serving as President Guillermo Endara's Finance Minister and Vice-President and founding the MOLIRENA - as the presidential candidate and Alberto Vallarino, an Arnulfist with ties to the Christian Democrats, as the VP candidate. This alliance is in many ways indicative of the changes that have taken place in Panamanian politics over the decades - after all, there was a time when those politics were composed of a Liberals vs. Arnulfists paradigm, and until now, alliances between the two parties put the Arnulfists on top and the liberals below. Ford's victory represents the first victory of a liberal in a Panamanian presidential election since 1964, when Marco Aurelio Robles defeated Arnulfo Arias in an election which many still claim was stolen, and liberals are ecstatic with the result, as the movement seems to finally heal from their deadly 1968 split 36 years later. The Arnulfists grumble about how this should've been their victory but at least those damn PRDers are out.
There was, of course, also the candidacy of Ford's former boss, Guillermo Endara, who ran with the Solidarity and Christian Democratic Parties, both of which have been left massively dissatisfied with the Blades administration (many Christian Democrats have pointedly said they made an alliance with Torrijos and not Blades) but are not really willing to return to the Panamanianists or liberals without a common hatred of Noriega to unify them (despite Vallarino's vice-presidential nomination being intended as something of a sop to them). Despite how his term ended, Endara still managed to take a substantial portion of the vote of Panamanians dissatisfied over unending corruption and the two-party system, even as the liberal revival heralds a major shift in that system. More than anything else, it is a stark reminder of the weakness of the political parties, any of which can collapse at any moment, as the Panamanianists can attest.
President-elect Ford has his work cut out for him: he has to fix a battered economy, reduce corruption, and govern with unwieldy coalition partners who feel they should be on top, all at the age of 67 (he turns 68 in November). But if he can make it work, Ford could be the change the country needs: more of an outsider than Moscoso, more of an insider than Blades; the happy medium Goldilocks has been looking for.
GUILLERMO FORD ELECTED PRESIDENT OF PANAMA
May 3, 2004Guillermo Ford has been elected President of Panama, as per the AP. He defeats PRD candidate Tomás Altamirano Duque and Solidarity Party candidate Guillermo Endara.
Ford's victory is humbling for the PRD, which has suffered a tall fall from its landslide five years ago. President Rubén Blades, elected largely accidentally due to the murder of his running mate, has been a factory-made warning of the dangers of political neophytes in power; once an independent voice, as time has gone on he has listened less to his own Papa Egoró party and more to the PRD with which he has largely governed; he even formally joined his new party in 2000. Blades has generally failed to stem corruption, and many of his ambitious projects are stuck in severe delays and quality issues - many attributed to corruption from the PRD's strong machine element, which has been accused of essentially selling the spare, and some not so spare, parts of the Blades agenda as a massive graft scandal has dominated Panamanian news this year. The only project which has been universally well-received is the expansion of the canal, which began two years ago, but it is projected to take another decade to finish and is thought to produce little political capital until it is finished.
This has produced some internal splits in the governmental forces, between those ideologically or personally loyal to Blades and those loyal to the establishmentarian machine faction. When the time to choose a candidate came, the contest wasn't pretty, and many believe Tomás Altamirano Duque, the establishmentarian winner, burned many bridges in the process of winning the nomination. Blades, in a controversial move many described as selling out to the PRD, used his power over the party to ensure that Papa Egoró endorsed him. Combined with a recession hitting the country earlier this year and their candidate's ties to the Noriega regime that brought new life to once-tired attacks linking them to the military dictatorship, few are surprised at the decisive defeat the government forces have received.
The government's sole hope was that the opposition seemed somehow even more disorganized. From early on in the campaign, many were wondering about the ability of the liberal MOLIRENA and the nationalist Panamanianists (the recently renamed Arnulfist Party thanks to a law that prohibits naming parties after people, whether dead or alive) to defeat the PRD if they were divided. As such, many were wondering if the two parties would form an electoral alliance, and, if they did, who would top it, a live question that easily threatened to destroy such an alliance before it could be formalized. They did manage to form one, with the stronger personality of Guillermo 'Billy' Ford - subject of a famous 1989 picture where, as a vice-presidential candidate, he was badly beaten by Noriega's infamous Dignity Battalions before serving as President Guillermo Endara's Finance Minister and Vice-President and founding the MOLIRENA - as the presidential candidate and Alberto Vallarino, an Arnulfist with ties to the Christian Democrats, as the VP candidate. This alliance is in many ways indicative of the changes that have taken place in Panamanian politics over the decades - after all, there was a time when those politics were composed of a Liberals vs. Arnulfists paradigm, and until now, alliances between the two parties put the Arnulfists on top and the liberals below. Ford's victory represents the first victory of a liberal in a Panamanian presidential election since 1964, when Marco Aurelio Robles defeated Arnulfo Arias in an election which many still claim was stolen, and liberals are ecstatic with the result, as the movement seems to finally heal from their deadly 1968 split 36 years later. The Arnulfists grumble about how this should've been their victory but at least those damn PRDers are out.
There was, of course, also the candidacy of Ford's former boss, Guillermo Endara, who ran with the Solidarity and Christian Democratic Parties, both of which have been left massively dissatisfied with the Blades administration (many Christian Democrats have pointedly said they made an alliance with Torrijos and not Blades) but are not really willing to return to the Panamanianists or liberals without a common hatred of Noriega to unify them (despite Vallarino's vice-presidential nomination being intended as something of a sop to them). Despite how his term ended, Endara still managed to take a substantial portion of the vote of Panamanians dissatisfied over unending corruption and the two-party system, even as the liberal revival heralds a major shift in that system. More than anything else, it is a stark reminder of the weakness of the political parties, any of which can collapse at any moment, as the Panamanianists can attest.
President-elect Ford has his work cut out for him: he has to fix a battered economy, reduce corruption, and govern with unwieldy coalition partners who feel they should be on top, all at the age of 67 (he turns 68 in November). But if he can make it work, Ford could be the change the country needs: more of an outsider than Moscoso, more of an insider than Blades; the happy medium Goldilocks has been looking for.
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For the Want of Larry Phillips
"I was supposed to help during the recount of the ballots on the 11th, but I came down with a bad case of food poisoning and had to remain at home."
- King County Council Chairman Larry Phillips
"I thought Rossi would be at least a decent governor, but honestly I regret voting for him."
- Myspace Post. March 6, 2007
"I wouldn't vote that guy for dog catcher."
- Overheard in a Denny's in Marysville. May 2007
"BRAD OWEN WINS GOVERNORSHIP!"
- Skagit Valley Herald. November 6, 2008
"GOVERNOR FINED IN ETHICS TRIAL"
- Seattle Post-Intelligencer. October 8, 2011
"GUITAR-PLAYING GOVERNOR FACES THE MUSIC WITH ETHICS PANEL"
- The Seattle Times. October 8, 2011
"Washington Gov. Owen Resigns over Ethics Concern"
- KOMO News, October 15, 2011
"Two bad governors in a row? What are they putting in the water up here?"
- Facebook Post. October 20, 2011
"I was supposed to help during the recount of the ballots on the 11th, but I came down with a bad case of food poisoning and had to remain at home."
- King County Council Chairman Larry Phillips
"I thought Rossi would be at least a decent governor, but honestly I regret voting for him."
- Myspace Post. March 6, 2007
"I wouldn't vote that guy for dog catcher."
- Overheard in a Denny's in Marysville. May 2007
"BRAD OWEN WINS GOVERNORSHIP!"
- Skagit Valley Herald. November 6, 2008
"GOVERNOR FINED IN ETHICS TRIAL"
- Seattle Post-Intelligencer. October 8, 2011
"GUITAR-PLAYING GOVERNOR FACES THE MUSIC WITH ETHICS PANEL"
- The Seattle Times. October 8, 2011
"Washington Gov. Owen Resigns over Ethics Concern"
- KOMO News, October 15, 2011
"Two bad governors in a row? What are they putting in the water up here?"
- Facebook Post. October 20, 2011
why is Owen only a one term governor? does he retire?For the Want of Larry Phillips
"I was supposed to help during the recount of the ballots on the 11th, but I came down with a bad case of food poisoning and had to remain at home."
- King County Council Chairman Larry Phillips
"I thought Rossi would be at least a decent governor, but honestly I regret voting for him."
- Myspace Post. March 6, 2007
"I wouldn't vote that guy for dog catcher."
- Overheard in a Denny's in Marysville. May 2007
"BRAD OWEN WINS GOVERNORSHIP!"
- Skagit Valley Herald. November 6, 2008
"GOVERNOR FINED IN ETHICS TRIAL"
- Seattle Post-Intelligencer. October 8, 2011
"GUITAR-PLAYING GOVERNOR FACES THE MUSIC WITH ETHICS PANEL"
- The Seattle Times. October 8, 2011
"Washington Gov. Owen Resigns over Ethics Concern"
- KOMO News, October 15, 2011
"Two bad governors in a row? What are they putting in the water up here?"
- Facebook Post. October 20, 2011
Here's a higher res version of the portrait in case you wanted it for something. If I had to guess where this was from, I'd say either RNC or during his presidential campaign.
Thanks, Fernandez portraits are rare from what I've seen.
I never even heard of Ben Fernandez until I saw him in that wikibox.
This is based on the several times people mistake Luxembourg for Liechtenstein for when they where considered for getting Alaska. So I decided to run with this mistake and wonder "What if Luxembourg got Alaska".
Happy Fatty's Constitution, Part 4:
Mayín Correa, candidate of the incumbent MOLIRENA party, has been elected President of Panama, projected by the Associated Press. She defeats PRD candidate Balbina Herrera, Panamanianist candidate Juan Carlos Varela, and former President Guillermo Endara, running with his new Moral Vanguard of the Fatherland Party. She will become her country's second female president.
Correa's victory is a vindication for outgoing President Guillermo 'Billy' Ford. He has generally been considered a successful president, and while his time in government has, unsurprisingly, garnered some criticisms, he seems to be Panama's most popular president since the restoration of democracy in 1989. During his five years, he has continued Blades's numerous infrastructure projects, in the eyes of many in a more efficient manner (though a number, most notably the canal expansion, are still in progress) and reduced the deficit without having to institute major tax hikes (though government spending still remains a live issue for the incoming Correa administration), and delivered on the most efficient producer of presidential popularity, economic growth (a key feature in his deficit policy, since thanks to it government revenue grew even without tax hikes). Panama's economy is far outpacing the world average, having entered an economic boom in the last few years that the Great Recession has only mildly disrupted. This is considered perhaps the single most important factor in Correa's clear victory in the presidential race.
Correa, for her part, has had an unorthodox path to the presidency. First emerging in politics as a local representative all the way back in 1979, she served as an opposition legislator in the Noriega years, granting her sterling anti-Noriega credentials she maneuvered into a coveted 1991 appointment as Panama City mayor, often considered the second most powerful position in the country, following her predecessor's resignation. Resoundingly elected in 1994 as a member of the Christian Democratic Party, her well-regarded eight-year tenure as mayor offered her much experience, goodwill, and power, allowing her to fully establish herself as a force to be reckoned with. In 1999, she was narrowly defeated for reelection by Juan Carlos Navarro, a defeat that should have ended her career; instead, many noted how far ahead of the top of the ticket she had run, no small feat given how big the PRD victory had been. Five years ago, she staged a successful comeback run to the National Assembly, forging an eclectic alliance of Christian Democrats and the MOLIRENA, which began her shift in partisan affiliation in a way that allowed her to switch to a larger party without alienating her previous supporters, in a model many consider key in her race to defeat her main opponent in yesterday's election.
The PRD, for its own part, entered this election season on the backfoot and never really left it. Faced with the difficult prospect of running as the opposition to a rather popular incumbent government, many believed the final nail in the coffin was when the party's primary returned Balbina Herrera, a former mayor of San Miguelito and President of the Nation Assembly, as their candidate. Herrera, suffice to say, is a divisive figure; she is known for her links to not just to the human rights abuses of the Noriega regime, but the disgraced former military leader himself, who even two decades after Operation Just Cause remains a deeply unpopular figure in his homeland. There is also the matter of her political views; in a generally unideological and personalist country, one would think such things to be perhaps more trivial, but Herrera has proven the exception to this rule, as links between her and Hugo Chávez's ideology have not gone down well in a country where Chávez is a rather unpopular figure. That said, Herrera did exceed expectations in the actual result; she garnered 33.65% of the vote, a three-point improvement on her party's performance five years ago, and was only 9.97% behind Correa, when most pre-election opinion polls had her at a double-digit loss. Many PRDers are consoling themselves with the limited nature of their defeat, while those of the MOLIRENA note that earlier electoral polls from back in March had a closer election between Herrera and Correa, indicating the latter surged further ahead during the campaign.
The explanation for this is likely found by analyzing the worst night of any of the parties had, that of the Panamanianist Party. Juan Carlos Varela, a former member of the Ford Cabinet elevated to the Panamanianist presidential nomination almost by default in a party increasingly lacking in internal talent, came a disappointing third, taking 20% of the vote. Varela, a politically youthful 45-year-old, had been touted by many as the strongest personality and best hope the party had for reversing its floundering fortunes; after five years playing second fiddle to President Ford, many were insistent on going their own way in this election. However, when Herrera unexpectedly began to surge, this produced an impetus to form an alliance with the MOLIRENA in order to shut her out of the presidency. However, those alliance talks fell apart, and Varela, who publicly walked out of them, was widely blamed for their failure. It seems many voters did not forgive Varela for this decision. Combined with allegations of personal corruption and requisite accompanying accusations of garden-variety incompetence from his time in the Ford administration, it seems like the man ultimately fell flat in a way few Arnulfists expected when he won their nomination last year.
As for Correa herself, once she gained momentum, she never lost it. In her second Assembly stint, she emerged as a key legislator in getting the Christian Democrats on board for many of the Ford adminsitration's legislative priorites, and quickly became nationally famous for it. Last year, she announced a run for the MOLIRENA presidential nomination, and defeated Arturo Vallarino, the previous frontrunner, in an upset before evntually choosing him as her running mate. Using her previous partisan ties, she succeeded in forging an unlikely alliance with the Christian Democrats, and while Herrera surged and Varela collapsed, she remain a steady presence to the end, ending with her widely expected victory yesterday. She comes in with the wind behind her back, with a strong economy and a legislative majority (once you account for coalition partners). She will still face daunting challenges; many infrastructure projects still require completion, corruption is not a solved issue, and government financing is a thorny issue. But many Panamanians feel good, an oddity in this Great Recession world, and in becoming only the second female Latin American who has always been a political figure in her own right rather than the wife or widow of one, after Michelle Bachelet of Chile three years ago, she is giving many women reason to feel good. Glass ceilings aside, Correa has a uniquely strong position from which to work - which most definitely allows for a lot of potential in reforming her country. It might perhaps be best if she took this to heart.
NOTE: Starting with the 2014 election, I'll be moving this over to the current politics wikibox thread. If you wish to see this thing's end, that's where it'll be.
MAYÍN CORREA ELECTED PRESIDENT OF PANAMA, SET TO BECOME COUNTRY'S SECOND FEMALE PRESIDENT
May 4, 2009Mayín Correa, candidate of the incumbent MOLIRENA party, has been elected President of Panama, projected by the Associated Press. She defeats PRD candidate Balbina Herrera, Panamanianist candidate Juan Carlos Varela, and former President Guillermo Endara, running with his new Moral Vanguard of the Fatherland Party. She will become her country's second female president.
Correa's victory is a vindication for outgoing President Guillermo 'Billy' Ford. He has generally been considered a successful president, and while his time in government has, unsurprisingly, garnered some criticisms, he seems to be Panama's most popular president since the restoration of democracy in 1989. During his five years, he has continued Blades's numerous infrastructure projects, in the eyes of many in a more efficient manner (though a number, most notably the canal expansion, are still in progress) and reduced the deficit without having to institute major tax hikes (though government spending still remains a live issue for the incoming Correa administration), and delivered on the most efficient producer of presidential popularity, economic growth (a key feature in his deficit policy, since thanks to it government revenue grew even without tax hikes). Panama's economy is far outpacing the world average, having entered an economic boom in the last few years that the Great Recession has only mildly disrupted. This is considered perhaps the single most important factor in Correa's clear victory in the presidential race.
Correa, for her part, has had an unorthodox path to the presidency. First emerging in politics as a local representative all the way back in 1979, she served as an opposition legislator in the Noriega years, granting her sterling anti-Noriega credentials she maneuvered into a coveted 1991 appointment as Panama City mayor, often considered the second most powerful position in the country, following her predecessor's resignation. Resoundingly elected in 1994 as a member of the Christian Democratic Party, her well-regarded eight-year tenure as mayor offered her much experience, goodwill, and power, allowing her to fully establish herself as a force to be reckoned with. In 1999, she was narrowly defeated for reelection by Juan Carlos Navarro, a defeat that should have ended her career; instead, many noted how far ahead of the top of the ticket she had run, no small feat given how big the PRD victory had been. Five years ago, she staged a successful comeback run to the National Assembly, forging an eclectic alliance of Christian Democrats and the MOLIRENA, which began her shift in partisan affiliation in a way that allowed her to switch to a larger party without alienating her previous supporters, in a model many consider key in her race to defeat her main opponent in yesterday's election.
The PRD, for its own part, entered this election season on the backfoot and never really left it. Faced with the difficult prospect of running as the opposition to a rather popular incumbent government, many believed the final nail in the coffin was when the party's primary returned Balbina Herrera, a former mayor of San Miguelito and President of the Nation Assembly, as their candidate. Herrera, suffice to say, is a divisive figure; she is known for her links to not just to the human rights abuses of the Noriega regime, but the disgraced former military leader himself, who even two decades after Operation Just Cause remains a deeply unpopular figure in his homeland. There is also the matter of her political views; in a generally unideological and personalist country, one would think such things to be perhaps more trivial, but Herrera has proven the exception to this rule, as links between her and Hugo Chávez's ideology have not gone down well in a country where Chávez is a rather unpopular figure. That said, Herrera did exceed expectations in the actual result; she garnered 33.65% of the vote, a three-point improvement on her party's performance five years ago, and was only 9.97% behind Correa, when most pre-election opinion polls had her at a double-digit loss. Many PRDers are consoling themselves with the limited nature of their defeat, while those of the MOLIRENA note that earlier electoral polls from back in March had a closer election between Herrera and Correa, indicating the latter surged further ahead during the campaign.
The explanation for this is likely found by analyzing the worst night of any of the parties had, that of the Panamanianist Party. Juan Carlos Varela, a former member of the Ford Cabinet elevated to the Panamanianist presidential nomination almost by default in a party increasingly lacking in internal talent, came a disappointing third, taking 20% of the vote. Varela, a politically youthful 45-year-old, had been touted by many as the strongest personality and best hope the party had for reversing its floundering fortunes; after five years playing second fiddle to President Ford, many were insistent on going their own way in this election. However, when Herrera unexpectedly began to surge, this produced an impetus to form an alliance with the MOLIRENA in order to shut her out of the presidency. However, those alliance talks fell apart, and Varela, who publicly walked out of them, was widely blamed for their failure. It seems many voters did not forgive Varela for this decision. Combined with allegations of personal corruption and requisite accompanying accusations of garden-variety incompetence from his time in the Ford administration, it seems like the man ultimately fell flat in a way few Arnulfists expected when he won their nomination last year.
As for Correa herself, once she gained momentum, she never lost it. In her second Assembly stint, she emerged as a key legislator in getting the Christian Democrats on board for many of the Ford adminsitration's legislative priorites, and quickly became nationally famous for it. Last year, she announced a run for the MOLIRENA presidential nomination, and defeated Arturo Vallarino, the previous frontrunner, in an upset before evntually choosing him as her running mate. Using her previous partisan ties, she succeeded in forging an unlikely alliance with the Christian Democrats, and while Herrera surged and Varela collapsed, she remain a steady presence to the end, ending with her widely expected victory yesterday. She comes in with the wind behind her back, with a strong economy and a legislative majority (once you account for coalition partners). She will still face daunting challenges; many infrastructure projects still require completion, corruption is not a solved issue, and government financing is a thorny issue. But many Panamanians feel good, an oddity in this Great Recession world, and in becoming only the second female Latin American who has always been a political figure in her own right rather than the wife or widow of one, after Michelle Bachelet of Chile three years ago, she is giving many women reason to feel good. Glass ceilings aside, Correa has a uniquely strong position from which to work - which most definitely allows for a lot of potential in reforming her country. It might perhaps be best if she took this to heart.
NOTE: Starting with the 2014 election, I'll be moving this over to the current politics wikibox thread. If you wish to see this thing's end, that's where it'll be.