ABYSS -- Spiro Agnew, Frank Church, and the Beyond.

Introduction
"In all the decisions I have made in my public life, I have always tried to do what was best for the Nation. Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my duty to persevere, to make every possible effort to complete the term of office to which you elected me."



...



"From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders, I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter, I might not have the support of the Congress that I would consider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry out the duties of this office in the way the interests of the Nation would require."



...



"I have never been a quitter. To leave office before my term is completed is abhorrent to every instinct in my body. But as President, I must put the interest of America first. America needs a full-time President and a full-time Congress, particularly at this time with problems we face at home and abroad."



...



"Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow. Vice President Agnew will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office."



--



As President Richard Nixon read his political will to the American people, his final national address after years of sudden speeches about Viet Nam and the economy, the nation watched in pure awe. Some were shocked at the fact such a clearly innocent man would willingly step aside like this—others just seemed surprised the crook went down without having to physically drag him out by his feet.

One man, however, stared ahead with a narrow gaze—unlike many of the men who dwelled within the Nixon administration, he wasn't particularly sad to see the 37th President of the United States leave the White House for good. After all, he would be the 38th soon enough.

Vice President Spiro 'Ted' Agnew had plans, ideas that had never come to fruition through his tenure as Dick Nixon's number two since the men had virtually zero contact for most of the last six years. He had been nothing but a pick to placate the white moderate and galvanize the so-called 'Silent Majority' against Hubert Humphrey and the Democrats. Outside of that, he was nothing but a bother to Nixon.

Agnew knew this, Nixon knew this, John Connally and the rest of Nixon's formerly jolly band knew this—the president's most loyal acolytes didn't give the incoming leader any tips or even their warmest regards, they loathed him. Agnew's sneers made it more than clear the loathing was mutual.

That is save for a few specific men who were likely to hold onto some form of power once the Maryland Greeks took power. He already had a list of names. Kissinger would be pushed out quickly. Ehrlichman too. As would anyone still stuck in the mud over Nixon's fate.

There were others he saw fit to mold. And some he clearly owed favors to. Elliot Richardson—although the former Attorney General was long gone from the Nixon White House, it was well known within the walls of the building that Richardson had saved Agnew's ass by not reporting findings relating to a certain case-that-shall-not-be-named. The Vice President was egotistic, but he knew he owed his promotion to the Massachusetts native. There were others within the administration—young bucks like Rumsfeld and his mini-me, those he saw fit to mold to his new vision for the post-Dick GOP.

Across the building, Richard Nixon sat in solace. The entire Watergate 'scandal' had clearly brought the man to his emotional limits. Already fragile, the president was now a fundamentally destroyed man. If it wasn't worse—if the fact his own party had thrown him under the bus—and the Democrats won the truest battle for the country—you know what was the worst part, he thought?

He now had to hand the keys to a man he truly despised.

Nixon had regretted Spiro Agnew since the moment he won the 1968 election. The President moped and moaned about how he should have chosen John Volpe or Howard Baker. Agnew had proven to be a great running mate back in '68, but his abilities as vice president were damning for the administration most of the time. Nixon couldn't help but freeze for a moment, wondering if the nation would be fine under his helm.

Tomorrow couldn't come soon enough.

On August 9th, 1974, America changed on a fundamental scale. Richard Nixon solemnly saluted his fellow patriots before jumping into a helicopter and leaving the White House for what was assumed to be the final time in any official capacity. In what many had once hoped to be a moment of brevity, the crook finally chased out of power, instead leading to the longest period of anxiety in American history, lasting from this moment in 1974 all the way to the end of the newfound Agnew presidency. Millions of Americans held their breaths as Spiro Agnew, the former Governor of Maryland who had lucked out going against a segregationist perennial loser in his one statewide election—and who only gained the Vice Presidential nomination after being humiliated by his benefactor Nelson Rockefeller—was now the 38th President of the United States.

His inaugural speech had been originally written on a napkin by Agnew's vice presidential chief of staff, Arthur Sohmer, in a mere 20 minutes. The current version was slightly more refined.

He began speaking. Everyone listened.

"Good evening, my fellow Americans. Let me begin by giving my... warmest regards to the Nixons. I pray that their private life is as fruitful as their public careers. I have had the honor of serving as Vice President of the United States over the last six years. I have seen this country through many of its best and worst moments. The recent events that have unfolded have tested our nation's resilience and resolve, but there is little doubt in my mind that we stand firm and unshaken."

...

"In the coming days, weeks, and months, our administration will focus on several key priorities. I can promise you that we will fix the broken government which led to this entire Watergate incident. Let me make this clear—this administration is not an extension or a continuation of the Nixon administration. It is impossible for anyone to truly understand how deep the rot may go. And with that in mind, I must say solemnly that we will commit to a clean sweep for the incoming cabinet. There will be few—truly few men left from the old guard. Men who understood that nation comes before their own goals. Men like Elliot Richardson and others who were purged without getting a word in edgewise—I fully believe if we're going to restore faith in our institutions we must remove what plagues our current system!"

...

"I am forced to evoke the words of Harry Truman when I say that The Buck Stops Here! No longer can we afford the personal issues of the past, the scandals of the last administration should be swept astray and with that, I am calling on Congress to get back to work in passing policy that'll help the American people. We don't have time for the needless nonsensical partisan bickering, and as a nation, we can no longer afford it."

...

"Tonight, I ask that you all pray for me and the First Lady. We have a long road ahead—and we will need all the help we can get in order to get through these troubled times."

It was short. It was nothing specialand it certainly wasn't the normal kind of speech Agnew would deliver. The fact he reserved a section of his speech for condemning a Congress he hadn't dealt with and accusing them of being too concerned with Nixon was a bit concerning for the American people.

It takes a while to settle in.



Spiro Agnew is president.



What now?
 
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Introduction

INTRODUCTION

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"In the United States today, we have more than our share of the nattering nabobs of negativism."
- Vice President Spiro T. Agnew

"I don't want to see this country ever go across the bridge. I know the capacity that is there to make tyranny total in America, and we must see to it that this agency and all agencies that possess this technology operate within the law and under proper supervision, so that we never cross over that abyss. That is the abyss from which there is no return."
-
Senator Frank F. Church

It is a bit unorthodox to start this story with the setup rather than the explanation, isn't it? Truthfully, I am normally a man of complicated ramblings, ideas that hardly make it to a page because I find it difficult to truly discover the right words. I'm the sort of fella who works in wikiboxes rather than stories—I find it a lot easier to convey my sometimes unconventional thoughts through idiotic inspect element edits rather than using my voice like a big boy.

I have learned you cannot convey Spiro Agnew accurately through mere pictures. He is a man of one thousand angry statements. Incoherent ramblings, which I don't think any person alive today could truthfully replicate authentically. It is because of this—as well as my long-term desire to contribute something real to a forum such as this which has offered me so much in my learning over the years—that I hope to bring you a story that can, at the very least, be enjoyed.

Honest to God, I have no idea what I'm doing besides writing. I have a timeline, and I have a draft, but I'm really feeling this out as I go in terms of its place as a long-term project in writing. Going into this I have my personal doubts, but you never really know until you plunge yourself into the Abyss, eh?

What is the Abyss anyway? I'm sure someone reading this thread has either heard of, knows the contents of, or maybe even aided the writing of this timeline. To say the short version without spoiling too much of the juice, this is the story of an America forced forward by about 50 years, indirectly anyway. It is a story about Spiro Agnew, Frank Church, the Bush family, the Democratic Party, and its enemies on the other side of the aisle. It is a story about the media, about the alphabet agencies, and what the country would look like if you gave the biggest asshole you know executive powers.

I don't know how I hope to see this evolve. Truthfully I just pray that we're able to do some damn good work on this thread. I am doing this as an open letter to an election I love and hate so much, a passion project, and then a writing project third. All that there is to say now is that I hope you enjoy the story.

Your dearest - NEO

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An interesting premise and a fun start alright. Seeing Agnew become President is probably going to be an awful, terrible thing, that should make for a very good read.
 
It is a story about the media, about the alphabet agencies, and what the country would look like if you gave the biggest asshole you know executive powers.
Spiro Agnew isn't my landlord?

In all seriousness, really looking forward to this TL! Wishing you all the best with it.
 
Chapter I: Into The Belly of The Beast (1974 - 1975)
1974 - 1975: Into The Belly of The Beast

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The sudden ascension of Spiro Agnew to the Oval Office wasn't met with a friendly round of applause or even a stilted handshake. Universally, whether it be the media, the Democratic Party, the Republican Party, or the general public—the new Commander in Chief was given nothing but a nervous glare and tepid hope. It didn't help that his inaugural speech had been so spiteful. It didn't help that he had dismissed so much of the Nixon administration within his first week in office. And to many within the beltway, it didn't help that his presence would likely sink GOP support in the coming midterms.

"Men like Al Haig," Agnew would sneer whilst pacing the room, newly donned Chief of Staff Sohmer nervously looking forward. "This place still has their stink. All of them, damn it. Doesn't it just piss you off, Arthur? It's one thing to lock me out for the past six years, but no—most of them quit when Dick got dirty, so we don't even get the luxury of firing their asses. It almost amazes me how much they look down on me." He shook his head. "But you know—of course—they're plotting. Not even for the primary, no, no, look at those hooligans like Javits—I haven't done a single thing that hasn't been for the benefit of this country and you read what he did? He condemned me. They loathe me, well God damn it! The feeling's mutual!"

"There's no use talking to Javits, sir." Sohmer scribbled meaninglessly on his notepad, the rest of the meeting room empty due to the sudden 'layoffs' within the White House after Agnew took charge. "We need to get ahold of Dole. He's the only one who can convince President Nixon's friends within the party to answer your calls." Agnew seemed to frown. "You try talking to him. He doesn't seem to be a big fan of my leadership style so far." He narrowed his gaze. The Chief of Staff nodded before checking that off the list.

"Okay. Next on the agenda... What are we thinking on that preliminary Vice Preside—" He was quickly caught off guard by the president flying out of his seat. "Yes! The vice presidency... that reminds me... ask Dole if he'd accept the position if offered. I wouldn't be moved either damn way if the Nixon wing didn't seem to distrust me, but what can you do? I want him on the list. See if you can do that." Sohmer nodded again. "And what about some of these other names? Connally, Ford, Rockefeller—" Once again, the president, who had sat back down, shot up from his desk. "They all hate me! I mean, John is too connected to Nixon—I like the guy but I don't want Dick sniffing around to try and take me down from his tomb." He scanned down the list.

"You can't trust Nelson. Well, I certainly don't. You've heard me talk about how flimsy that impetus is." He let out a hearty laugh as he read the brief biography attached to House Minority Leader Ford's name. "Jerry Ford... Jerry Ford... you know—It wouldn't be bad. He's nothing if not a good party man, real cocksucker, I'm sure he'd accept. House Democrats seem to like him personally, so he'd pass. I'd like someone more loyal, but you get what you get."

Using Agnew's words, Sohmer arranged a second draft of the potential appointments before rushing out of the president's office.

The Midterm Report



The 1974 midterm elections had been a stormy affair even before Nixon's resignation. It wasn't a fight. It was a war. The GOP was fighting for its survival all across the map, from the Senate to the House to the governorships. Strong incumbents like Jacob Javits, now in even deeper shit for his very public feud with the new president, and Bob Dole were all in danger of losing their seats to incredibly strong Democratic challengers.

These Democrats were promising something different than either the current iteration of their own party or their Republican opponents. In New York, former LBJ Attorney General Ramsey Clark found himself the favorite against an entrenched Jacob Javits. The liberal Senator had been hedging his bets on running against his record as Attorney General, but thus far it had proved to be a stinker as soon as Agnew got into office and began to run amock.

It couldn't have helped his case when his old beef with the president reignited...

--

August 9th, 1974:



Reporter: Senator Javits, given your history with President Agnew, can you say that you feel comfortable with his newfound position?

Sen. Javits: Unfortunately the moral questions that plagued the final days of this presidency will seemingly continue on for a bit longer. I can't say I feel safe with this man
who has made it his single mission in life to bring as much ruin and chaos to the White House as he canas President of the United States. There are simply too many moral questions involved.

--

Naturally, the president saw fit to fire back.

--

August 10th, 1974

President Agnew asked about Senator Javits and other Republicans reluctant to back the new administration.
Pres. Agnew: To any good-hearted, red-bleeding, America-loving Republican
I gladly invite you down to the White House so that we can clear up any misconceptions you may be getting from the media. As for Javits, well he's just another liberal Democrat in the same fashion as Kennedy and the rest.
--
While nominally any firing between Agnew and the moderate wing of his party wouldn't be such a big deal—it hadn't hurt too much in '70 or '72 after all—this time he was the president, and in New York, there was the Conservative Party all too gladly sucking upvotes from Javits. Barbara Keating was a young widowed housewife, her husband dying in Viet Nam back in '68. She had never run for political office before—up until now her campaign was a completely unremarkable standard platform of normal conservatism, but that seemed to be what this race between two ultra-liberals needed.

Within a matter of a few weeks, Javits went from a narrow frontrunner to trailing a good 6/7 points behind Clark. Ramsey Clark was something else, walking around the streets of NYC with a noticeable Texas drawl, promising to run a campaign without being compromised by big-money corruption. Waving to a crowd of adoring folks Ramsey preaches about Senator Javits' failure to lead during the Watergate scandal. "Senator Javits has attempted to appeal to every single person he can, and in that effort, he has only alienated the good citizens of New York." Now he finds himself latching onto a new subject, President Agnew. "He failed to protect his country during the worst moments of Watergate, and I guarantee you that behind closed doors—he will do what it takes to satisfy Agnew's needs as well!"

For his effort, the president wasn't giving Javits much of a chance to bow to him when he started actively praising Mrs. Keating for her positions and made sure to needle the New York senator any chance he got.

In Kansas, Bob Dole was in Topeka hoping to stomp through the state and save himself from Bill Roy and the Democrats. Right now, he was on the phone with Sohmer at the White House.

"Well I understand that the president wants me to meet with him, but I really can't afford to right now. I respect him—you know that—but we're in real deep stuff out here. Hitting back against Watergate is one thing, it's a mess but I can do it. President Agnew hasn't done anything yet and he's still dragging us down!" The senator groaned through the phone. "Of course, Bob. However, you have to talk to the Senate caucus and remind them that our success is their success." Sohmer attempted to sound forceful, but it came off as pathetic.

"I know, I know. We'll be back in Washington by Monday hopefully—I'll try to talk to the president then."

"And, Bob." Sohmer stopped him from hanging up.

"We on the... team who are trying to find an adequate pick for the vice presidency would like to know if you're intere—"

"No." Dole shook his head so hard that he could swear Sohmer heard it.

"No?"

"Well. This entire race is just too important to abandon. It'll be an easy flip for Roy if we don't put our foot down. If you need any help finding a good man to fill the role, I advise you ask Jerry Ford—but I just can't do it. If the president, or any of you poor folks stuck in the White House need my help, I'll gladly give you some help with the media and whatnot, but I cannot offer my hand for that role." He said.

Sohmer sighed before crossing off a name from his list. "That's completely fine, Senator Dole. That's just fine..." He quickly hung up.

In Nevada, incumbent Paul Laxalt found himself in a similar situation to Dole in Kansas. He was trailing young lieutenant governor Harry Ried by upwards of 5 points in the first days of the Agnew administration. Unlike Dole, Laxalt made his disagreements known to the president. "You cannot act as irrationally as you have before, Mr. President. This isn't the vice presidency, it's not about taking trips to some random country and having a nice vacation. Your old boss was Richard Nixon—and I know he let you run buck wild without a care in the world—but your new boss is the American people, and let me tell you they aren't gonna be nearly as forgiving for your actions." Agnew sneered at the man's words but nodded carefully. "Of course. Of course. I'm still getting used to the job, y'know? Trust me when I say we'll have it all solved by October."

In reality, Agnew mostly waved off Laxalt's complaints. He didn't need to take all that bullshit from anybody anymore. He was now the president. He was always of the opinion that Dick Nixon had been too nice to dissenters who hoped to ruin his presidency. He let Hubert Humphrey cry in his arms, he pretended to care when something terrible happened to a political opponent. Oh—he hated those people behind closed doors—but publicly he was all platitudes and handshakes. Well, Agnew was just as spiteful and hate-filled as Nixon had been, and he wasn't afraid to let that show publicly.

Soon, August turned to early September as the vice presidency remained an open book.
 
My goodness. All the spite of Nixon without any of the calculation and ability to give something like a Checkers speech to portray his humble background.
 
Interesting so far. Not sure what the exact POD is but I'm guessing it's Agnew's bribery scandal never coming to light. Sounds like Dole will have an even harder time winning his first reelection than in OTL, if at all; Agnew will not command the bipartisan respect Ford does. Harry Reid becoming senator 12 years earlier than OTL might be one of the more consequential butterflies.

For VP I'm guessing Agnew will only want a fellow firebreather. Reagan might be high on his list. Or, if cooler heads prevail, a ticket balancing choice like Ford or Howard Baker. There's also John Tower in Texas.

Curious to see how the fall of Vietnam happens in TTL, historically Agnew wasn't a big fan of "peace with honor" and thought the war could be won if only the US stopped playing pattycake and just committed it's military might.
 
Soo... a Greek-American just became president of the United States and fired Kissinger from State right in the middle between the first and second Turkish invasion of Cyprus and right after democracy has been restored to Greece?

What does Spiro do about that little foreign issue that fell squarely on his lap?
 
For VP I'm guessing Agnew will only want a fellow firebreather. Reagan might be high on his list. Or, if cooler heads prevail, a ticket balancing choice like Ford or Howard Baker. There's also John Tower in Texas
Reagan is the slam dunk choice but I think Reagan also declines and goes for the presidency in 76. I think HW or Roman Hruska are the most likely candidates
 
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