A House United? A Douglas Wins TL

Timeline Update #1
Post #1


By the time of the 1856 presidential election, the United States seemed to be at a tipping point. The eighty year old republic was more divided than any time in its history. The divider was, of course, slavery. The keeping of African slaves in chattel bondage had not only created separate economic spheres, but also social, moral and cultural ones. In many ways the 'free' North and the 'slave' South were two separate nations precariously united under one flag.


Reynolds_map.jpg

A map of the United States in 1856, showing the division of Free, Slave and Territory.


That tenuous union was under more strain then ever, as events in the decades up leading to 1856 had shown. While the seeds of the division had been there since the founding of the nation, many of the problems had been papered over with the Missouri Compromise of 1820, which had forbidden slavery in any state north of 36' 80 parallel. For several decades this Compromise held but as more and more western land was added and then settled to the United States, tensions rose about the status of slavery in these western areas. Things had come to a head in 1850, when it was clear the 1820 Compromise had broken down.


A pair of Senators, Whig Henry Clay and Democrat Stephen A. Douglas managed, through great turmoil and accommodation, to create another 'grand bargain' that was to forestall the tension. The terms created a free state out of California, a slave state out of Texas, greatly strengthened the Fugitive Slave Law and allowed territories in the West (some north of the once sacred 36'80 line) to vote on slavery. This call for “popular sovereignty” was a particular rallying cry for Douglas who saw such plebiscites as the way to solve the slavery issue. By taking the issue out of Federal hands and moving it into the state houses, he moved to move the problem away from center stage.


While the Compromise of 1850 was popular at the time (and probably avoided actual violence), it reflected the legislative power of the slave holding south. The terms seemed very favorable to the South, and the concept of popular sovereignty seemed to vastly expand the possibilities of slave holding states. On top of that the onerous Fugitive Slave Act, which mandated that 'free' states had to catch and return slaves to rightful masters, was a constant reminder of Southern slavery.


This Compromise, which had been intended to settle the slavery question, barely lasted four years. In 1854 , as part of the attempt to pave the way for a Transcontinental Railway, Senator Stephen Douglas and President Franklin Pierce (both Democrats), created the Kansas-Nebraska Act, which created the two territories out of the greater mass of unsettled western lands. The critical provision that tore the nation apart was that both territories would settle the slave question by popular votes, despite their position well to the north of the old 36' 80 line. That one article created months of raucous debate both in Congress and without. Douglas, as grimly determined as ever in his belief in popular sovereignty as the panacea for slavery ills, managed to push the Act to a vote and passed it.


The age of compromise was dead. In the North the Kansas-Nebraska Act was held as proof of the so-called 'Slave Power', a conspiracy of rich slave owners who were perverting the entire American government to suit the needs of slavery. Their evidence had been mounting in recent years. The old slights such as the 3/5 clause (counting 100 slaves as 60 people for seats in the House and thus for electoral votes) had now been joined by the Fugitive Slave Act and the Kansas-Nebraska Act in pro-slavery actions. The North became increasingly anti-slavery while the South, in panicked reaction became ever more entrenched in their defense of the “peculiar institution”.


From 1854 to 1856 the nation became a political battleground over slavery. In the North these new feelings created the Republican Party, a political party dedicated curtailed the 'Slave Power'. Kansas itself became a literal battleground as both sides sent supporters to influence the territory. Fighting erupted between the two groups as the territory was torn by internecine violence. The nation watched in growing horror as both pro and anti-slavery forces fought in 'Bleeding Kansas'.


It was against this rising tide of emotions that the 1856 election was to be held. There were three parties to contend the presidential election. The largest was the only national party left, the Democratic Party, with roots tracing back to the days of Andrew Jackson. Somewhat divided on slavery, they were increasingly becoming a party of the South, relying on the rallying cry of popular sovereignty to counter claims of being a puppet of southern slave masters. Second largest was the fledgling Republican Party. Formed exclusively to combat growing slave power, it channeled northern resentment and abolitionist feeling into a potent political force. Based in the free north, it did not even pretend to compete in the South and instead looking to the West for new allies. Last and smallest was the American Party, the vehicle for the old nativist Know-Nothing movement. The Know-Nothings dated back to the 1840's and had started as anti-Catholic secret society that blossomed into a anti-immigration political movement. After initial gains it had faded over time to mismanagement and deep splits over slavery. By 1856 they were a pale shadow of their former selves and not taken very seriously by the other two parties.


The men chosen to represent each party in the general election were selected not only on past achievements and holders of each party's orthodoxy but also on their appeal to a deeply divided nation. The party with the easiest choice was the Republican Party. Despite being untested and dominated by powerful factions, the party was at least united over slavery. Their convention, held in Philadelphia, chose a candidate on the very first ballot, with little of the standard backroom maneuvering. Their pick was John C. Fremont, a popular and glamorous figure of the time. Fremont, nicknamed the 'Pathfinder', was a celebrity that had led many exploratory missions in the West and had fought in the Mexican-American War. A staunch Free Soiler, his candidacy marked a hard turn toward abolitionist feeling in the north. His slogan, "Free Soil, Free Men, and Frémont" left little room for compromise.


The Democratic Party had much more difficult time. At their convention in Ohio, the party found itself deeply divided and more then a little bruised over the last administration. The debacle of the Kansas-Nebraska Act and Bleeding Kansas had done much to discredit Pierce, the current President. Still, Pierce had a large block of supporters at the Convention and was determined to at least give it a try. Second in order was Stephen Douglas, but the esteemed Senator was also tarred with the same brush, having played a major role in the administration and his colors were firmly nailed to the popular sovereignty mast. Many looked for a outsider to lead the party to new victories but they were hard to find. The most obvious was Pennsylvanian James Buchanan, who had been the ambassador to Great Britain and had missed the great slavery struggles. Sadly, the ambassador had been lost at sea when his ship sank upon his return to America. [1]The only other man of any standing was Lewis Cass of Michigan, a former Senator and former candidate from a decade ago. With Cass a has-been and Pierce obviously toxic the Party, after 22 ballots chose Douglas, the 'Little Giant'.


Last and least was the American Party, whose convention was a sad, short affair also held in Philadelphia. Completely divided over slavery, the party had no idea how to handle the growing tensions and new political realities of the nation. It a dramatic display of trying to avoid the issue, the American Party chose former President Millard Fillmore as their candidate. It should be noted Fillmore was neither a member of the party or had ever attended a Know-Nothing gathering in his life. The former President had not even been informed he was in the running. Still, Fillmore accepted and he gave the party at least a veneer of respectability.


For the election itself, all three men retired to their homes and did not campaign directly. It was considered the province of the parties themselves to actually electioneer. As would be expected in such a divided nation, these parties ran very regional campaigns that differed wildly from place to place. Indeed, for all of it being a national election, many parties ignored entire regions of the nation. The Republicans consciously avoided campaigning in the South (were Fremont was not even on the ballot), while in parts of abolitionist New England the Democratic party was essentially moribund. The American Party was used as a stalking horse by both sides, hoping to split the rival votes in regions where themselves were not popular.


Despite this divided nature, some general and national themes are the election became plain. The Republicans campaigned on opposing the political power of slavery and its geographical expansion in the west. They made it plain they saw the political system of slavery (perhaps even more than slavery itself) as a grave threat to the Republic and its democratic principles. Republicans decried Bloody Kansas and advocated for adding Kansas immediately as a free state. They spoke darkly of imperial expansions into the Caribbean to sate land-hungry slave owners and the outragoues natures of the hated Fugitive Slave Act.


For their part the Democrats argued around their one big idea, popular sovereignty, which they hoped would still solve the slavery crisis. What could be more democratic, they argued, then letting local people decided which practices should be followed in their states? The United States had been founded on state power, not giving all power to the distant federal government. They openly blamed abolitionist rabble-rousers for the violence in Kansas and framed the Republicans as agitators. Their second main plank, and an effective one was a warning that Republican victory would surely rip the nation apart. Putting radical men in Fremont in charge would surely cause the Southern states to secede, destroying the nation and probably causing a ruinous war. Douglas, himself a staunch Unionist, said “Abolitionism proposes to destroy the right and extinguish the principle of self-government for which our forefathers waged a seven years' bloody war, and upon which our system of free government is founded.” It was a powerful argument that swayed many and helped cast Fremont and the Republicans as radical and unstable wreckers.


The American Party, totally unable to truly wrestle with the main political questions of the day, instead turned to mud-slinging personal attacks. A number of American Party chapters in the North spread a rumor that John Fremont was a Roman Catholic. While the claim was a spurious lie, the Republicans were loath to strenuously attack it in fear of insulting their Catholic supporters. Instead the lie simmered for the entire election, creating a cloud of uncertainty and doubt around the 'Pathfinder'. In the South, since the Republican party was non-existent, Fillmore was the only viable competitor to the Democratic Party. Douglas, whose popularity waxed and waned in the South, had his share of southern detractors who did not always view him as sound on the slavery question.


Despite all the struggle and campaigning however, the results were much as people expected. Fremont did well in the north, winning in the anti-slavery strongholds of New England, Michigan and the Upper West while the Democrats swept the South except for a few states where Douglas’s moderation on slavery allowed Fillmore to grab a few areas. The real area of interest were the middle states, such as Ohio, Indiana, Pennsylvania and Illinois. These states, with the exception of Ohio, went decisively for Douglas, whose moderate leanings managed to let him win the key border states. The final tally was as follows:


Stephen Douglas (Democratic Party): 156

John Fremont (Republican Party): 114

Millard Fillmore (American Party): 21

ElectoralCollege1856.svg_zps6n9md4xl.png



Stephen A. Douglas was now President of the United States, and had inherited a obviously divided nation. How he would deal with the rising tensions involving slavery would define not only himself and his Presidency but the nation as a whole. It was obvious that a misstep here could literally rip the nation into two, and every decision he made would be taken in the most unfavorable light by one side or the other.


[1] The POD, obviously. In OTL, Buchanan survived the crossing and handily won the nomination (and the election).
 
If the slavery question is not dealt with at some point a radical abolitionist, like John Brown, assassinates President Douglas.
 
*Robert E. Lee

Although interesting, Doubtful. I mean, Douglas is borderline anathema to most southerners, so he would need an actual pro-slavery VP. I mean, when you compare to all of Davis' contemporaries, he at least seems rational.

Then again it could just be Breckenridge for the sake of keeping it close to history, but i figure you may need a larger firebrand to balance/counterbalance DOuglas.
 
Although interesting, Doubtful. I mean, Douglas is borderline anathema to most southerners, so he would need an actual pro-slavery VP. I mean, when you compare to all of Davis' contemporaries, he at least seems rational.

Was he anathema in 1856? I thought that came later, when he opposed the Lecompton constitution.

In 1856 his problem would have been the North, where he was reviled as author of the Kansas-Nebraska Act.

Then again it could just be Breckenridge for the sake of keeping it close to history, but i figure you may need a larger firebrand to balance/counterbalance DOuglas.

Andrew Johnson?

The planter class in TN were keen to get him out of Nashville, and burying him in the Vice-Presidency would have been even better than sending him to the Senate. So they might have pushed for him. If he becomes POTUS and here's still a secession crisis in 1861, things could get interesting, given his ferocious unionism.
 
In 1856 his problem would have been the North, where he was reviled as author of the Kansas-Nebraska Act.

Ah, yes. Popular sovereignty at its finest. As long as its voted on by the people, for the people, of the people. He is pretty much diet Lewis Cass when it comes to that sort of politics.

Andrew Johnson?

The planter class in TN were keen to get him out of Nashville, and burying him in the Vice-Presidency would have been even better than sending him to the Senate. So they might have pushed for him. If he becomes POTUS and here's still a secession crisis in 1861, things could get interesting, given his ferocious unionism.

Interesting. He was governor at this time - i didn't know that myself.

I can defer I am probably looking at this a bit of the wrong way, but those electoral votes just look odd with the Green Louisiana - kinda surprises me the Deep South is not at all that united.

johnson as VP does bring up an interesting quibble though - how about Sam Houston? Pretty unionist and southern.
 
Ah, yes. Popular sovereignty at its finest. As long as its voted on by the people, for the people, of the people. He is pretty much diet Lewis Cass when it comes to that sort of politics.



Interesting. He was governor at this time - i didn't know that myself.

I can defer I am probably looking at this a bit of the wrong way, but those electoral votes just look odd with the Green Louisiana - kinda surprises me the Deep South is not at all that united.

johnson as VP does bring up an interesting quibble though - how about Sam Houston? Pretty unionist and southern.

I appreciate this debate on he VP. I deliberately left it out to condense the narrative and to act as a cliffhanger for the next post. It will be 'revealed' in the first sentence of the next post.

As for Fillmore wins, Louisiana and Tennessee were very close in OTL. Douglas, unlike Buchanan, was weighed down with the running sore of Kansas and of not being strong enough on slavery. While Lincoln may have branded Douglas in OTL as the 'greatest doughface of them all' that is unfair and inaccurate.
 
johnson as VP does bring up an interesting quibble though - how about Sam Houston? Pretty unionist and southern.

Unsound on slavery. Iirc he was the only Southern Democrat to oppose the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. Johnson voted yea.


As for Fillmore wins, Louisiana and Tennessee were very close in OTL. Douglas, unlike Buchanan, was weighed down with the running sore of Kansas and of not being strong enough on slavery.

Was that true in 1856? I thought the South only turned against him later, when he refused to support Lecompton.
 
Unsound on slavery. Iirc he was the only Southern Democrat to oppose the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. Johnson voted yea.




Was that true in 1856? I thought the South only turned against him later, when he refused to support Lecompton.

Partly. Obviously the big turns in OTL were Lecompton and his back pedaling on Dred Scott. Neither of which has happened here (yet anyway, although without Buchanan Dred Scott probably won't happen period) but he is still a Northerner who oversaw the debacle in Nebraska-Kansas and who was never a fan of the Fugitive Slave Act. While int he early 1850's supporting Popular Sovereignty had marked him as very pro-slavery but 1856 it marked him as someone who wanted fetters on slavery. Note that he did win the majority of states and those he lost were very close (and two of those border states). Also, there were some weird local aspects to the Louisiana case. I had Douglas lose them to show the precariousness of his position. Unlike Buchanan he had not spent the last few years isolated in the UK. Douglas was up to his neck in the current mess.

Hope that allows you to see (if not agree) to my thought process.
 
Partly. Obviously the big turns in OTL were Lecompton and his back pedaling on Dred Scott. Neither of which has happened here (yet anyway, although without Buchanan Dred Scott probably won't happen period) but he is still a Northerner who oversaw the debacle in Nebraska-Kansas and who was never a fan of the Fugitive Slave Act. While int he early 1850's supporting Popular Sovereignty had marked him as very pro-slavery but 1856 it marked him as someone who wanted fetters on slavery. Note that he did win the majority of states and those he lost were very close (and two of those border states). Also, there were some weird local aspects to the Louisiana case. I had Douglas lose them to show the precariousness of his position. Unlike Buchanan he had not spent the last few years isolated in the UK. Douglas was up to his neck in the current mess.

Hope that allows you to see (if not agree) to my thought process.


Fair enough. But imho it makes a Douglas presidency very hard to bring about.

If he's as weak that in the South, whilst being simultaneously a pariah in the North, as author of the Kansas-Nebraska Act, I find myself wondering how he gets to be even nominated, let alone elected.
 
*Robert E. Lee

Unlikely verging on impossible for two reasons.

First, in 1856, Lee is nobody. He's a colonel: well-respected in the Army, but completely unknown to the public. He's never led in a major campaign or battle.

Second, Lee would absolutely refuse. Lee's father, "Light Horse Harry" Lee, had been a military hero in the Revolutionary War. The elder Lee then parlayed his military fame into a political career, and was elected governor of Virginia. This ended very badly, with the elder Lee a bankrupt exile. Lee felt this disgrace very keenly, and was determined at all costs to avoid repeating it and to restore the family's honor.

Thus during his U.S. Army career, Lee was extremely scrupulous in his behavior: no wenching, no drinking, no gambling, no swearing, even. And absolutely no involvement in politics, which Lee saw as a sleazy milieu where even an honest man could be entangled in corruption.
 
Interesting and fairly novel PoD...

One knock-on to consider: with Douglas moving on to the Presidency, who replaces him in the Senate?

I think the legislature was Democrat-controlled in 1857, so a Democrat is named to the vacancy. But what happens in 1858? Can Lincoln lead the Republicans to victory, and enter the Senate in 1859?
 
In 1858 from what I read it was basically gerrymandering which kept the Republicans from victory. They got a majority of the votes. Dread Scott might still happen the majority would still favor the otl position.
 
Timeline Update #2
Post #2


As Douglas's inauguration loomed closer, he could feel the weight of the oncoming administration. Already he knew he was being watched and judged more closely then perhaps any president since Washington himself. The reason was plain, as the nation hung by a thread. With the various sections of the nation at war with each other, every choice, every decision,m every law became a proxy for North versus South. Somehow Douglas would have to thread the needle between the two sides. There was no other option for the Illinois Democrat. For all of his flaws, Douglas was, at heart, a Unionist and had absolutely no patience of either secessionist Southern fire-eaters or for radical abolitionists Republicans. The United States would not dissolve under his watch, no matter what it took.

stephen-douglas-1.jpg

Douglas in 1856, just before his ascension to the Presidency.

Of course, due to his constant moderation and central role in the events of the preceding decade, Douglas had been vilified by both sides at this point. In the South he was viewed as unreliable as the pro-slavery forces had started to doubt every Northerner, no matter which party. Would a northern man really have the interests of their section at heart? In the North he was viewed as a puppet for southern slave masters, a dangerous tool of the Slave Power. Was not his concept of 'popular sovereignty' merely a device to extend slavery beyond its natural borders and to every corner of the Union? Had he not buried the old Missouri Compromise? In what ways would he kowtow to the South during his Presidency?

At his inauguration, President Douglas spoke on predictable themes. He stressed the value of popular sovereignty in handling the 'territorial' issues of the West (a euphemistic way of saying slavery). While he did not mention Kansas by name, he did make clear that he would make sure all votes and conventions be hold in a 'fair and harmonious matter'. Douglas advocated strongly for a Transcontinental Railroad with helped Federal assistance and for increasing the size of the Navy. In what was a coded message to the South, he also celebrated his predecessor's Pierce's territorial adventures and gains for the nation, hinting that more land may be added under his watch.

In was in watchful and wary light that Douglas began his first task as President, assembling a Cabinet. Usually this was a straightforward affair of rewarding your political allies and punishing your rivals. However, Douglas job was complicated as he had to balance sectional needs as well. It would not do to have a Cabinet full of either pro-slavery fire-eaters or of 'moderate' northern Democrats. The concept of Republicans in the Cabinet was, of course, unthinkable. No, Douglas would need to balance this, as to create an atmosphere of compromise and cooperation.

One member of his Cabinet had already be chosen of course, his Vice President had been picked by the Convention in Philadelphia back in 1856, for the election. John Breckenridge of Kentucky, a long time Senator and slave owner had been chosen, and considering the choice had been out of Douglas's hands, it could have been worse. Breckenridge and Douglas had worked closely for years in the Senate and the Kentuckian was, at least, a staunch Unionist. Still, Breckenridge was always more sympathetic to the South then Douglas and was an olive branch to the slave owners in the party.

One of the offices he could appoint, the most prestigious and potentially most important was Secretary of State, the office dedicated to foreign relations. While Douglas clearly wished to focus on internal matters, he was no fool and saw how intentional politics were deeply entangled in the current slavery maelstrom. It was a post he was willing to give to a Southerner, a sign that he was willing to entertain expansionary ideas, like Pierce before him. Still, Douglas wanted a Unionist, someone who wanted to keep the nation together despite the slavery crisis. He found such a man in Alexander Stephens, a Georgia Democrat who had labored for pro-Union ideas for years. Even better he had been a key Douglas ally in the past, and a critical part of making the Kansas-Nebraska Act a reality. A strong supporter of slavery, Stephens shored up his Southern base.

That was two offices filled by Southerners and for his Secretary of the Treasury, Douglas needed a northern man. He considered former Vic President Pennsylvanian George Dallas, but considered Dallas too much in favor of reducing tariffs. The South, with its export driven economy had long wanted to reduce American tariffs and appointing such an anti-tariff man would surely label Douglas as a tool of the South. Instead he appointed Horatio Seymour, a former governor of New York. Again, he was a staunch Douglas ally and had helped him prevail at the 1856 convention. A loyal Unionist Northerner was exactly what Douglas needed.

HoratioSeymour_circa1860.png

Horatio Seymour, Douglas's choice for Treasury

The next was the Secretary of War, a key position. Here Douglas needed to send a strong message that he would keep the nation together, by force if necessary. While so far disunion had merely been loose talk by southern extremists, Douglas could imagine, all too well, violence breaking out if he misstepped. To counter this, he would need a strong, Unionist hand in charge of the military. Douglas found such a man in Andrew Johnson, the outgoing governor of Tennessee. A former Whig, now Democrat he was noted for two political viewpoints. One was a total commitment to the Union despite the divides over slavery. Secondly he advocated for a Homestead Act, laws that would open the West to smallhold farmers and landowners. Support for such a law was usually reserved for the anti-slavery north who saw it as a way to combat the growth of plantation style farming in the West. This unusual cross-party support made Johnson a perfect choice.

The others positions in the Cabinet were not as vital and Douglas made short work of them, trying to even out the sectional birthplaces of his appointees. He chose Pennsylvanian Jeremiah Black for Attorney General, Party man from Ohio Samuel Medary to Postmaster General, Massachusetts born Clabel Cushing for Secretary of the Navy and Missourian Willard Hall for Secretary of the Interior.


Despite Douglas's best efforts of course, many of these appointments faced public complaints from one section or another. It was quickly noted that Douglas only picked political allies and those that had helped him in his ascension to the nomination. Republicans also pointed out that the highest offices, those of Vice President, Secretary of War and Secretary of State were all given to pro-slavery Southerners. For the slave owners, Douglas' Cabinet lacked any Fire-Eaters or extreme slave rights advocates and only one, Stephens, from a deep South state.

One thing was clear to all observers however, and that was that Douglas had picked all strident Union men. All of them had made clear, in addresses both public and private, that they would stop at nothing to hold the country together no matter the threat. It sent a strong signal to both abolitionist Republicans and to secessionist Southerners that the current Administration would brook no talk, let alone action, of disunion. The question still remained though, would they remain united against the tide of discord that was sweeping the nation?
 
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Interesting TL so far, man. Just noticed one little thing: I think you accidentally colored in Long Island as being blue even with NY going Republican.....

That aside, curious to see where you'll take this, Tai Pan.....:cool:
 
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