That's one of the things I'm musing about in the background. I think we're going to see a much more assertive and (dare I say it?) imperialistic India ITTL. In OTL independence came as an offer from Cripps which was seen as "A post-dated cheque on a crashing bank" and certainly the UK of 1948 wasn't a very impressive power. ITTL the bank is still very much solvent, and Indian troops are among those fighting their way into the belly of the beast in Berlin. Add in the fact that we seem to be moving towards a single federal state rather than the OTL India-Pakistan confrontation and I think at the very least India will be much more self-confident and outward looking.
Are they really going to care all that much about their reputation?
In a word, yes.
Even an India that will be much more self-confident and outward looking is going to be markedly different from the European powers and European derived powers like the ones in Australasia. As others (notably
@Stormsword) have pointed out earlier in the thread India will almost certainly be a very anti-colonial and anti-apartheid power and one key facet of this will likely be an India that is
more strident about non-intervention but more likely to champion non-interventionist actions (such as economic sanctions, boycotts, international pressure and coordinated international diplomatic overtures). Besides which, the idea of Indian intervention in Fiji is based on the misconception that there are some rather strong ties between India and its diaspora. There are most certainly ties, and some very important ones at that, but this misses the fact that in many cases the ties are stronger in one direction (the diaspora's ties towards India) than vice versa. This is not something likely to be changed by having a single federal Indian state rather than OTL India-Pakistan (and Bangladesh) since pretty much all political actors in OTL India and Pakistan seemed to have similar views on the concept of citizenship (which at its core speaks to who belongs to the national community). In both cases, neither successor state to the Raj even seemed to seriously contemplate including persons whose ancestors had left India during indentureship as automatic Indian citizens since in both cases they basically frown upon (or outright banned) dual citizenship. One could register as a citizen, but that would basically involve giving up the previous citizenship (which for those residing in the West Indies, Uganda, South Africa, Fiji and the UK would essentially mean giving up their lives in order to apply for permanent residency in a place that they had lived in their entire lives from birth). To give some context, Indian indentureship ended in 1920. So by the time of the 1987 coup in Fiji most persons who could actually remember having lived
in India would have been over 67 years old (and likely have been older to have any but the vaguest memories). By way of example the leader of the Indo-Fijian party, the NFP, at the time of the coup was Harish Sharma who was...born in Fiji..in 1932. His predecessor, Siddiq Koya was born
in...Fiji..in 1924 to Malayali/Malabari immigrants. You have to go back to the founder of the NFP, A.D. Patel to find a political leader who was actually born in India, and even then Patel died in 1969 (a year before Fiji became independent) and he himself wanted in independent and racially integrated Fiji, not for Fiji to be suborned to India or anywhere else.
In fact in some ways the differing balances in terms of ties would likely be accentuated in some respects since diaspora Indians generally (but not always) tended to have a more generalized Indian identity whereas in India itself both the Indian
and regional identity would and are important and in this TL India will now include all of OTL Pakistan and Bangladesh (adding yet more important regional identities). This is a similar (but weaker) phenomenon to the how the African diaspora in places like the Americas tends to have a more cohesive group identity than the group(s) from which they originated and how West Indian/Caribbean and Pacific Islander diasporas in places like the UK, Canada and the USA tend to have a slightly more cohesive group identity than the regions their ancestors hail from. When you are in a sea of strangers, the person whose parents come from that village/state/region/island that would be traditional rivals with your parents' village/state/region/island is now much more acceptable as a social contact because in that environment the commonalities get a chance to outweigh the differences. Hence the Indian diaspora are just that, Indians. Very few will be able (and fewer still will bother) to identify themselves as diaspora Biharis, Punjabis or Assamese unless there is a really large community from a given area.
India is very, very unlikely to intervene in Fiji except to perhaps push for suspension from the Commonwealth and really pushing diplomatically for a reversal of the coup.
That was rather my point - I'm by no means an expert on Soviet racism, but my understanding is that the attitude towards those from the southern "republics" was very different than that towards Slavs.
Given that at the time the person in charge (and who would be in charge until 1953) was most certainly
not a Slav (but at best a Georgian with perhaps some Ossetian heritage) and pretty much only put in place policies that were in essence pro-Russian (dropping The Internationale in favour of a patriotic song for the national anthem; tolerating the Russian Orthodox Church a bit more, promoting pan-Slav sentiment, appealing to Russian history) and which were rather major reversals of previous policies because of Operation Barbarossa (which remember does not happen in TTL) I think you are in danger of mixing up post OTL 1941-USSR with OTL pre-1941 USSR and assuming that in your own TL that the character of the USSR will converge to OTL post-1941 USSR even though a major catalyst for such a change is actually butterflied away. The USSR taking the Belorussian and Ukrainian areas of eastern Poland can be very much explained by Stalin's desire to:
1. obtain strategic depth
2. obtain territories that he thought should have belonged to the USSR by right (hence Moldavia; the designs on the very much non-Russian and non-Slav Finns; the initial border claims in eastern Anatolia (which were centred around the territories ceded to Turkey in 1921 but which according to Molotov needed to be legitimized through renegotiation since they were initially made at a time of Soviet weakness) that followed the old pre-1921 Russo-Ottoman border (the more extensive claims were actually pushed by the Georgian SSR and Armenian SSR themselves rather than the Union government and the Union government seemed to not discourage such claims on the chance that it could obtain further territories through those republican claims); and gaining Western recognition for retaking southern Sakhalin and the Kurile Islands - also note that southern Sakhalin also did not have Russians or Slav inhabitants at the time; also note that even the final Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact border followed both the 1919 Curzon Line south of Brest as well as
following the 1919 border proposed by West Ukraine concerning the division of Galicia along the San River and of course since West Ukraine claimed itself to be an autonomous area of the Ukrainian People's Republic and the predecessor Soviet Ukrainian entities of the Ukrainian People's Republic of Soviets and the Ukrainian Soviet Republic claimed to be the legitimate governments for all of Ukraine...)
3. ensure that there were no competing styles of government that nationalities within the USSR could look to through their co-ethnic brethen living across the border (so no examples of non-communist Ukrainian or Belorussian society to fuel anti-communist sentiment in the Belorussian SSR and Ukrainian SSR - this would also partly explain the desire to obtain eastern Anatolia from Turkey (although obtaining a deeper buffer against Turkey and any moves from Anatolia seemed like the primary motivation) and the reluctance to withdraw fully from northern Iran (ensure all Azeris lived under a communist society), but why withdrawing from northern Norway and Bornholm mostly proceeded as agreed).
For starters, The Internationale is very very likely to remain the anthem of the USSR in your TL with its very internationalist lyrics referencing and urging all the workers of world to unite and rise up, versus the OTL post-1943/1944 state anthem with its explicit references to Great Rus'.