The North Star is Red: a Wallace Presidency, KMT Victory, Alternate Cold War TL

Surprisingly, although British government was wildly unpopular, several Tanganyikan independence activists lent their help to the British as Amin's armies got more and more uncomfortably close to Dar Es Salaam.
I take it these nationalists believe that the devil they know is better than the devil they don't know?
 
A mixed bag.

Better than OTL: Iran, Pakistan, Lybia, Afghanistan, both Chinas, Italy, Hungary and possibly even the Soviet Union.

Worse than OTL: Egypt, Iraq, Turkey, Greece, India, Algeria, Indonesia and a good chunk of Western Europe
I'd say India is a lot less politically stable, but it's probably a lot better off for most Indians just due to faster economic development. I am reminded of Amartya Sen just tallying how many people die of child malnutrition, infant mortality, easily preventable diseases, and etc. to put a human life toll on delayed economic development.
 
I'd say India is a lot less politically stable, but it's probably a lot better off for most Indians just due to faster economic development. I am reminded of Amartya Sen just tallying how many people die of child malnutrition, infant mortality, easily preventable diseases, and etc. to put a human life toll on delayed economic development.
I think India able to recover quickly definitely a good thing. What is the situation of Hindus in East Pakistan? What is the status of rss?
 
I think India able to recover quickly definitely a good thing. What is the situation of Hindus in East Pakistan? What is the status of rss?
1. Probably same as OTL 1960. Nothing like Operation Searchlight has happened to them.

2. Repressed for suspected but not proven (and probably not true) involvement in the assassination of Nehru but ultimately still kicking around ("you can't kill an idea")
 
Chapter 173 - The Sun Sets on the British Empire
The Sun Sets on the British Empire
Peron decided to give it another try. In 1953, he had attempted to buy the Falkland Islands from Britain, but the Churchill politely rebuffed him by arguing that such a move would be politically perilous. In 1964, the situation was very different indeed. Both regimes were in a sense suffering. Although Peron had foiled a coup attempt in 1955 and managed to hold on thanks to generous US support from the Kennedy Administration (which helped smooth over bad blood from the abortive US-supported coup against Peron), the Peronist experiment failed to actually address the fundamental problems with Peronism. It was less a failure of import substitute industrialization and simply a failure of competence - regulatory rules promulgated by the state simply changed too quickly and were too vague. State-owned industries were largely staffed by political appointees. In response to an agricultural crisis, Peron's second five-year plan primarily focused on maximizing agricultural exports (primarily to the United States). Although this helped turn around the steep recession (that led to the 1955 coup), the wages of urban workers, much of his original political base, suffered.

The Americans could keep enemies on the right at bay - but enemies at the left only continued to grow. Strife in many of Argentina's industrial urban cities grew to high levels - with shootings, bombings, and retaliatory shootings and bombings between far-left and far-right radicals. Although the name wasn't actually contemparenously used, many left-wing urban guerillas began to refer to themselves as "New Montoneros" in reference to the Montoneras paramilitary groups that organized during the wars of independence against Spain. In opposition, right-wing groups branded themselves "Tacuaras" - the term for the lances used by the Montoneras in the independence wars. In cooperation with the CIA, the Argentina government encouraged both sides so that Peron could brand himself as a "peaceful centrist" who safeguarded Argentinian stability from the extremes. By 1963, the cities were violent, but the large agricultural producers, once fierce opponents of Peron, began to view him as the least-bad option, especially given his close relations with the United States, which was buying up most of Argentina's grain and beef. The United States didn't actually need the grain - but one of the incentives for Latin American nations to participate in Kennedy's "Alliance for Progress" in Latin America was to have a place to drop exports. In practice, the US always needed food and materials to pass onto friendly governments in the developing world (in particular, the Congo). He had managed to broker quite the personal rapport with President Kennedy.

In 1964, shortly after a failed far-right assassination attempt on Peron, he decided to legitimize his support among the right by seeking a nationalistic triumph. He didn't want to ally with them - but he at least wanted to be not hated enough to get shot. Peron's government sent a secret telegraph to the United Kingdom with a simple demand: the United Kingdom would accept his offer to purchase the Falkland Islands (identical as the one in 1953) - or Peron would take the islands by force. With the United Kingdom facing colonial problems in Tanganyika, Egypt, Greece, Cyprus, Jordan, Sudan, Singapore, Hong Kong, and Sri Lanka, the British had to weigh their options. The personal documents of Peron indicated that he was completely bluffing - he wasn't actually willing to risk a war with even a distracted United Kingdom. An infamous shouting match took place in the British cabinet over the demands. Prime Minister George Brown telegraphed President Kennedy asking if he would have support in the Falklands - Kennedy shot him down almost immediately. In the end, over the objections of the Conservatives in the cabinet, Brown folded. He announced from 10 Downing Street that the British Empire was accepting an offer to sell the Falkland Islands to Argentina with the guarantee that all Falkland Islanders enjoyed British nationality and permanent residency status - and that he would immediately committing the money from the transaction towards the replacement of the Royal Navy carriers destroyed in the Battle of Souda.

The Conservative Party, as predicted by Churchill in 1953, reacted with fury against the decision, including Minister of Defense John Profumo. The Conservatives made the shock decision to pull their support from the government. Once it was clear that the government would fall, almost the entire Conservative Party turned against the government, remembering what had happened to the anti-Churchill conservatives in the election a decade ago. The government fell. The 1964 UK elections would prove to be one of the most dramatic in history simply because it took place during a rapidly deteriorating international situation. The total destruction of the British Army in the West Bank was viewed as the worst defeat for British land forces since the Battle of Singapore - a further blow to British national esteem after the Battle of Souda. Stories of Idi Amin's atrocities finally trickled to Britain itself. During the election campaign itself, British soldiers and pro-Royalist Egyptians were forced to flee the city of Alexandria as rebel troops finally cut off water and power to the city. The rebel victory in Alexandria was a huge propaganda victory - as it was only 12 years ago that the British had crushed the Free Officer's revolt in the Siege of Alexandria. Finally, two other humiliations were to hurt the British government.

In Singapore, left-PAP members, after years of tossing rotten durians at the British naval base, watched as the British Navy had to leave to support operations in Jordan. Seeing the catastrophe facing the British around the globe, these PAP cadres ended up picking a fight with British troops. After years of restraint, finally one British soldier snapped, firing into the crowd of Singaporean protestors. A crowd of infuriated protesters stormed the base, quickly overwhelming the limited number of British troops guarding the base (most troops had been redeployed to the Middle East). Soon, the Singapore Navy Base was occupied by civilians, looting and rioting through the base. Left-PAP leaders managed to prevent any of the British soldiers from being killed, but they were captured and seemingly held hostage. In many ways, this was seen a way for the left-PAP to cement its ideological dominance over the right - by aligning itself with the most aggressive nationalistic stance possible. Remaining British colonial officers were captured in the same way. These left-PAP leaders would state to newspapers that the officials and soldiers would be released as soon as the United Kingdom recognized the independence of Singapore. The Labour government refused. Looking at the Hong Kong example as a precedent - they asked the leader of Malaya, Tunku Abdul Rahman, to intervene with his troops to save the British hostages. He denied the request - he had no interest in Singapore and he feared the demographic threat that would happen if he integrated that many ethnic Chinese into his Malay ethnostate. The British...had really nothing they could do.

Most humiliating to the United Kingdom was the acts of a different power - worst of all, another NATO member nation. The rise of the Falangists had caused a rush of students to join the Sindicato Español Universitario (SEU), the student movement of the Falange. However, Francisco Franco still distrusted the Falange and was widely believed to be readying an order to disband the SEU. The Falange had won the economic argument for Spanish industrial party over the Opus Dei technocrats - and that was enough victory from Franco's perspective. He was looking for a reason to disband the SEU. He found one. Radical Falangist youths, learning from the examples of Hong Kong and Singapore, decided to pull a similar move. Finding arms from the increasingly large Batallón Vasco Español (Spanish Basque Batallion), a pro-government paramilitary group formed to fight the increasingly bloody ETA insurgency in the Basque Country, a motley gang of Carlist-Falangists (amusingly mostly ethnic Basque who stuck out with their accents) simply rented fishing boats, rowed around to Gibraltar, and stormed the lightly populated island with assault rifles and grenades. Like Hong Kong and Singapore, Gibraltar was lightly guarded because of ongoing wars in the Mediterranean (most Gibraltar regiments were in Crete at the time). The local police force, wildly outnumbered, decided to fight anyways in defense of their staunchly unionist homes. In a famous battle, a dozen policeman held out from constant assault for hours, but were eventually forced to surrender.

The event caused a huge crisis in NATO. The USA simply decided to stay completely outside of the dispute. Spanish diplomats were actually horrified - and Franco ordered the student division of the Falange abolished. Apologizing to Spain's European allies, the Spanish Army moved directly into Gibraltar, disarmed the militiamen, and then arrested them. On paper, the Spanish were playing exactly as a responsible, good-faith actor would. Then the Spanish troops indicated they wouldn't actually be leaving. Arguing to the rest of NATO that the United Kingdom was unable to protect Gibralter, Franco's government indicated that Spanish troops would stay until British troops would return. This was widely interpreted in Britain as a blatant and illegal land grab - and the British went to NATO for help. The French and West Germans solidly backed the Spanish, the United States stayed out of the conflict (seeing no interest in supporting either side), and Italy still wasn't a NATO member. Britain was alone, once again.

On paper, everything seemed to be going wrong for the incumbent Labour government. And then two weeks before the election, the scandal struck. John Profumo, former Minister of Defense and the current leader of the Conservative Paper was revealed by the Sun to be having an affair with a 21-year old model, Christine Keeler. The real clincher was that Keeler was found to be having an affair simultaneously also with a member of the Soviet naval attache. Widespread conspiracy theories erupted - chief among that Profumo was compromised by Soviet espionage - or that he was even himself purposely losing wars abroad. The uproar was tremendous - and although Profumo denied the affair, he was forced to resign after an infamous interaction between the Daily Mail and Soviet Ambassador. When the Soviet ambassador was asked if Christine Keeler was an intelligence asset for the NKVD, he began randomly commenting about the quality of English food, which was viewed as perhaps the most suspicious answer ever given. Soviet archives revealed that no, she actually wasn't - but that the Soviets quickly realized it served Soviet interests to actually look competent and brilliant abroad (to distract from the fact that the USSR was in total political collapse). The problem was that Profumo resigned six days before the actual election, so the Conservative Party essentially went into the election with no actual party leader. With absolutely no guidance from a national campaign, local Tory candidates often resorted to what they saw as the most effective campaign tactic - race-baiting. If it saved them in 1955, it might save them again. A large number of Pakistani refugees had fled from Pakistan to the United Kingdom as a result of what the West was calling the "Pakistani genocide" - so local Tories often just campaigned less on foreign policy (which seemed disastrous) and just parroted talking lines about "sending the Pakis back."

The British elections of 1964 would at least seem the most consequential in British history, well, until at least the next one.
 
It feels like a natural consequence. In OTL Britain was sensible enough to withdraw from a lot of places, under threat of a violent collapse like this. In TTL Britain hasn't. Instead it has tried to keep control, or at least substantial political influence, over vast tracts of the world, from the Far East to the Middle East to Africa to the Americas. Britain used to able to afford that kind of globe-spanning commitment but it isn't strong enough for that and hasn't been since the Second World War or earlier. This was therefore unsustainable, propped up only by reputation: lingering memories of British power from the time when it was greater than it is 'now' (in the 1960s). Once that reputation has been punctured, all Britain's many enemies in different regions get to take advantage of the opportunity. Britain is so over-extended, it has so many fires to put out, that it can't devote enough force in any one theatre to put out the fire successfully. So all the fires are allowed to grow bigger and hotter.
 
Chapter 174 - The UK Elections of 1964
The UK Elections of 1964
When the dust cleared, Britain had a new Prime Minister. Amusingly, very few British people had any idea who their new Prime Minister was. All three parties seem equally non-viable for different reasons. Labour was blamed for a terrible war record - with both right-wingers and leftists defecting in untold numbers. The Conservatives had been hit by the mother of all scandals - with many middle-class British blaming the Conservative adherence to a seemingly outdated empire for causing the crisis. In theory, the Liberals would be easily poised to capitalize, especially as the only party with consistently anti-war, anti-nuclear credentials (both Labour the Tories rebuffed the growing Committee for Nuclear Disarmament). However, it would not be so simple.

Acland had been forced to resign in 1963 after a seemingly disappointing election. A vicious leadership election took place - where the radical Young Liberals was able to elect one of their own as Leader of the Liberal Party. This only took place because most moderate, older Liberals opted to join the National Government in hopes of influencing the government from the inside. Indeed, although small in number, they were a very useful counterweight to Tory hawks. In 1963, the newly elected MP Tony Greaves found himself the leader of the rump Liberal Party at age 21, a rump caucus where the average age was under 40. The oldest Liberal MP was literally only 46 - the Welsh Labour defector Leo Abse. The former Scottish Tory Tam Dalyell was relatively old, at 32. Indeed, Greaves was nominated by the Young Liberal faction because he was relatively old - their de facto leader, Louis Eaks, had been elected at age 19. Strange leadership elections happen when over three-fourths of your MPs simply defected - including Acland himself. In short, very few people took the radical Liberals seriously, chief among themselves, who spent most of the campaign complaining about how the "rigged" first-past-the-post electoral system in the United Kingdom rigged the system in favor of the two major parties.

Concern grew slowly to worry and panic as British political observers increasingly began to realize something had gone deeply wrong. Indeed, the most memorable moment of the night was the so-called "Baxter" moment - when long-time Conservative MP Beverly Baxter, who had represented the solidly Conservative constituency of Southgate in the upscale outskirts of London since 1935 (surviving even the 1945 Labour landslide), was declared to have lost his seat to a Liberal Party challenger. And so the rest of the night would go.

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Britain's political class was shocked at the earthquake. Even the old guard of the Liberals, largely brushed aside, were shocked. Upscale, suburban Britain had given an overpowering victory to the Liberals - despite their hard-left radicalism, they were still seen as more "erudite" than the working-class Labour Party. Indeed, Labour activists fumed, arguing that the Liberal success was proof of the power of class in politics - that Tory voters would prefer an aristocratic radical to a moderate coal miner. That was certainly part of the equation - but it was also entirely true that neither party took the Liberals seriously at all. After all, they were viewed as juvenile student upstarts and few politicians took them seriously. However, the British public, which had seen a student protest topple Laventry Beria's reign of terror in the Soviet Union actually seemed very amenable to the notion of a young leader.

Moreover, instead of focusing on the scariest elements of the Liberal Party platform, the Tories and Labour largely attacked them over nuclear weaponry - arguing they would give a greenlight to those like Beria (which further drew attention to Beria's political demise) and Israel. In particular, both political parties argued that Young Liberal firebrand Louis Eaks, the foreign policy spokesperson for the Liberals, was an anti-Semite due to his ferocious denunciations of "Zionist Imperialism" and "British Zionists" - but those complaints completely backfired during the Israeli conquest of the West Bank. Even as election day came closer, neither party truly took the Liberals seriously. In many cases, they had barely campaigned, with centralized campaigning run by MP Trevor Jones (age 37). Which is no surprise - since many of those that had put their names in were just random students who were told by Liberal HQ that their deposits would be covered by the Liberal Party (this was a lie) because the Liberal Party wanted to run a candidate against every "National Government" candidate.

In many ways, the new government alarmed perhaps every foreign policy thinker on both sides of the Atlantic. Although they portrayed a happy-go-lucky young middle-class suburban image to relatively low-information upscale voters, their foreign policies were actually quite radical. Many of them described themselves as "libertarian socialists." They called for British withdrawal from NATO, unilateral nuclear disarmament, an end to all of Britain's current colonial wars (except against Israel, which they referred to as the "Zionist state"), opposition to South African apartheid, opposition to the Indian invasion of Sri Lanka (which Britain had previously green-lit), recognition of the People's Republic of Korea, recognition of Singapore's unilateral declaration of independence, restoration of relations with Iran, and expulsion of all US troops from the United Kingdom. Outside of extreme foreign policy, their actual domestic policy wasn't particularly radical, calling for only minor tweaks and rejecting the calls of the Labour Party in favor of industrial nationalizations - instead, the Liberals, largely from relatively bourgeoisie backgrounds, called instead for "workplace democracy", which in practice was essentially just the continental European policy of co-determination (the right of workers to vote for a representative at the Board of Directors). The fact that they never called for tax hikes nor welfare cuts actually made them tolerable to most everyday British voters. It helped them that the United Kingdom was a deep recession due to the 1963 Oil Shock - and both the Tories and Labour were complicit in crushing austerity policies that brought the postwar consensus to a grinding halt. The result would be several extremely tumultuous years for the United Kingdom, led at first by a young man who was elected to his first political office at the age of 21 - was made leader of a fringe political party a few weeks later - and then a year later at 22, became the youngest British Prime Minister since Pitt the Younger.
 
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Chapter 175 - Impeachment?
Impeachment?
The 1962 election were often treated as a dead-cat bounce for the Republican Party. Yet, this largely evaded actual notice because the results of the election seemed actually quite mixed. Although the fractitious Republican coalition managed to significantly increase their share of seats in the House of Representatives, they actually lost a significant number of Senators. Not because it was a particularly bad year for the Republican Party - but because the Senate elections of 1962 were for the seats up in 1956, a Republican banner year that saw Republicans swamp Congress and flip both houses of Congress - before subsequently losing both houses of Congress in mass defections in the aftermath of the Revolt of the Admirals.

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In practice, this made policy as easy as ever for the Democratic majority. The Republican coalition was so ideologically fractious that it was never very hard to pull off a significant share of Republican politicians to support policies piece-meal. And the enlarged Senate majority dutifully confirmed nominees with very little genuine review or advice. In practice, decisions were made in the White House and fulfilled by Senators, who feared for their futures if they wavered. There was no outright coercion - but it was widely understood that businesses would loathe to hire politicians who retired after defying the government. Politicians deeply motivated by financial motivations (for presumably lucrative post-political careers) were simply not going to risk their future careers as lobbyists, corporate board members, etc.

However, by 1963, a backlash was brewing. The release of the "DOJ Papers" sent the opposition howling, screeching for political blood. A decade of antipathy towards the heavy-handed tactics of the Kennedy Administration poured out as the opposition became more unified than ever. A word, rarely uttered in American politics, quickly began to escape the mouth of Republican politicians: "impeachment." However - one problem loomed. For one, they didn't actually control either house of Congress. Speaker of the House McCormack, who had already announced that he would be retiring after the 1964 elections, basically shut down the line of reasoning immediately. Republican-friendly regional newspapers (such as the New Hampshire Union Leader) were typically the only newspapers willing to publish the ongoing scandal, which deeply motivated a large swath of GOP voters but failed to move the dial on centrist politicians. Indeed, the "McCormack line" held strong. Several Republican Congressmen submitted Articles of Impeachment. None were voted on.

Although in many ways, Goldwater believed he was the presumptive nominee in 1964, Republican public opinion turned sharply against both the wars and the influence of intelligence agencies in the United States and abroad. The Congo War had become increasingly unpopular among the Republican Party - while Goldwater was staunchly in favor, arguing that the United States could only win the war by escalating the war into Rwanda, Sudan, Burundi, and other African nations. Similarly, the divide between the Scoop Jackson camp and Abraham Ribicoff camp grew more hostile, as they vehemently disagreed on American foreign policy going forward. The 1963 oil shock brought the massive economic economic boom of the United States to a grinding halt - and Kennedy's response was domestic austerity with no change in foreign or defense policy. For example, funding for the rural clinics originally implemented by the Kennedy Administration to more broadly distribute wealth were nearly cut by half in the 1963 budget. A Kennedy-era program to basically pay off school districts to integrate was completely cut. In contrast, defense spending and military assistance abroad saw further increases. The Jackson line agreed with this - but Ribicoff became increasingly opposed. The Kennedy tax cuts were also pared back, but this didn't particularly outrage either camp.

Throughout 1963, Kennedy's approval ratings quickly came down to earth after both the release of the DOJ Papers and the oil shock - falling to the mid 50's from the low 70's. Although Republicans often accused Kennedy of wanting a third term - he explicitly rejected this notion and prepared to step down as expected. As a result, not only was the real drama who would succeed him - but the fall of his approval ratings also meant that all parties involved were more willing to disregard his actual politics in order to build what they believed would be the ideal "legacy."
 
lol I just realized you turned the revolt of the admirals in an actual revolt. Though I forget, with no OTL Korean war, what became of the original dispute?
 
Chapter 176 - Raaaaaace Waaaaar! Race War!
Raaaaaace Waaaaar! Race War!
The reaction in Ceylon to news of the Indian invasion was furious and widely blamed on "Tamil conspirators." While the coup plotters who had appealed to allies in India once their coup stalled were largely Tamil, they were a relatively non-representative class of Tamils, mostly Christian Tamils who had been privileged during the period of British colonization and highly overrepresented in the Ceylonese Army and Police force. This nuance was totally lost in most of Ceylon, as mobs of pro-government militias burned down Tamil neighborhoods and engaged in mass murder and rape against Tamil Ceylonese. Stories of lurid atrocities quickly spread like wildfire among Tamil Ceylonese and many were essentially pushed into supporting the Indian invasion by the mass violence. As a result, many young Tamils flocked to anti-government militias, which only furthered the cycle of violence.

Although much of the Ceylonese officer corps subsequently defected, most of the rank and file soldiers did not. As a result, an attempt by the Ceylonese rebels to sabotage much of Ceylon's military capabilities was largely ignored by local troops. As a result, although the Ceylonese Army was left largely leaderless, it still retained most of its equipment and manpower - and amphibious assaults are typically very difficult to make. However, the United Kingdom in 1962 had offered significant logistical support, which allowed the Indian Navy to largely focus on combat operations. In March of 1962, the city of Jaffna came under massive Indian naval and aerial bombardment. Although the Indian Air Force took severe losses from anti-aircraft guns that they did not expect to be active, rebel groups distracted Ceylonese troops long enough for Indian paratroopers to seize significant strategic areas overlooking the harbor, making the Ceylonese position increasingly untenable. Moreover, local Tamils (even though most were ambivalent about the Indian invasion) were seen as a possible fifth column by radicalized Ceylonese soldiers, which made them waste significant manpower in "patrolling" the locals.

Interestingly, the actual battle itself was not particularly bloody for either army - both the Indian and Ceylonese Army suffered fewer than a thousand deaths, especially because the Ceylonese Army pulled out once their position was untenable. However, the battle was devastating for the civilian population of Jaffna, as the Ceylonese Army adopted a scorched earth policy before retreating into what they saw as more "ethnically friendly" policy. In the aftermath of "liberation", mobs of young Tamil militiamen engaged in equally brutal reprisals against both Sinhalese and moderate Tamils for several days before the Indian Army and rebel leaders cracked down.

What began as an arcane struggle between two sets of postcolonial elites quickly expanded into mass ethnic violence across the island, especially as the Sinhalese Army's scorched earth policy left most of Northern and Eastern Ceylon in flames. Although Jaffna's position on the tip of a peninsula made it almost uniquely indefensible, the Ceylonese Army dug in and fought elsewhere. The Indian Army, eager to deter Pakistan, was ordered to disregard typical concerns over collateral damage and bring out all of the heavy weaponry they could. Indian strategy boiled largely down to shooting as many shells as possible at the enemy army - and only attacking in force with aerial and artillery assets. In contrast, the Ceylonese focused primarily on static defense with hit and run attacks with aerial assets. Losing ground steadily, the Ceylonese government officially cut its ties with the United Kingdom (which was obviously trying to overthrow it), declaring itself an independent Republic of Sri Lanka, calling for help from the rest of the world.

Help arrived. The Indian Air Force's ability to dominate the skies of Sri Lanka quickly fell apart as the Sri Lankan air force seemed to triple almost overnight. As properly suspected by most people, aerial assets from the People's Republic of Pakistan had arrived in Sri Lanka, disguised themselves as Sri Lankan planes, and began fighting for the Sri Lankans. Whereas Pakistan viewed itself unable of truly matching the Indian Army in a straight on fight (as proven in their crushing defeat in the Kashmir War), they focused on aerial assets. For example, the Indians primarily relied on the Canadair Sabre, a Canadian version of the American F-86 Sabre jet plane, while the Pakistanis primarily relied on the MiG-21, a small interceptor well suited for launching hit-and-run attacks from ground bases on Indian bombers. The North Japanese significantly stepped up humanitarian aid to Sri Lanka, while the North Chinese sent special operation volunteers. Burma, also enjoying very poor relations with India, would also send volunteers. Indian diplomats grew frustrated that almost every Soviet-aligned state was aiding Sri Lanka - while Western aid that was promised simply failed to most. Even British aid had totally disappeared, as British naval assets were pulled out due to the Mediterranean Crisis.

The final Indian push against Sri Lanka faltered when the ultimate nightmare scenario took place. In 1962, a small division of Soviet forces arrived, armed to the teeth with the latest Soviet weaponry and equipment. The reaction in India was harsh. Anti-Soviet sentiment exploded in India, as the Lokha Sabha passed perhaps the most controversial law in Indian history, a law temporarily dissolving the Communist Party of India who refused to denounce Soviet intervention, which was highly popular in Bengal and Kerala, the state next to Tamil Nadu. Kerala was placed directly under "President's Rule" with the democratically elected Communist-led state government dissolved and much of their advances in universal healthcare, land reform, and education being quickly rolled back. Although a flood of private investment quickly brought high GDP growth, the growth was poorly distributed and wages for the poorest Keralans actually dropped. Furious Keralan workers began sabotaging Indian war efforts against Sri Lanka - with some amusingly even espousing support of Pakistan (despite the millions of Pakistanis fleeing), making it almost impossible for India to rout supplies to the front-lines through Kerala.

In terms of strategic results, the war in Sri Lanka was a horrific quagmire for the Indian Army. Civilian causalities were rising rapidly as the Indian advance crumpled against elite Soviet troops, who simply out-ranged, out-fired, and out-organized the Indian Army (and every other army participating in the war). Man-for-man, the Indian Army was somewhat better than the Sri Lankan Army (and they enjoyed a huge advantage in the number of men they had), but the international volunteers narrowed the numerical gap and Soviet involvement narrowed the quality gap. Soviet anti-air, combined with Pakistani interceptors, brought Indian's aerial dominance to an end. Sri Lankan lines stabilized as Indian forces advanced significantly into majority-Sinhalese territories - and then they further ground to a total halt once they approached the mountains of central Sri Lanka. However, in terms of political dominance, it was great for the leaders of India. Giving them a pretext to outlaw the Communists and tethering the Tamil localists to their side, the right-wing Indian government would survive the unpopularity of its actual policies as a result of the war. Leftist groups were cautious to criticize the group too harshly, lest they also be banned. However, Indian Communists did not stop existing. Indian civil liberties remained largely sacrosanct, and Communists continued to organize, often radicalizing due to their exclusion from the political process.

Realizing the grievous damage that had been done to Sri Lankan race relations, the Indians grew worried about any postwar settlement. In many ways, Tamil nationalists also turned against India, as they staunchly tried to prevent anti-Sinhalese revenge attacks in the occupied territories and officially put their supporters in charge of their Ceylon - an aristocratic Christian Tamil elite. Tamils in India were largely satisfied with India's intervention in Sri Lanka - but some extremists began to doubt their "dedication" to the cause. The fear of Indian annexation was raised, though they were largely dismissed because of India's acquieisnece to Kashmiri independence. However, the politics were different with Sri Lanka - because some Indians did want to annex at least the majority Tamil-regions of Sri Lanka (largely Indian Tamil localist politicians who wanted more Tamil voters).
 
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For example, the Indians primarily relied on the Canadair Sabre, a Canadian version of the American F-86 Sabre jet plane, while the Pakistanis primarily relied on the MiG-21, a small interceptor well suited for launching hit-and-run attacks from ground bases on Indian bombers
I see what you did there...
 
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