Well, what’s this now?

A Timeline in a Week!

These are out of fashion you know.

Yeah whatever. An idea struck me. And so I did it. Not quite ASB, but still rather funny. Aka a perfect choice for a TLIAW!

You do realize you’re likely never gonna finish this in a week right?

Quite possibly! But it will be fun to try, shall it not?

Prolly not.

You’re no fun.

So what’s the gimmick? The hook to draw people in?

Well, this fall I’m moving to Minnesota for Law School. For the first time I’ll be living outside of Ohio, where I was born and raised. So I figured I would commemorate the occasion.

Ah so you’re making a Minnesota themed TLIAW. Maybe an alternate Governor’s thing?

Wait….oh no

Oh yes.

This will do the opposite of drawing people in!

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John Bricker

John W. Bricker (R-OH)
When Robert Taft was diagnosed with what would turn out to be fatal Pancreatic Cancer and was forced to withdraw from the race, the liberal, internationalist Eastern Establishment of the Republican Party breathed a sigh of relief. The threat was gone. Frantic efforts to draft Dwight D. Eisenhower were dropped, much to the General’s relief. The liberals could have a fine, honest fight at the convention. No need to worry about the Right.

This was a mistake.

Bricker, Taft’s fellow Senator from Ohio, was in hindsight an obvious choice to pick up “Mr. Republican’s” falling banner. Both were from Ohio, both were small government, anti-New Deal, conservatives with a heavily isolationist foriegn policy. Bricker had served as the Vice Presidential nominee in 1944, and so had somewhat of a national standing. And he had Taft’s blessing, and the support of the Conservative machinery.

Bricker had been born in Ohio, and attended Ohio State both for undergraduate education for law school. He had been Ohio Attorney General, then Governor, and now Senator for the Buckeye state.

Liberals like Lodge and Warren were blindsided, as Bricker took the convention by storm. Everett Dirksen delivered a stirring rebuke to Dewey in particular crying how his moderation had led the party to defeat in 1948. Dirksen failed to mention the 1944 failing effort, on account of Bricker’s presence on the ticket. Their opposition disorganized and complacent, Bricker’s campaign impressively won on the third ballot. Talk of an Eastern Establishment walkout was only slightly averted by the selection of New Jersey’s Alfred E. Driscoll.

Perhaps a more competent Democratic campaign could have artfully split the Republican vote. But Adlai Stevenson was not the most artful candidate. Bricker was an aggressive campaigner. His isolationism and conservatism rankled many, but he seemed everywhere. The War in Korea helped matters, as he blasted the senseless loss of American life. At the same time he pledged to root out Communism at home, focusing more on his support for McCarthy and HUAC than his opposition to the New Deal. Meanwhile his strict opposition to government intervention earned the interest of many Southerners.

Still, the race was narrow, as Bricker’s positions were simply too extreme for many. But in the end, voter fatigue and dissatisfaction with the economy and Korea won out and Bricker narrowly defeated Stevenson.

Bricker’s Presidency would be tumultuous. It began on a high note, as Congress successfully passed the 23rd Amendment to the Constitution, which severely curtailed the ability of treaties in impacting domestic affairs, and severely limited the President’s ability to independently conduct foriegn affairs. Upon ratification, it was a victory for Bricker, who had championed the Amendment in the Senate.

One foreign policy initiative that was not restricted was in Korea. After the Panmunjom Ceasefire, Bricker would begin the orderly withdrawal of American forces. Critics noted that it would leave the South virtually defenseless. Bricker did not particularly care. Elsewhere in Asia French rule crumbled in Indochina, while cross-strait fire between Taiwan and the Mainland continued at a low level.

In Europe, Bricker proved unable to pull out of NATO completely, but drastically reduced troop commitments, placing more on an onus on European allies. In the Middle East a botched British coup launched the Iranian Civil War, and even Bricker issued a brief commendation as Soviet Tanks rolled into the country, as they would in East Germany and Hungary. Closer to home, Guatemala’s Revolution would continue apace.

Domestically Bricker was blessed with a Republican Majority, at least for his first two years. But any dreams of rolling back the New Deal were never to be. They had become simply too entrenched. No expansion would occur, and certainly nothing like massive spending on roads, but there was no way repealing Social Security was in the cards.

That did nothing to stop Bricker from trying. Try he did to tear down the New Deal. Speeches, working with McCarthy to uncover Communist conspiracies, trying to arm twist legislators. But the speeches wore thin, McCarthy wound up discrediting himself, and legislators proved resilient, especially once the Democrats won Congress in 1954. Even Bricker’s good, conservative, court picks would not tear apart the New Deal. Moderate Republicans began to distance themselves from his flailings. Southern Democrats appreciated his steadfast refusal to address the Civil Rights question, but when led by men like Richard Russell Bricker’s isolationism was a poison pill.

After four years Bricker remained steady enough to be renominated easily, and accusations that he would be another Hoover proved unfounded. But Americans noticed his efforts to undo the accomplishments of Roosevelt. They noticed the expansion of Communist power across the globe, making Bricker’s internal efforts ring hollow. And they noticed his inability to work with Congress. Farmers noticed his cuts to subsidies. Workers noticed his intense lobbying for national right-to-work, which were narrowly defeated. They noticed that Bricker was, in the end, trying to move the country backwards not forwards.

And so America did not re-elect him. Instead they went with a new candidate, a fellow Buckeye who promised something new. The first of his kind to achieve the nation’s highest office. Bricker had been inflexible. His replacement offered just the opposite.

Bricker would retire to Ohio, occasionally giving lectures or writings that defended his accomplishments and attacked his successors, both Republicans and Democrats. He would die in 1984. Largely considered a bottom tier President, Bricker has a few fans among fiscal hawks and extreme doves, but is hardly the topic of popular nostalgia even for those who miss the 1950s.
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Frank Lausche

Frank Lausche (D-OH)

A young Frank Lausche would never have guessed he was going to be President. For one, he was Catholic in an age where Catholicism was still Papist and anathema to many. Secondly, he was a ball player, not a politician. However in the end, baseball proved less lucrative than law, and Lausche would go on to practice in his hometown of Cleveland.

This practice would eventually become a pair of judgeships and then the Mayoralty of Cleveland. As Mayor Lausche assembled an alliance of diverse (white) ethnic interests to secure his power, “the cosmopolitan democrats.” Governing as a pragmatist, Lausche would then propel himself into Ohio’s Governorship succeeding, as he would with the White House, John Bricker. He would lose his first shot at reelection, but would return to power as Governor from 1949 until his nomination for President.

Said nomination would come as a surprise to all. The Convention had deadlocked itself, as various party luminaries scrambled for a chance to unseat Bricker. Despite the draw back of his faith, and relative obscurity, he would attain the nomination by securing support from the Northern Machines and then drawing the South in by selecting LeRoy Collins as his Vice Presidential running mate.

Lausche, a free-wheeling loud spoken city man, proved a powerful contrast on the trail against the perhaps overly Presidential Bricker. Despite an intentionally vague platform, Lausche would hit upon many concerns voters had about Bricker’s efforts to roll back the safety net and America’s retreat from the world. He would win decisively.

As Mayor and Governor Lausche had taken a conciliatory, bipartisan approach to government and he would continue this effort as President. Blessed with Democratic Congressional Majorities, he would nonetheless work across the aisle undoing what rollbacks Bricker had managed to get through. He even oversaw the expansion of Social Security benefits, to general acclaim.

Lausche also worked to undo Bricker’s legacy on the world stage. But here perhaps, the downsides of his conciliatory approach. Once nicknamed “Frank the Fence” Lausche found it hard to come down hard on one side or another.

His response to the Suez Crisis exemplified this well. His “International Canal Zone” solution was innovative, and did end the immediate crisis. But it alienated both Arab states and the European Allies Lausche was hoping to reel back in. This inconsistency lended itself to panic as well. In the wake of the fall of a defenseless South Korea to the North, Lausche drastically increased involvement in South Vietnam with little concern for the long term implications of such a commitment. His backing of the Congo Coup was similarly fraught, although endorsing the Coup he failed to commit entirely to the new regime, leading to the escape of Lumumba and the start of the bloody civil war there that the United States again became involved in.

These actions were broadly popular at the time, however, the American public was happy to see a President standing up to the Reds abroad. This, combined with the modest success of his modest domestic policy and a strong economy enabled Lausche to coast to a broad victory over Nelson Rockefeller, whose liberal credentials pushed many Southerners back into Lausche’s column.

However it all began to unravel. The Congo and Vietnam produced more and more body bags every day, and reports of American crimes spread as well. The right thought he wasn’t doing enough. The left thought he was doing too much. No one liked his meek response to the Berlin Wall. But while foriegn affairs coming home to roost would harm his administration, it was domestic affairs that would doom it.

The Civil Rights movement had been gaining in strength since the end of World War II. African Americans across the nation protesting and pushing for legal equality and an end to segregation. A large number of Northern Democrats were behind the effort, and were pushing Lausche to embrace Civil Rights. But the Southern Democrats were segregation, for all intents and purposes, and Lausche was loath to split the party. And so he dithered and twisted in the wind.

Working with Lyndon Johnson, Lausche touted the 1962 Civil Rights Act as the “final step on a long road.” Except the Bill was extremely watered down, and in no way satisfied the Civil Rights movement and alienated Southerners.

In 1962 as well, a large series of strikes broke out across the nation, and Lausche’s efforts to mediate fell flat, hurting Democratic standing with Unions. This, plus a particularly bloody October in the Congo, cost him his Congressional majority.

From there, things got worse.

In 1963 shootings of Civil Rights protesters by the Mississippi National Guard in Greenwood Mississippi provoked massive unrest across the South. Lausche’s response was too tepid for the liberals and too aggressive for the segregationists. Americans horrified at the scenes of violence were treated to a President calling meekly for a “national pause” to Racial Unrest.

In early 1964 guerrillas in the Congo killed President Mobutu, fracturing the already divided Government and forcing the American military to step in either further. Then in March a series of race riots hit Northern cities, most notably Chicago. The economy tendered into a slight, but noticeable, recession And then the Supreme Court, flush with 7 years of Lausche appointments, handed down a decision in Adams vs Board of Education of Charleston. Plessy vs Ferguson was overturned. And school desegregation was ordered. The South organized massive resistance, while Lausche again dithered, saying the law must be obeyed but unwilling to take action so close to the election.

Lausche was not eligible for reelection, but would likely have lost anyway. He retired to Cleveland, writing a series of surprisingly frank memoirs about his tumultuous Presidency. This did a bit to rehabilitate him in some eyes, but he remains one of the less well regarded Presidents of the post-War Era.

Lausche’s failings likely doomed Scoop Jackson’s energetic campaign in 1964, along with the “American Liberty” Southern Ticket. Americans did want any more platitudes. They wanted order. They wanted efficiency. They wanted a man who was resolute, it wishy washy.

They wanted a man of action.

And they would get him.
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Wow, now there's a pick I've never seen for President before!

I have to say I really like these kinds of timelines, they're a lot of fun to read. Okay so ;let me take a bet on our next President. He's a Republican, clearly. Right out of Ohio as well, so that narrows it down. A man obsessed with Law and Order, cultivating the image of it at the very least. You know what, I'm going to stick my neck out, he's certainly active enough at this point in history. Put me down for Jim Rhodes and let the dark times start a-rolling!
Wow, now there's a pick I've never seen for President before!

I have to say I really like these kinds of timelines, they're a lot of fun to read. Okay so ;let me take a bet on our next President. He's a Republican, clearly. Right out of Ohio as well, so that narrows it down. A man obsessed with Law and Order, cultivating the image of it at the very least. You know what, I'm going to stick my neck out, he's certainly active enough at this point in history. Put me down for Jim Rhodes and let the dark times start a-rolling!
An interesting guess
Wow, now there's a pick I've never seen for President before!
Like Bricker, Lausche is someone who gets used in Wikipedia-warrior lists a lot but never with any real depth - whenever people want a 1950s white-ethnic Democratic moderate from the Midwest, there he is. But I've never seen any actual uses of him as a President rather than a name until now.

As for the subject matter:

I'm interested to see a sharper partisan line on the Cold War earlier, and in the other direction. Between Bricker's isolationism and Lausche's... not hawkishness, exactly, but relative interventionism, I wonder if the traditional isolationist Old Right will stick around as an active force. And the 23rd Amendment is likely to have a huge effect.

Really, overall, Bricker is going to have a large effect on American politics in and of himself - sure, his policy agenda was sparse, but the end result is that the era of broad consensus on the New Deal state, the Cold War, and to an extent even Civil Rights is just not happening. At the same time, the American people decisively rejected that challenge. Does that cash out as a less complacent New Deal Democratic Party being able to hold on for longer, or as more of its critics having more success? Or both? (This is a rhetorical question, to be clear.)

Interested to see where this goes.
I’m gonna predict that while Robert Taft himself never gets the White House, either Robert Taft, Jr. or Bob Taft will get in.

Also calling it: we are getting at least one astronaut turned president. John Glenn is the obvious choice but there’s a LOT of astronauts from the Buckeye State who could make the leap into politics (maybe even Neil Armstrong himself).
Curtis LeMay

Curtis LeMay (R-OH)

The prospect of drafting a general had been touted by the Republican Party several times in recent memory. Eisenhower had been seriously considered in both 1948 and 1952, and of course Douglas MacArthur had actively pushed for his own nomination. But neither had ever emerged from a convention.

Curtis LeMay would.

LeMay was born in Columbus, and although the family would move around the country, they would eventually drift back to Columbus, where LeMay would attend Ohio State University, while entering Army Air Corps reserve. LeMay would distinguish himself in exercises before the war, and would command a bomber group in Europe, before taking over Bomber command in Asia, where he pushed for a strategy of mass strategic bombing of Japanese cities, often using incendiary bombs on civilian targets.

After the war LeMay served briefly in Europe, including during the Berlin Airlift, before returning to the states to head Strategic Air Command. LeMay pushed heavily for the development of a strategic nuclear bombing force, at at times even expressed an open desire for war with the Soviet Union. Initially LeMay was pleased with the Lausche Administration’s interventionism compared to Bricker, but soon became disillusioned. The leaders of the wars in Vietnam and the Congo favored tactical bombing over mass strategic destruction, this, and LeMay’s penchant for argumentatie and off the cuff comments, eventually led him to essentially being forced into retirement in 1962.

Returning to Ohio, LeMay would occasionally give interviews harshly critical of the Lausche Administration’s policies. Initially this was limited to foreign policy, but elements of criticism surrounding domestic issues would also soon emerge. LeMay bemoaned the lawlessness sweeping the country, which he blamed on “rabble rousers and incompetent leadership.” Some comments attracted controversy, such as his “bomb them till they think the planes are gods” comment, but that just increased his publicity.

Many of the Eastern Establishment were skeptical of LeMay, while the Old Isolationists were of course appalled. But there was a wide swath of Conservativedom that liked what LeMay was selling. Tough on Communism abroad, tough on chaos at home. LeMay allowed his name to be entered into several primaries, and swept them all. LeMay’s lack of concern surrounding programs such as Social Security would help him at the Convention, as his supporters would make broad concessions to the liberals in exchange for their support, such as Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. as Vice President. The Brickerites would be locked out, and many would vote for Fabus in the fall, but LeMay would also make surprising inroads into the South in 1964.

LeMay’s campaign would be marked by several gaffes, which were pounced upon by the Jackson Campaign. But it would not be enough, and LeMay would enter the White House, despite lacking anything in the way of political experience.

Domestically LeMay would declare a “War on Disorder,” aimed at stopping the rioting. Working with Conservative Democrats and Republicans alike, LeMay pushed heavily for harsher penalties for criminal activities, and expanded FBI powers. LeMay would work closely with J. Edgar Hoover, looking to infiltrate and clamp down on civil rights protesters and student groups, who grew more strident during this time.

LeMay’s segregationist allies would be displeased to learn that the President blamed them somewhat for the disorder. He would not allow direct violations of federal court orders, at one point lecturing Alabama Governor that “the law is the law is the law.” After the Orangeburg Shootings, when the South Carolina National Guard fired into a crowd of black students LeMay would federalize the National Guard raging about the “shoddy discipline” that he would never have allowed in his own soldiers.

However, by and large LeMay could not stop the chaos. He refused to entertain further civil rights or voting rights legislation. Most of his actions fell on minority populations. The sight of soldiers rolling through American cities became disturbingly common. LeMay was restrained in 1966, when liberals enjoyed a major wave year. Congress began investigations into government overreach and the causes of rioting. LeMay was never, as his critics often alleged at the time, plotting a dictatorship. But it was not hard to see why this was a common fear.

To the surprise of some, LeMay managed to avoid starting World War 3 while in office, the closest he came was another round of shots across the Taiwan Strait and a new proxy war in Sudan. Vice President Lodge would prove an effective de facto ambassador, who would successfully mend fences in Europe that had been shoddy since the Truman Administration. LeMay’s focus was on an expansion of the wars in Vietnam and the Congo, and implementing his beloved strategic bombing plans. In Vietnam with the clear target in the North this had at best mixed results, but in the Congo, where the Lumumbaist Rebels lacked such a centralized supplier it served to alienate more of the population. Neither a surge in troops nor the bombings were ending the twin quagmires, and Americans noticed.

LeMay would also see the vast expansion of CIA activities across the globe. Where Bricker’s isolationism, and Lausche’s indecision had limited it’s actions, LeMay gave them a wide berth. Coups in Indonesia and Burkina Faso, running guns to right wing dictators in the Americas. Cold Warriors prospered under LeMay.

But few else did. Americans had gotten tired. Tired of the riots he could not stop, of the sudden intrusions into their lives, of the deaths abroad, and of LeMay’s constant bluster.

LeMay would live out his life not in Washington or Ohio, but in Maryland until his death in 1989. Although revered by a certain class of hawkish rightists, LeMay has generally been judged a failure by history. His War on Disorder failed badly, and abroad he was responsible for some of the worst destruction wrought by America during the Cold War.

The Americans of 1968 also deemed LeMay a failure. He and the Republicans were voted out in a landslide in favor of a candidate who seemed, almost literally, Heaven sent.
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Ahhhhhhhh goddamn it, I should have seen that coming! Fair play to you, you played me! In all honesty, this is a really interesting pick. LeMay on his own is....curious, to say the least. It seems like the Hawks have really gotten the shaft in this timeline thus far. (Also dumb question, but he dies a year earlier than in OTL, any particular reason for that?)

Hmmm, heaven sent? It's possible that John Glenn won the nomination, but is that too obvious a choice? Eh, I'll stick with Occam's Razor here.
John Glenn

John Glenn (D-OH)
Despite skepticism from some quarters, the American Space Program had grown through the 50s, in part a desperate effort to catch up with Soviet advances into space. And the first American to orbit the Earth was an Ohio boy, John Glenn.

Born in Cambridge and attending Muskingum College where he played football, and met his wife Annie. He would eventually attain a Civilian Pilot’s license, which he would attempt to use to join the Army Air Corps. When this failed he joined the Navy Air Corps, eventually serving in the Marines with honors during World War 2. Glenn would return to combat duty in Korea, where he would be among the first jet pilots, along with Ted Williams of Red Sox fame. After the war’s end, Glenn considered Bricker’s withdrawal disappointing, Glenn would become a test pilot, completing the first transcontinental flight at supersonic speeds.

These exploits made him an ideal fit for the emerging Project Cosmonaut at the National Satellite and Spaceflight Agency, although he only barely met the height requirements to become one of the famous “First 7” Cosmonauts from the United States. Glenn was not the first man into space, or even orbit. That honor was lost to the Soviet Union. Nor was he the first American in Space, with Alan Shepard and Gus Grissom preceding him on suborbital flights. However Glenn would be the first American to orbit the globe from space, aboard his ship the “Friendship” in 1962. Splashing down without incident, Glenn would instantly become a national celebrity, a status maintained by his natural charisma.

However there were 6 over men in the program before Spaceflight would arrive back to him, not to mention the new Project Partners, introducing new cosmonauts to NSSA. In addition Glenn’s newfound fame meant that higher ups were reluctant to put him in any danger. This, along with encouragement from certain Democratic Party officials, most notably the Kennedy brothers, Glenn endeavored to compete for the 1964 Ohio Senate election, launching a primary campaign against Stephen Young, whose health was fading and who was eventually persuaded to retire. This new blood, and Glenn’s outsider image, likely saved the Democrats in Ohio. Despite his fame Glenn only narrowly won over Robert Taft Jr, becoming one of the few Democrats to weather the storm of 1964

In the Senate, Glenn proved a particular critic of LeMay’s administration, pointedly using his own military experience to lend gravitas to his attacks on the General. Glenn was active on the Government Operations Committee, becoming well known (as a politician) for his work on investigations into the Federal Government. His background also made him an ideal spokesman for the Democrats on matters of science and technology. Despite this, he was generally well regarded across the aisle as a man interested in good governance in all areas.

Despite less than a full term in the Senate, Glenn was being touted as a Presidential candidate. Solidly liberal, but not a bomb thrower. A bipartisan man but no Lausche, unable to commit. Supportive of Civil Rights, but not a leader in the area. A celebrity, but one who had established a reputation as an honest workhorse. Glenn would perform well in the crucial New Hampshire and Wisconsin primaries, giving him momentum going into the convention, momentum that would carry him to a majority. Immediately questions would be raised as Glenn, never the most engaging speech giver, gave an acceptance speech that landed with a dud.

As his Vice Presidential nominee, Glenn chose his friend Massachusetts Governor Robert F. Kennedy. This move was controversial, as a northerner alongside with a strong civil rights plank ensured another southern schism. In addition rumors still swirl that the choice offended Kennedy’s older brother, the Senator from Massachusetts, who felt snubbed. Nonetheless Kennedy would prove a charismatic and energetic asset to the ticket.

The pair would sweep the nation, rallying against the LeMay Administration's failures and promising change. This time, there would be a fresh start, not a crack down. Despite another southern schism, Glenn would win in a landslide accepting LeMay’s surprisingly gracious concession before all polls had even closed.

Glenn embarked on a firm and progressive, but not necessarily radical, agenda in office. LeMay’s willingness to allow the South to skirt the spirit of desegregation, if not the letter, was no more. US Marshals would sweep across the South and begin enforcing Adams vs Board in full. In the halls of Congress, Glenn pushed for a new Civil Rights Act, one that would end desegregation in private business as well as public areas. The South’s fury was aroused, and in the end passage would only come in 1971, when President of the Senate Robert Kennedy pulled a procedural gambit to end a filibuster. Again, widespread unrest in the South followed, and the region began to shift towards the Republican Party, although not entirely.

Glenn would push for scientific research and development as President. Nuclear energy production was expanded, although coupled with strict regulations to avoid disasters. This at times pushed him into conflict with environmentalists, with whom he otherwise had a fairly constructive relationship, establishing the Environmental Protection Agency. The high point of Glenn’s presidency was no doubt in 1970, when America landed Michael Collins on the Moon, as part of Project Moonman. Moonlandings would continue for the rest of Glenn’s term.

Glenn enjoyed a close working relationship with Vice President Kennedy. Kennedy, via his brother and wealth, had many contacts on the hill. Glenn valued Kennedy’s advice, and often let the Massachusetts man into strategy discussions that had previously excluded the Vice President. Some alleged that the wealthy Kennedy family was pulling Glenn’s strings, a rumor inflamed by the purchase of Ashburton House as an official residence for the Vice President despite the Kennedy family already owning property in Washington. In truth, Glenn merely worked closely with Bobby, his administration marking the high water mark of Vice Presidential influence in modern history.

Abroad, Glenn found mixed results. The Paris Peace Talks proved successful, providing a framework for American withdrawal pegged to lower levels of Vietcong activity in the South. However the Brussels Conference for the Congo proved unable to bring a permanent peace. Although Glenn was able to secure independence for Katanga, he was forced to concede to a shaky coalition in the rest of the country, which soon became completely dominated by Communists. However Glenn would manage to open up relations with the Soviet Union somewhat as the superpower descended into Byzantine political names during Khrushchev’s final illness.

Glenn would open the 1968 Olympics in Chicago, and, always an avid football fan, began the tradition of the Presidential Coin Flip at the Rose and World Bowls.

Glenn has been regarded by history as a successful President. The first substantial Civil Rights Bill in over a century. A decline in civil disturbances, and a drawdown in the wars abroad. Glenn would be honored throughout his life, including managing another 2 trips to space, one in 1979 and one in 1997, setting records for age in space and time spent between Spaceflights. Glenn was a namesake and patron of the John Glenn College of Public Affairs, well known as the most highly regarded Public Affairs program in the nation, producing great planners, lawyers, chiefs of staff, non-profit executives, self-indulgent alternate history writers, civil servants, and think tank writers. Upon his death in 2016, Glenn was noted as perhaps the most successful one term President since James K. Polk.

But why then was he a one term President?

In 1972 the economy entered into recession, forcing many Americans out of work. As with most economic issues, the President took most of the blame, leaving Glenn out to dry. 1972 also marked the final ascendency of the Communists in the Congo, with Glenn taking most of the heat. A flare up in Vietnam also occurred which, although it ultimately did not derail the peace, undermined Glenn’s credibility. Glenn’s push for voting rights over the summer of 1972 was laudable, but perhaps ill timed, particularly as it required another use of the “Kennedy Manoeuvre” to avoid the filibuster which, although wholly justified, left Glenn open to attacks that he was “crushing debate.” Finally an October police shooting in Newark led to a series of race riots across the North. Nothing compared to the Lausche-LeMay years, but enough to spook certain whites.

Still Glenn was popular, and the race was razor thin. In the end a few thousand votes in Ohio, Maine, and Hawaii would doom him. Although, perhaps they might not have, save for the Electoral College. Glenn became the first man since Grover Cleveland to win the popular vote, but lose the Presidency. Many expected him to run for a non-consecutive term in 1976, but Glenn declined. Although his successor had major disagreements for him, Glenn had a great respect for his replacement’s down to earth nature and willingness to buck the party, always willing to forge his own path so long as he had some chewing tobacco.
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