Will Egyptian invasion cause Anglo-French intervention?
I think Anglo-French intervention will come when the Great Powers decide what kind of Greece they want, in order to impose their wishes to all sides, and not because they are moved by the plight of the poor Greeks who are getting slaughtered.
Algaz is correct, the British and the French won't intervene just because Egypt has invaded Greece. Egypt under Muhammad Ali is technically still a part of the Ottoman Empire even if they are independent in all but name, so it isn't like some outside power has joined the war against the Greeks.

The Great Powers are going to get involved when it is in their interest to get involved as callous as that sounds and unfortunately for the Greeks that time hasn't come yet. But it will be soon.
 
Part 15: Papaflessas
Part 15: Papaflessas

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The Kiss of Ibrahim

When the news arrived in Nafplion of the Egyptian army’s landing at Methoni and their attack on Navarino, the reaction was mixed at best. Most of those who gathered were Senators from the Islands or Rumelia with little sympathy for men, who until recently threatened war against them. Many delegates from Hydra and Spetses saw the suffering of the Moreots as a proper punishment for their haughtiness and rebelliousness against the very order they had created. The Roumeliotes, the Moreot’s natural allies, were distracted by an invasion of their own by the Ottomans, who recently commenced a third siege against Missolonghi in as many years. More worrying was the campaign in Eastern Greece as the Ottomans made a determined effort to break through the defenses at Thermopylae and push towards Livadeia and Salona. While some did see the dangers of allowing Ibrahim Pasha and his army of Egyptians to run wild through the Morea, they were in a clear minority.

One of the most vocal advocates of action was the Minister of Internal Affairs, a man called Papaflessas. Born Georgios Dimitrios, Papaflessas was a clergyman within the Greek Orthodox Church for much of his life and managed to rise to the office of Archimandrite, for which he earned his famous moniker Papaflessas during the war. Even during his time as a Priest, Papaflessas was a firebrand preacher renowned for his exuberant homilies calling for the independence of Greece. Despite being a man of the cloth, Papaflessas purchased arms, organized partisans, and collected money for the coming revolution even when it put him at odds with the position of the Church. As a servant of Christ, he believed it to be his sacred duty to not forsake those who lived in suffering and believing the Porte to be the root of that suffering, he did everything in his power to oppose them. So, it was when the war began he supported the effort in any way he could.

Papaflessas was a prominent figure in the early months of the Revolution, organizing the revolts across the Peloponnese and aiding Theodoros Kolokotronis in battle at Tripolitsa and again at Dervenakia, during this time he met the British Philhellene, Colonel Thomas Gordon. Gordon best described him as a courageous man in battle, good tempered and generous like the kindly priest that he was, but Gordon also called him a vain and dissipated man who lavished himself with glories that were not rightfully his. Following the battle of Dervenakia, Papaflessas entered politics serving in the Executive of Alexandros Mavrokordatos and then again under Petros Mavromichalis as Minister of Internal Affairs. Even with the ensuing disgrace and expulsion of Mavromichalis, Papaflessas would continue to hold the post until the May of 1825 due to his strong support of the National government. During his tenure as Internal Affairs Minister, Papaflessas organized the nascent police forces throughout the country, established the first official mail system in Greece and commissioned the building of numerous schools in villages and towns across the land. He also assisted Archstrategos Demetrios Ypsilantis in establishing the position of Inspector General to increase the organization of the separate military units throughout the country and to ensure greater cooperation between them. By far his most important act during the war was his involvement in the Debate of 1825.


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Georgios Dimitrios Dikaios, Papaflessas- Priest and Patriot

Using his influence and reputation, along with his constant flair for the dramatic, Papaflessas, spearheaded the effort to reach a compromise between the divided Greeks in the Spring of 1825. According to legend, when news arrived that the Moreots had called for aid, and none appeared forthcoming from the Government, the Priest flew into a rage. Marching into the Senate chamber at the head of a burgeoning crowd he opened into a vicious tirade. Papaflessas publicly lambasted the Senators for putting their petty squabbling before the greater cause of independence. He called them cowards, whoremongers, thieves, liars, hypocrites, and many unsightly things that any upstanding priest should not say. He pronounced to the assembled masses that if no help would be sent by the government, then he vowed that he himself would lead a group of volunteers to drive the Egyptians back into the sea or die trying.

Once emotions had settled and the Senators had time to think, they withdrew momentarily to debate their course of action. Moments later they returned with decision, the Nafplion Government would dispatch the newly christened Hellenic Army to aid the Moreots and repel the Egyptians, so long as the Tripolitsa Government and those that followed it submitted themselves to the Central Government. Whether Papaflessas’ words had any impact on the deliberations or if the recent dispatch from Phthiotis detailing a decisive defeat of the Ottoman advance, none can say, but the result was clear.

Most of the Moreots over the coming weeks would reluctantly shallow their pride and submit to the Nafplion government after witnessing firsthand the devastation with which Ibrahim and the Egyptians inflicted upon them. By the end of May the Schism between the Greeks was effectively ended before it ever came to blows. Despite the announcement of the agreement between the factions, Papaflessas stayed true to his vow to fight against Ibrahim and resigned from his office as Minister of Internal Affairs.[1] Compelled by the zeal of the Priest, nearly 2,500 men and boys from Nafplion, Argos, and the countryside joined with Papaflessas on the endeavor departing from Nafplion on the 15th of May.

Papaflessas and his followers were joined by the Second Regiment of the Hellenic Army, which had itself only been created, or recreated in the case of the Army, in the last few months thanks to the London loan and the tenacity of Archstrategos Ypsilantis in rebuilding the regular forces.[2] It was, however, a severely undermanned military unit, containing barely 60% of the 2,000 men it was supposed to have. It was also an incredibly green unit, made of young boys and men with little fighting experience between them. Their leadership wasn’t much better as they were led by the newly appointed Strategos, Kiriakos Skourtis. Skourtis was a former ship captain turned army general, who was if anything else a political appointee, granted his position solely for his loyal to President Georgios Kountouriotis, rather than for a successful career as a military man. He was a former ship captain, completely lacking in any experience regarding the art of land combat. He was also a drunkard and a fool according to most of his contemporaries.

Departing from Nafplion, the Greeks moved to join with the Moreots of Panos Kolokotronis and Panagiotis Anagnostopoulos near the small village of Maniakion.[3] Establishing themselves atop two hills flanking the road, Skourtis and Papaflessas prepared barricades and obstructions to block the road north as they awaited the arrival of their compatriots under Kolokotronis and Anagnostopoulos. When they arrived with their men the group numbered roughly 5,500 Greeks in total. It was a truly diverse assembly of Greek men with Arvanites, Epriotes, Hydriots, Moreots, Maniots, Roumeliotes, Spezziotes, and even a few Macedonians and Thracians rounding out their number. They soon received reports that Ibrahim’s force was on the move in their direction.

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The Greeks Gather at Maniakion

Ibrahim’s scouts had discovered the movement of the Greeks and was forced to leave his siege of New Navarino once again, to face the new threat from the Greeks. Leaving half his force behind, Ibrahim marched Northeast in the direction of Papaflessas and the assembled Greeks. When the Egyptians appeared in the distance in the early afternoon of the 21st, the Greeks opted to make a stand on the hills overlooking the road. Most of those assembled were unfamiliar to the Egyptians fearsome reputation, the Egyptians looked like emaciated men to the Greeks, in ill fitted uniforms, led by a short and pudgy man. Believing their opponent to be of a similar disposition as their Ottoman allies, the Greeks grew overly confident in their own capabilities and thought victory was all but certain. They would soon learn that the 7,000 strong Egyptian force outclassed the Greeks in virtually every way. Ibrahim held a clear advantage in numbers at 7 to 5. His weaponry was more advanced, wielding modern muskets and rifles, they fielded two companies of cavalry, and they were supported by a full battery of artillery. Ibrahim’s officers had been drilled in the art of war by French veterans of the Napoleonic wars, many of whom had been contemporaries of Fabvier from his younger days. And while they certainly looked small and malnourished to the Greeks from a distance, they would soon learn that they were incredibly disciplined and experienced soldiers that would not break at the start of gunfire, nor would they retreat at the sight a charge.

In fact, it was Papaflessas’ own volunteers who broke first. When the Egyptians arrived at the foot of the hills, the Greeks unleashed their erratic attacks to little effect. They had attempted to ambush, but Ibrahim and his men had seen through the endeavor, blunting the worst of the attack. Ibrahim’s men in turn calmly readied their weapons and fired on the disorganized Greeks as they revealed themselves, killing scores of men and maiming many more. The green boys and unreliable Klephts immediately abandoned the fight and fled for their lives. What started as a stream gradually built to a flood as about 2,000 Greek men and boys abandoned the field after the initial volley leaving their compatriots in an untenable position. The Western hill had been left completely vacant, allowing the Egyptians the opportunity to attack the exposed flank of the Greeks. Skourtis, lacking the aptitude of an experienced general, neglected to immediately secure the hill, leaving himself and his force vulnerable to such a move. Ibrahim, recognizing the opportunity quickly pounced on the much-reduced Hellenes and began to encircle them with his larger host.

With the Egyptians beginning to close in around them, Skourtis finely broke and fled the field, destroying any semblance of discipline remaining within the Greek forces. In a selfless act, Papaflessas and Anagnostopoulos organized a rearguard action with some volunteers to allow the rest of the army to escape. With no other option the remaining men retreated leaving the Priest and his followers to their fate while they broke through the thin veil of the enemy lines to their rear. Outnumbered and outgunned, Papaflessas held out for the remainder of the day under hails of gunfire from the Egyptians. Per tales of the event, Papaflessas stood up under a blistering rain of bullets and recited verses of the bible to the terrified Greeks to quell their nerves. Despite taking a shot to the shoulder, the Priest continued his liturgy ignoring the pain. With their numbers dwindling and the last of their allies’ safe, Papaflessas and some 300 men charged down the hill upon their besiegers. Many were cut down by a rain of bullets with only 50 making it to the Egyptian lines. Despite suffering another shot to the chest and several slashes to his arms and legs, the priest continued onwards running his sword through three Egyptians breaking it in the process.

Papaflessas and 7 of his men made it within sight of Ibrahim Pasha’s personal guard before being cut down in a volley of precise gunfire. By dusk all fighting had ceased as Anagnostopoulos and the last Greeks atop the hill were finally gunned down ending the battle. Instead of being insulted or angered by the Greek’s defiance, Ibrahim chose to honor their valor and bravery. The body of their leader was cleaned and propped against a tree where upon the Egyptian kissed the corpse of Papaflessas in a show of respect before having him properly buried in the Orthodox Christian rite.[4] Nevertheless, Ibrahim had emerged victorious against the Greeks and the road into the heart of the Morea lay open before him. For the Greeks in New Navarino, the news of Papaflessas’ death and the defeat of their reinforcements signaled the end of their resistance. Before Ibrahim could return, most of the castle’s garrison attempted an escape, to varying degrees of success, leaving the sick and injured behind to surrender. Ibrahim in a show of mercy and gracious inclination spared their lives for he had other, more important matters to attend to.

Greece Timeline Map Part 15 Papaflessas.png

Greece at the end of May 1825
Purple – Greece
Green – Ottoman Empire
Pink – The United States of the Ionian Islands​

Next Time: The Battle of Argolis


[1] Due to the Civil Wars in OTL the Greek Government refused to aid the Peloponnesians against the Egyptians and only acquiesced after Papaflessas and his group were killed at Maniaki. The Government released the Moreots that had fought against them in the 2nd Civil War including Theodoros Kolokotronis among many others, but he had limited success against Ibrahim and was ultimately forced to fight a guerrilla war. Without the worsened relations caused by the two civil wars, I believe that the Nafplion Government would be willing to assist the Moreots now if they were properly cowed by fear of Ibrahim. Still not all Moreots will be as amenable as others.

[2] Demetrios Ypsilantis had been responsible for the creation of the first Professional Military unit in Greece, the Batiste Regiment in 1821. It was comprised of refugees from Asia Minor, Thrace, and Macedonia, and it fought in the many battles in the first year of the war before being disbanded due to rising costs both in coin and manpower. A second professional military unit was established early in 1822, comprised of former members of the Batiste Regiment and Philhellene volunteers, but they too were disbanded after many members were massacred in the Battle of Peta. With Ypsilantis in “command” of the Greek Army and the London Loan being handled better, it goes without saying that the Greeks would try to create a more professional fighting force, loyal to the state rather than a captain.

[3] This is essentially the same location as the OTL battle of Maniaki, although this battle is mostly different from that one aside from Papaflessas death and the flight of the Greek volunteers. Part 16 will be the last part that follows the OTL war this closely, as the war will begin diverging immensely from its OTL counterpart from Part 17 onward for the most part.

[4] Ibrahim Pasha did this in OTL as well. Despite his ruthlessness towards his enemies, he was incredibly respectful to opponents he deemed to be particularly honorable or brave.
 
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Expected outcome, really interested in the real divergences.

One minor detail:the proper spelling is Kountouriotis(Κουντουριώτης), not Kountarious. His grandson is Pavlos Kountouriotis, commander of the Greek Navy and armored cruiser Averoff during the 1st Balkan War.
 
Expected outcome, really interested in the real divergences.

One minor detail:the proper spelling is Kountouriotis(Κουντουριώτης), not Kountarious. His grandson is Pavlos Kountouriotis, commander of the Greek Navy and armored cruiser Averoff during the 1st Balkan War.
I don't know how I managed to screw that up all my sources have it spelled Kountouriotis too, I blame autocorrect.;) Anyway, thank you for the correction, I'll fix it immediately.
 
In OTL, the battle increased Greek morale despite the defeat. Not much change from OTL in this TL , I hope.
My use of the Egyptians, and the Greek reaction to them, thus far has been pretty close to OTL. Unlike OTL, however, Ibrahim landed at a time when the Greeks were still divided, when in OTL he arrived just after the civil wars had ended. As a result, the Greek morale is higher to begin with as the infighting between the Greeks proved to be very destructive and as a result very unpopular among many people in Greece. Despite ending in defeat, the bravery of Papaflessas and his men was very commendable and it provides the Greeks with the impetus to reunify in the front of an outside threat.

Would there be a language struggle in this scenario just like in the OTL
The language question will still be a point of contention for Greece in TTL. While I haven't researched this topic much yet, I would expect some sort of Demotic Greek variant becoming the official language of TTL Greece.
 
A Greek Revolution able of liberating Greece of Ottoman yoke with minimal Great Powers intervention.....interesting.

What form of government will Greece develope ITTL? Any kind of indigenous Monarchy, like Serbia ? A Republic which will evolve to a some sort of one-strongman dictatorship.....?
 
A Greek Revolution able of liberating Greece of Ottoman yoke with minimal Great Powers intervention.....interesting.

What form of government will Greece develope ITTL? Any kind of indigenous Monarchy, like Serbia ? A Republic which will evolve to a some sort of one-strongman dictatorship.....?
As was the case in OTL, Greece will almost certainly be a monarchy post war. While Greece is technically a Republic right now, it is unfeasible in the long run as they would risk a large degree of diplomatic isolation that would come alongside being a republic in Conservative Europe so soon after the end of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars.

In terms of indigenous candidates, the only options with any legitimacy would be the Phanariots due to their Byzantine lineage, and the only Phanariot of any consequence both TTL and OTL was Alexander Ypsilantis, who is currently sitting in a Hungarian prison and still slated to die of disease in 1828. His brother Demetrios Ypsilantis, despite being a brave man and a good soldier who has also been more active in TTL, still lacks the charisma and health necessary of a King.

A case could be made for Ioannis Kapodistrias but he distanced himself from the revolution while in Russia and publicly repudiated the rebels, although not by choice. Kapodistrias also tended to rub people the wrong way while Governor of Greece and he made enemies out of the very men whose support he would need if he wanted to become King.

The Greeks despite their greater unity in TTL will not accept a member of a rival faction becoming their king. There are also several benefits for having a foreign prince as King that they wouldn't get with a native king.
 
Leopold of Saxe Coburg Gotha would probably be better than Otto, apart from him...?

L'Aiglon? That would be cool, but *highly* unlikely, if not ASB.
That would be very interesting, but I agree its highly unlikely and borderline ASB. Napoleon II is currently in Austria under the thumb of Metternich and Metternich was notoriously hostile to Greece gaining independence up to official Greek independence in 1832. There is also the matter of the other Great Powers accepting him as King of Greece which also seems unlikely to happen. So while it would make for a fascinating scenario I can't reasonably justify it in the current context of the timeline.

As for Leopold and Otto....no comment.:p
 
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Part 16: The Battle of Argolis
Part 16: The Battle of Argolis

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The Village of Lerna

With Papaflessas dead, the Greek Army sent running, and Navarino now under his complete control, Ibrahim Pasha began to dispatch his forces to ravage the countryside. It is said that all of Greece left in his wake from Methoni to Argos was a complete and utter wasteland with barely a soul remaining. Men were killed by the hundreds, women and children were enslaved by the thousands, and dozens of villages and townships were wiped from the map. It is said that anywhere from 10,000 to 100,000 people were either killed or shipped to Egypt in chains. News of his brutality spread like wildfire across Europe as the Saracens of Egypt initiated their “Barbarization Project” to remove all the good Christians of Greece from the lands of their forefathers under pain of death. Whether the Barbarization Project was a real objective of Ibrahim Pasha no one can say, as no documents remain indicating the extent of his intentions while in Greece. His actions were equally conflicted as he routinely massacred villages for things as little as a slight offensive only to spare many others based on his compassionate nature.

What can be determined is that over the course of the next month, Ibrahim’s army moved East from Navarino Bay; his destination unknown. In response, the Greek Government instated conscription across Greece with the intent of raising 10,000 men each year for a period of three years. They also tasked Archstrategos Ypsilantis with defending Argolis, which was presently defended by one regiment, numbering 1,700 men and roughly 2,500 klephts and militiamen of dubious ability. Accounts of Ibrahim’s March from the Sea indicated that he was moving towards Tripolitsa, and reports from the walled city verified that Egyptian soldiers were in fact in the vicinity. When the returning survivors from Maniakion arrived in Nafplion, Ypsilantis finally gathered the confidence to confront Ibrahim and marched forth from Nafplion on the 27th of June. His goal was to catch the Egyptians unaware, pinning them against the walls of Tripolitsa, and destroying them there and then. When he reached the outskirts of Tripolitsa, he found that the Egyptians were nowhere to be found. The Greeks had fallen for a trap of their own.

Overnight, Ibrahim and his host had lifted the siege of Tripolitsa and departed south towards Astros, with the goal of taking Argos and Nafplion which had been left largely undefended by Ypsilantis’ advance.[1] The Phanariot’s blunder provided Ibrahim with a golden opportunity to crush the rebellion once and for all were it not for the opposition of a ragtag bunch of armatoloi, kapos, klephts, farmers, merchants, philhellenes, sailors, and militia led by the Strategos Yannis Makriyannis. Makriyannis had fought against Ibrahim only days before at New Navarino before its fall. In his memoirs, he details the events of his daring escape from Pylos when he and the abled bodied members of his garrison escaped from the castle at dusk on the 20th of May. Fighting their way clear of the Egyptians surrounding Pylos, Makriyannis and most of his men managed to escape into the hills of Messenia before Ibrahim arrived in force. Though he succeeded in breaking out of the castle with many of his men, he considered his efforts at Navarino a failure. The act was a blemish on his pride and so he sought to redeem himself for his failures in a rematch with Ibrahim.

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Yannis Makriyannis, Greek Commander at Myloi

Gathering at Myloi, Makriyannis and around 200 men turned the small mill into a fortress.[2] Holding Myloi was vital to the defense of Nafplion as it held the stores of grain and munitions depots for the capital. Most importantly the Myloi stream provided Nafplion with fresh water, as its own cisterns had, rather embarrassingly, been allowed to collapse over the years. After several days of strengthening the walls and constructing fortifications around the village, Ibrahim arrived. In one last act of desperate bravado, Makriyannis sent the horses back to Nafplion and had the ships resting on the beach sent away as well. If Nafplion was to be held then Myloi must not fall; there would be no retreat from Myloi for Yannis Makriyannis and his men.

By the time Ibrahim Pasha arrived on the 28th of June, nearly 600 Greeks had assembled to oppose him. In what would prove to be a rare mistake by Ibrahim Pasha, the Egyptian commander chose to employ only half his available force against the Greeks, sending the other half to ravage the countryside and to defend his long and exposed supply lines. Still outnumbered nearly 10 to 1, Makriyannis and his men bravely opposed the battle-hardened Egyptians. Each house in the town was barricaded and occupied by men ready to fight to the death, forcing the Egyptians to go house by house in a bloody conflict. As the battle commenced a heavy smoke began to fill the air as shot after shot after shot rang out in the sleepy little hamlet. Seeking to instill chaos into the ranks of the enemy, Makriyannis directed his sharpshooters to target the Egyptian officers to deprive the rank and file of their leaders.

As the battle dragged on, the Egyptians surprisingly began to waver, what was supposed to be a relatively easy battle against an untrained rabble had become a grueling affair. In one of the few instances in the war, the vaunted discipline of the Egyptians began to breakdown after several hours of constant battle. In a bold gambit, Yannis Makriyannis drew his sword and rushed the Egyptians alone at first, but soon he was followed by the entirety of the Greek force at Myloi. For the first time in four months, the Egyptians broken ranks and fled the field, Ibrahim had been repulsed.

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Makriyannis at Myloi

After the initial failures of Ibrahim’s first assault on the 28th he prepared a second for the following day on the 29th of June, but by the end of the second day the Egyptians were beaten back once more. A third attempt against Myloi was scrapped when reinforcements to the tune of 700 men arrived at the fortress town, doubling Makriyannis’ force. More worryingly, however, were the reports that Demetrios Ypsilantis and his men were sighted several miles to their rear. Once more, though, Ibrahim would disappoint Ypsilantis as he began a hasty withdrawal from Argolis entirely. While Ypsilantis did manage to catch members of Ibrahim’s rearguard, the engagement that followed near the village of Kalamaki was inconclusive. At best, this confrontation could be considered a draw as the Egyptians were able to retreat into the Morean interior in good order while the Greeks could claim victory for driving the enemy from the field, a position Makriyannis, Ypsilantis, and the Greek Government played to their advantage. Still, the sudden retreat of Ibrahim Pasha and his host was disconcerting to the Greeks as victory was within his grasp. Had he marched on Nafplion it would have fallen and the Greek government would have fallen with it.

It would later be discovered that Ibrahim Pasha refrained from the third attack at Myloi upon sighting several British and French vessels anchored offshore in the Argolic Gulf. The British and French ships had arrived in the city on the 30th to prevent what they saw as a looming slaughter of the cities’ inhabitants as victory for the Egyptians seemed inevitable. Despite this, neither the British nor the French intended to deny the Egyptians control of the city, Ibrahim not knowing this obviously interpreted their presence differently. Believing that the British and French would side with the Greeks against him if he pressed attack against Nafplion, he was left with no choice but to stay his hand against Nafplion and its people.

When Demetrios Ypsilantis attempted to follow Ibrahim three days later, he himself was ambushed on the road near Korythio. The Greeks lack of cavalry proved to be their undoing and they were quickly routed in a humiliating display. Fleeing back to Nafplion with his tail between his legs, Ypsilantis was forced to wait out the remainder of the year while Ibrahim was allowed to act with relative impunity in Arcadia. This defeat was made worse by the arrival of fresh reinforcements from Egypt in early August, replacing Ibrahim’s losses from the earlier campaigns in Messenia and Argolis and bringing his total strength above 15,000 men.

While the Greeks had achieved some minor victories against Ibrahim Pasha on land, they were fleeting at best. Ibrahim could not be everywhere however, as most of his raiding parties were routinely defeated by the Greeks in the Morean interior. Their best results came at sea where on two separate occasions, Greek fireships managed to successfully destroy 7 ships of the Egyptian fleet, which would prove to be only a minor inconvenience for Ibrahim rather than the massive setback the Greeks portrayed it to be. An attempt against the Egyptian fleet at Alexandria was made, but it resulted in only the sinking of eight Egyptian vessels at the cost of three fireships. The poor wind in the harbor prevented the fires from spreading to the rest of the densely packed fleet, limiting the damage. While these naval losses were indeed minor, they revealed the continued vulnerability of Ottoman and Egyptian vessels to Greek fireships and over time it would become a protracted problem for Ibrahim, one which he could not solve himself. Still, Ibrahim’s prowess on land had been established as the Greeks for the remainder of the year opted to avoid facing him directly and for the next five months Ibrahim ravaged the Morea with relative impunity before entering winter quarters outside Patras in late November.

Greece Timeline Map Part 16 Battle for Argolis(1).png

Greece at the end of June 1825
Purple – Greece
Green – Ottoman Empire
Pink – The United States of the Ionian Islands (Great Britain)​

Next Time: Freedom’s Home


[1] In OTL, Tripolitsa was ceded to Ibrahim without a fight. Believing he couldn’t defend the city against the Egyptians, Theodoros Kolokotronis opted to abandon it and burn it to the ground against the wishes of the Greek Government. Unfortunately, Ibrahim arrived faster than expected and quickly managed to put out the fires. The Greeks only regained the city after the war buy at that point, Ibrahim burned it to the ground and razed its great walls. Without Kolokotronis’ desperate act, it is my belief that Tripolitsa would remain in Greek hands, at least for the time being, and rather than commit to a long siege of the city, he would choose to advance on Nafplion which was lightly defended at the time.

[2] Myloi, the Mills of Lerna, or just Lerna, was the site where according to legend the hero Hercules slew the Hydra.
 
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Just wanted to say I've been reading this the last week or so and have enjoyed it immensly. Keep up the good work!

It's also led me to start looking at my book on the Greek War of Independence again. Which I swear is just a tale of one civil war and bankruptcy after another. That this Greece seems to be, if at least marginally, more united and secured, can only be a good thing for the eventual independent state.
 
Just wanted to say I've been reading this the last week or so and have enjoyed it immensly. Keep up the good work!

It's also led me to start looking at my book on the Greek War of Independence again. Which I swear is just a tale of one civil war and bankruptcy after another. That this Greece seems to be, if at least marginally, more united and secured, can only be a good thing for the eventual independent state.
OTL Greece was an absolute mess by the time it gained independence, which is a shame because they were in a relatively good position in the first two years of the war. The two loans probably did more harm than good for Greece in the long run and the Civil wars began a series of political crises that would plague Greece until King George came to power in 1863. If even one or two things had differently in Greece's favor in the war, then Greece and the world could have been very different.
 
I feel with the Barbarization Project and Egyptian success, either we see the greater European powers jump in to save the Greeks, or Egypt get into a horrible massacre and pull out of Greece without warning, bailing on the Ottomans. Or both.
 
I feel with the Barbarization Project and Egyptian success, either we see the greater European powers jump in to save the Greeks, or Egypt get into a horrible massacre and pull out of Greece without warning, bailing on the Ottomans. Or both.
The "Barbarization Project" was a real concern in OTL as well as it was believed that Ibrahim and the Ottomans were fully intending on either killing or enslaving all the Greeks and replacing them with Egyptians and Turks. This sparked a lot of outrage in OTL towards the Ottoman Empire in general and Egypt in particular and it was a big factor behind the OTL Protocol of St. Petersburg.
”The Court of Russia has positive information that before Ibrahim Pasha’s army was put into motion, an agreement was entered into by the Porte with the Pasha of Egypt that whatever part of Greece Ibrahim Pasha might conquer should be at his disposal; and that his plan of disposing of his conquest is (and was stated to the Porte to be and has been approved by the Porte) to remove whole Greek population, carrying them off to slavery in Egypt or elsewhere and to re-populate the country with Egyptians and others of the Mohammedan [Muslim] religion”
In all likelihood the "Barbarization Project" was an exaggeration of Ibrahim's very real devastation of the Morea by Philhellenes in Britain, France, and Russia. There is also no physical evidence suggesting that it was a real thing either.
 
Adoring this - and its really giving me inspiration to keep chugging away at my own (very different) Amalingian Empire timeline! Keep up the great work!!!
 
Amazing how fast-paced the updates are.
Thank you, I had a couple updates either finished or almost finished before I started posting this so I had a bit of a jump start, it also helps that I enjoy writing and doing research on this topic. Unfortunately I won't be able to keep this current pace up as I'm almost out of finished material. I do have a general outline for the rest of the war and the immediate post war, I need to actually write the remaining parts for it, find appropriate pictures, and make edits to them. I will have an update posted later today, but the next one is probably not going to be ready for tomorrow.
 
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