I can see greece doing very well in Albania and northern Macedonia, but I can't see them getting to the jireček line via assimilation alone. As has previously been mentioned, a large source of Bulgarian nationalism was in response to perceived greek cultural domination. So every kilometer north thr border goes, the worse relations between Greece and Bulgaria will be.

I think there will be some nasty wars in the Balkans in the coming future. So OTL.
 
I can see greece doing very well in Albania and northern Macedonia, but I can't see them getting to the jireček line via assimilation alone. As has previously been mentioned, a large source of Bulgarian nationalism was in response to perceived greek cultural domination. So every kilometer north thr border goes, the worse relations between Greece and Bulgaria will be.

I think there will be some nasty wars in the Balkans in the coming future. So OTL.
Well there is a lot of bad blood between greece (Basil II bulgarslayer) and bulgaria (kaloyan romanslayer)
i have to say that otl balkan wars were not that bad,the world wars on the other hand......

About the northern border greece will probably want north epirus,bitola,strumica,the rodope mountains(could probably gain a sizeable chunk) and thrace(if greece takes it)
those seem like reasonable borders for defense.
 
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The great butterfly however, are the Balkans. There, the identity was based on adherence to the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate. The actual educational frontier is in utilizing all those additional teachers and professionals to reach orthodox Slavic and Albanian populations. The majority of Aromanians had already adopted a fierce hellenic identity. I would argue that educational efforts will focus on the conceptual boundary of the Jirecek Line (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jireček_Line). Let me provide an example. Here is a map with the year-round movement of the Aromanian pastoralists https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/95/Transhumance_ways_of_the_Vlachs.jpeg
In OTL, Aromanian towns such as Moscopole, Monastir/Bitola and Siatista were centers of greek learning. Better education would make the semi-nomad Aromanians as promoters of the hellenic identity across their migratory routes. In the same spirit, orthodox albanian speakers have a very decent chance of developing a hellenic identity, especially since prominent Souliotes such as Markos Botsaris are doing better in TTL.
There is no evidence of any Aromanians living in the Balkan mountains in the last few centuries, unless the mapmakers considered the Gagauz Aromanians. Either way, the map is not at all a reliable source.
As for the idea that the Aromanians could spread Greek culture, this is a fantasy. The settled population had little contact with the semi-nomadic Aromanians (or Gagauz for that matter) and relations were at best indifferent. They're not gong to spread any hellenic identity.

And as has already been mentioned, it's far too late to hope to peacefully assimilate the Balkans up to the Jirecek line (which had little relevance in this period anyway). This would only stoke further resentment against the Constantinople Patriarchate and the efforts at Hellenization.
 
There is no evidence of any Aromanians living in the Balkan mountains in the last few centuries, unless the mapmakers considered the Gagauz Aromanians. Either way, the map is not at all a reliable source.
As Balkans I meant the region as a whole not the Balkan Mountains.

As for the idea that the Aromanians could spread Greek culture, this is a fantasy. The settled population had little contact with the semi-nomadic Aromanians (or Gagauz for that matter) and relations were at best indifferent. They're not gong to spread any hellenic identity.
I do believe that greek Aromanians can influence other Vlach groups that in OTL didn't develop a hellenic identity. Let me provide an example: The Megleno-Romanians were reached first by Romanian teachers in the late 19th century and a lot of them developed a romanian identity. Or - check the map I posted in my previous post- the Vlachs that migrated to the albanian lowlands between Valona and Durres. Or Vlach groups in the Rhodope Mountains.

And as has already been mentioned, it's far too late to hope to peacefully assimilate the Balkans up to the Jirecek line (which had little relevance in this period anyway). This would only stoke further resentment against the Constantinople Patriarchate and the efforts at Hellenization.
I didn't claim a succesful assimilation, I said specifically that the efforts can take place south of the aforementioned line. Nobody would open greek schools in the Morava valley, that's absurd. What makes sense, is that with Greece having a better economy and a more developed educational system, to be more succesful in exporting hellenism. So, orthodox Albanians, orthodox Vlachs are potential -and extremely easy- targets. Likewise, it is plausible to see a greater percentage of hellenized Slavs/Grecomans.

Here is another map of the current Aromanian speakers https://lh5.googleusercontent.com/proxy/Deu674488I9xtesijh1Xlky5_rqwNhbX1iRoUWyoVx34p7gcJYyHd8ZlqPxQYyzy2Ctz1ZPFSAwkkgmvrjQhk6UknNi2zI9llaHzaNJUKlW5v2StUNJcUIZyHBqXKE16zEKrh9oO1nF99g=w1200-h630-p-k-no-nu

@Dementor, I would also recommend the work of Dr. Dragostinova for the issue of national consciousness. https://books.google.gr/books?id=eUjV1Fd3W8oC&printsec=frontcover&hl=el#v=onepage&q&f=false

You can see examples of how greek-speakers that adhered to the Exarchate considered themselves Bulgarians and bulgarian-speakers that adhered to the Patriarchate considered themselves Greeks.
 
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Maybe he could marry Princess Alexandra of Bavaria.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Princess_Alexandra_of_Bavaria
Alexandra was my first choice for Napoleon II as she provides a nice link to an established royal family with strong historical ties to France.

The longevity of the Ottoman Empire was also doomed by its court system.

Here is a well cited article on the subject https://economics.yale.edu/sites/default/files/files/Workshops-Seminars/Economic-History/kuran-110228.pdf

It is important to mention that there was no movement to reform the court system! Its not as if there were attempts to change it that failed. There was simply no interest in fixing this disfunctional system. It seems to me that the court system both significantly hampered economic relations between muslims and non-muslims and set up a bias system against non-muslims.
That's an interesting take that I haven't heard before, but it does make sense to a degree as it prevents the two groups from ever really coming together in any meaningful way.

the constitution that greece has at this moment is the constitution of 1827 rigth?
62-64 is near, i could see the greeks doing some revisions to it(obviously without the change to a crowned democracy)
https://www.hellenicparliament.gr/en/Vouli-ton-Ellinon/To-Politevma/Syntagmatiki-Istoria/

also does greece have its otl flag?(white cross with blue background and crown in the middle)
In OTL constitutions were the direct results of anti-monarchist revolts in 1844 and 1862 with the 1911 revision being again the result of the 1909 revolution. TTL you'd have the 1827 constitution as updated in 1833 to incorporate a king. Given how it already was as liberal or more than the 1864/1911 constitution...

And the Greek flag was set by the first national assembly in 1822.
The Greek Constitution of 1831 ITTL is essentially a modified version of the OTL 1827 Constitution with a few slight tweaks and an added clause establishing the Greek Monarchy, it's powers, privileges, and order of succession. As Lascaris said, the Constitutions in OTL came about as a result of fights between the supporters of the Monarchy and the supporters of the Legislature, fights that the Legislature and its supporters usually won. ITTL, the Greek people are generally content with the current situation as Leopold (unlike Otto) is actually abiding by the Constitution, for the most part. While it isn't perfect, the Government is functional and the economic is doing relatively well all things considered which definitely undercuts any impetus for change. There are a few actors who are still in favor of revising the Constitution and reducing the powers of the Monarchy in favor of the Legislature, but they don't have that much influence or political power right now.

yeah you are rigth. i mistook the flag from 1863 was the official flag of the kingdom of greece at the time of its independence
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flag_of_Greece#/media/File:State_Flag_of_Greece_(1863-1924_and_1935-1973).svg
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flag_of_Greece#/media/File:Flag_of_Greece_(1822-1978).svg
thougth really i was just asking which is the official flag of greece at the moment

Edit:I wonder how greece will do in the great exhibition and what it will exhibit

furthermore will the olympic games be an event where only greeks are allowed to participate?
since it seems greece will attempt to revive them.(not saying that the olympic games cannot be an international event,greece could host it own olympic games and send athletes to compete in the international ones)but really historically it was an event where only greeks were allowed to participate
The flags of Greece ITTL as in OTL are the Land Flag and the Naval Ensign as the decision to adopt them was made in the First National Assembly at Epidaurus in January 1822, roughly six months before this timeline's initial POD. The Land Flag is primarily used by the Hellenic Army as a war flag, by the Hellenic Navy as a Navy Jack, and by the Greek Government as the official state flag. A variation of the Land Flag is used by regiments of the Hellenic Army units as regimental colors, most of which feature a depiction of St. George fighting a dragon in the center of the white cross. The Greek Monarchy also uses a modified version of the Land Flag, which features a golden crown in the center of the cross. The other flag design used by the Greeks ITTL is the Naval Ensign (the current Flag of Greece in OTL featuring the white cross on a blue plain in the upper left corner and nine alternating blue and white stripes). The Ensign is primarily used by the Hellenic Navy, Greek merchants, and Greek diplomats.

Greece will have a small exhibit in the Great Exhibition, which I will cover soon, but the Olympic games will be much more important for Greece than the Great Exhibition. The Olympics in this timeline will likely be a primarily Greek event at first, but over time it will probably grow to include foreign athletes as well just as it did in OTL.

It took me some time to respond because I wanted to ponder over it and do some research.

As Lascaris has mentioned, this new Greece will produce more teachers and scientists/engineers and quite possibly better trained ones, compared to OTL. I doubt schools like the Evangelical Schools will be that much affected. Being progressive for their time, they sought out educational paradigms out of the best Britain, Germany and France had to offer. I think that the butterflies you unleashed will mostly affect mid and low quality schools in the Ottoman Empire. More teachers and more money for education will mean more schools. While building more Evangelical-level schools is prohibitive in costs, I think we will see more schools of a lower quality level. In Anatolia the butterflies should be "minor". I find plausible to see more Greeks with a satisfactory for the era education, but most importantly I think the educational efforts will focus in reaching more isolated greek communities such as the Cappadocian and Pontic Greeks. Moreover, I think a greater greek educational effort will result in a lesser american missionary success. In otl American protestant missionaries had a (very) limited success in converting Anatolian Greeks to protestantism and establishing american education. I think in TTL the Americans will focus even more their efforts towards the Armenian and Levantine communities. I doubt a better greek educational system will affect the Armenians much- they had an already established national identity that in the end would be served better by "neutral" american and french schools (other than armenian ones of course). At best you may see a few middle and upper-middle class Armenians choosing a prestigious greek school.

The great butterfly however, are the Balkans. There, the identity was based on adherence to the Constantinopolitan Patriarchate. The actual educational frontier is in utilizing all those additional teachers and professionals to reach orthodox Slavic and Albanian populations. The majority of Aromanians had already adopted a fierce hellenic identity. I would argue that educational efforts will focus on the conceptual boundary of the Jirecek Line (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jireček_Line). Let me provide an example. Here is a map with the year-round movement of the Aromanian pastoralists https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/95/Transhumance_ways_of_the_Vlachs.jpeg
In OTL, Aromanian towns such as Moscopole, Monastir/Bitola and Siatista were centers of greek learning. Better education would make the semi-nomad Aromanians as promoters of the hellenic identity across their migratory routes. In the same spirit, orthodox albanian speakers have a very decent chance of developing a hellenic identity, especially since prominent Souliotes such as Markos Botsaris are doing better in TTL.
I can see greece doing very well in Albania and northern Macedonia, but I can't see them getting to the jireček line via assimilation alone. As has previously been mentioned, a large source of Bulgarian nationalism was in response to perceived greek cultural domination. So every kilometer north thr border goes, the worse relations between Greece and Bulgaria will be.

I think there will be some nasty wars in the Balkans in the coming future. So OTL.
Well there is a lot of bad blood between greece (Basil II bulgarslayer) and bulgaria (kaloyan romanslayer)
i have to say that otl balkan wars were not that bad,the world wars on the other hand......

About the northern border greece will probably want north epirus,bitola,strumica,the rodope mountains(could probably gain a sizeable chunk) and thrace(if greece takes it)
those seem like reasonable borders for defense.
There is no evidence of any Aromanians living in the Balkan mountains in the last few centuries, unless the mapmakers considered the Gagauz Aromanians. Either way, the map is not at all a reliable source.
As for the idea that the Aromanians could spread Greek culture, this is a fantasy. The settled population had little contact with the semi-nomadic Aromanians (or Gagauz for that matter) and relations were at best indifferent. They're not gong to spread any hellenic identity.

And as has already been mentioned, it's far too late to hope to peacefully assimilate the Balkans up to the Jirecek line (which had little relevance in this period anyway). This would only stoke further resentment against the Constantinople Patriarchate and the efforts at Hellenization.
As Balkans I meant the region as a whole not the Balkan Mountains.

I do believe that greek Aromanians can influence other Vlach groups that in OTL didn't develop a hellenic identity. Let me provide an example: The Megleno-Romanians were reached first by Romanian teachers in the late 19th century and a lot of them developed a romanian identity. Or - check the map I posted in my previous post- the Vlachs that migrated to the albanian lowlands between Valona and Durres. Or Vlach groups in the Rhodope Mountains.

I didn't claim a succesful assimilation, I said specifically that the efforts can take place south of the aforementioned line. Nobody would open greek schools in the Morava valley, that's absurd. What makes sense, is that with Greece having a better economy and a more developed educational system, to be more succesful in exporting hellenism. So, orthodox Albanians, orthodox Vlachs are potential -and extremely easy- targets. Likewise, it is plausible to see a greater percentage of hellenized Slavs/Grecomans.

Here is another map of the current Aromanian speakers https://lh5.googleusercontent.com/proxy/Deu674488I9xtesijh1Xlky5_rqwNhbX1iRoUWyoVx34p7gcJYyHd8ZlqPxQYyzy2Ctz1ZPFSAwkkgmvrjQhk6UknNi2zI9llaHzaNJUKlW5v2StUNJcUIZyHBqXKE16zEKrh9oO1nF99g=w1200-h630-p-k-no-nu

@Dementor, I would also recommend the work of Dr. Dragostinova for the issue of national consciousness. https://books.google.gr/books?id=eUjV1Fd3W8oC&printsec=frontcover&hl=el#v=onepage&q&f=false

You can see examples of how greek-speakers that adhered to the Exarchate considered themselves Bulgarians and bulgarian-speakers that adhered to the Patriarchate considered themselves Greeks.
Greece more than likely won't be getting to the Jireček Line in this timeline as that would almost certainly require an earlier, or more extensive POD than the one I used for that to happen. That being said, I don't see why the Greek border can't be a "little" further north than it was in OTL when all is said and done ITTL.

As has been mentioned before, the region of Macedonia was quite fluid ethnically at this time. While there were certainly many staunch Greeks, Serbs, Bulgarians and Albanians living in Ottoman Macedonia, many others lacked a definable cultural identity of their own beyond being a Christian or a Muslim. Given Greece's stronger economy and its stronger education system (along with a stronger military) ITTL, I don't see why they wouldn't be able to make more inroads in the region than they did in OTL. Am I suggesting that there will be a Greek Skopje at the end of this timeline, probably not, but a Greek Ohrid, a Greek Bitola and a Greek Strumica are definitely doable in my opinion.

Albania is a bit more challenging, but not impossible as North Epirus is largely populated by ethnic and cultural Greeks, justifying any Greek claims to that region. Further north than that becomes trickier, but not impossible as the Albanians were considered to be a kindred people with the Greeks as demonstrated by the Arvanites and Souliotes who were indistinguishable from any other Greek peoples. Its also important to note that many of the Albanian Beys and magnates were killed or forced to flee Albania in the mid 1830's ITTL following the failed uprising against the Ottomans, depriving Albania many of its leaders which has enabled the Greeks to move in and fill a few of these vacancies.

Pushing the Greek border north into Bulgaria any further than OTL is certainly a much harder prospect as the Bulgarians are an established ethnic group with few cultural ties to the Greeks beyond a shared religion and history of cohabitation with one another. This history is also a huge point of contention as the Greeks and Bulgarians have a long and troubled relationship with one another dating back hundreds of years to the late 600's, most of which was violent and bloody. As was mentioned already, the Bulgarian National Awakening had already started prior to the start of this timeline still taking place in the 1850's. While it wouldn't come into its own until the 1860's and 1870's when the Bulgarians revolted and formed their own autonomous state, there are definitely strong undercurrents of Bulgarian nationalism in the Eastern Balkans right now. Does this rule out Greek expansion into Bulgaria, no, but I wouldn't expect them to get much more than what they got in OTL even with Greece's stronger position in this timeline.
 
Part 74: Diadochos
Part 74: Diadochos

hellenicmilitaryacademy.jpg

Cadets of the Hellenic Military Academy partaking in field exercises

Founded on the 1st of August 1827 by then Governor of Greece Ioannis Kapodistrias, the Military College of the Hellenic Army was a formal military institution for the training and development of professional artillery officers for the Hellenic Army in the mold of the Royal Military College in the UK and the École Polytechnique in France. The Academy would originally be located within the former capital city of Nafplion but would later move to the tiny farming hamlet of Kypseli on the northern environs of Athens in 1831 where it was rechristened as the Hellenic Military Academy. The Academy itself was a rather modest school at first, initially comprised of just four old buildings and a modest parade ground/training field, which had once been a farmstead in its previous life.

The Cadets of the Academy, christened Evelpids (the Hopefuls) by Governor Kapodistrias, were envisioned to be Greece’s hope for a better future and the builders of a better Greece.[1] Upon their graduation from the Evelpidon (a common euphemism for the Academy), these men would be commissioned as Anthypolochagoi (Lieutenants) in the Hellenic Army where they would serve primarily as artillery officers and engineers. However, once their military careers inevitably came to an end the Evelpids were expected to continue serving Greece in new roles as politicians, civil servants, scientists, doctors, teachers, and businessmen.

Despite its noble ambitions as an all-encompassing military college and the best intentions of its staff, the Hellenic Military Academy would struggle to fulfill its mission largely due to significant shortfalls in funding during the first few years of its life. With the nation still engulfed in war during the late 1820’s and the Government laden with debt, there remained precious few resources that could be spared to the institute. Sadly, the end of the war didn’t help matters as the Academy (along with much of the Greek Military) would experience slight cuts to their funding during the 1830’s as the Greek Government attempted to resolve its debt crisis through desperate measures. Because of this, the Academy’s first graduating class in 1830 only numbered 7 students, while the following two graduating classes were even lower at 4 and 5 respectively.

This would all change thanks to the First Greek Economic Boom of the late 1830’s which would see the Greek economy explode as a result of good investments on the part of the Greek government to rebuild the country following the War. AS a result, funding for the Academy would increase nearly fourfold between 1838 and 1843 enabling the school to renovate its dilapidated buildings and allocate funds for the construction and purchase of new ones. Additionally, new instructors were hired, and better equipment was acquired for the cadets, while the class sizes gradually increased from a small handful of 7 in 1830 to nearly 20 by 1844. While the influx of more coin was certainly appreciated and would aid the school immensely, the Hellenic Military Academy wouldn’t truly come into its own as a military institute and place of learning until the appointment of Colonel Spyros Milios as the Academy’s Commandant in 1838.

During his tenure at this post, Colonel Spyrosmilios would refine the Academy’s cadet handbook and would scrupulously outline the regulations for all cadets and permanent part personnel at the Academy. Under the direction of Prime Minister Ioannis Kapodistrias, Colonel Spyrosmilios would also address several other aspects of the Military Academy’s organization, including the formal establishment of training at 4 years (up from 3), while admission to the academy was set at the minimum age of 16, later upped to 18 in 1847. Additionally, the Academy would wave all tuition costs for the Cadets in return for 10 years of continuous active duty military service upon their graduation from the Academy. Most importantly, Colonel Spyrosmilios would reorient the curriculum of the school towards the production of good, well rounded leaders, not just good officers.


Colonel Spyros Milios, Commandant of the Hellenic Military Academy from 1838 to 1844

As part of this shift in focus, training was split equally between military training in the field and scholastic pursuits in the classroom. Military training for the young cadets encompassed a variety of fields, ranging from general physical fitness to instilling go order and discipline. Drill was also given a high priority as the Evelpidon sought to instill discipline, precision, and a good attention for details in all its cadets. Field Exercises were the culmination of this training, with Cadets often being sent out into the Greek countryside to put what they had learned to the test. These exercises often ranged from land navigation to simple problem solving, and sword fights to shooting practice.

Going hand in hand with military training was the school’s emphasis on engineering, with the cadets being taught the intricacies of both civil and combat engineering while at the Academy. Naturally, this incurred that the curriculum at the Academy would be tailored towards physics, mathematics, and the sciences, but the arts and humanities were also given prominent slots at the Academy, providing students with a broad, all-encompassing education. Although it could never be compared to the likes of Oxford or Cambridge or even the University of Athens and the Evangelical School of Smyrna, the Hellenic Military Academy would still provide a quality education for its students, making them masters of their respective fields upon their graduation.

Because of this, the school attracted a relatively high number of applicants every year, yet due to the limited needs of the Hellenic Army during this time of peace, thousands of applicants usually had to compete for a small handful of slots numbering between 15 and 20 in any given year. Enrollment at the school was open to all male citizens of Greece of military age and they met all the necessary criteria for enrollment, which included among other things a superb scholastic record, excellent physical health, a strong moral character, and completion of the school’s rigorous entrance exam. Yet, scoring well on the entrance exams did not guarantee admittance to the Academy, with many such candidates being turned away despite boasting near perfect scores or pristine resumes.

The Crown Prince of Greece’s admission to the Hellenic Military Academy in the Fall of 1852 flies in the face of this established criteria as his scholastic records were relatively average, his physical ability was severely lacking, and he hadn’t even taken the entrance exam prior to his admission to the Academy. Yet thanks to the influence of his father, King Leopold he was admitted even when he did not deserve it. In the Prince’s defense it wasn’t his decision to make as it had been pushed by his father, King Leopold in a last-ditch effort to make something respectable out of his laggard son.


Prince Constantine in the Uniform of an “Evelpids” Cadet

Although Prince Constantine would be initially distraught at his sudden “exile” from the Palace he had called home for the last 18 years; the time spent away from his overbearing father would be of great benefit to him. Within a week of his arrival at the Hellenic Military Academy, the Prince quickly found himself surrounded by many of the Academy’s cadets who flocked to ingratiate themselves with the Crown Prince. Many of these boys and young men were quite familiar to Constantine as they themselves were the sons of various politicians or military officers. Several had even grown up with the Prince at Court thanks to their father’s prominence in the government. Though he was a bashful young man, Constantine had no trouble establishing what can best be described as an informal court at Kypseli, complete with his own advisors and retainers who prove invaluable in easing the Prince’s transition to life at the Academy. Whether these men sought to capitalize on his status as heir to the Greek throne for their own personal gain or they genuinely wished to befriend the Prince, none can truly say though.

Outside of the few followers he had gathered at the Academy, Prince Constantine also had the unconditional support of his mother Queen Marie, his brother Alexander, and his sister Katherine who regularly visited him, uplifting his dour spirits and raising his flagging morale. Queen Marie in particularly, would become a frequent figure at the Academy arriving every Sunday morning to attend church with Constantine. In the afternoons, she would stroll the school grounds and meet with Constantine’s companions, taking joy in their accomplishments, consoling them on their defeats and listening to their aspirations of greatness and glory with bated breath and earnest interest.

In contrast, old King Leopold would make only the slightest of efforts to keep in contact with his eldest son, usually in the form of a short letter each month which normally contained some contrived words of wisdom or generic piece of advice for Constantine. This lack of communication between father and son suited the Prince well enough given the poor relationship that existed between them, but Constantine could not help but feel like he had been abandoned by his father in a way. Rather than take Constantine into his confidence or lend him the support and encouragement he desperately craved for; Leopold had instead pushed his son away, sending him to the Evelpidon where he was out of sight and out of mind. Despite this support from his peers and family (his father not included), Constantine would still face his fair share of hardships at the Academy, both academic and physical.

In the classroom, Prince Constantine was a rather average student, often ranking in the middle of his class of 19. Though he was by no means unintelligent - he was in fact quite knowledgeable on several matters - the Prince often had trouble applying himself to topics that did not interest him. Of the curriculum taught at the Academy, history, economics, military strategy, and linguistics were generally considered to be his strongest fields, but he would struggle with mathematics, the sciences and the arts, the last of which in particular he deemed unworthy of his efforts due to its subjective and frivolous nature.[2] While he was a decent enough student in the classroom, Prince Constantine was a rather abysmal soldier on the training field.

In terms of his shooting, marching, drill, military bearing, dress and appearance, Prince Constantine was almost certainly a failure, often scoring at or right above the bottom of his class. His aim with the antiquated Land Pattern Musket was notoriously bad, as he almost always missed his targets during practice by embarrassingly wide margins. When marching, Constantine was routinely out of step and his uniforms were frequently dirty, ill-fitted and fraying at the edges. His physical endurance and strength were also lacking as he often had to fall out of formation while marching due to poor stamina and he had trouble moving even the lightest of loads.

Despite his mediocre physical abilities, Prince Constantine was not a terrible swordsman as his gangly long arms and legs gave him an innate advantage over his stockier sparring partners. Yet, when paired against a more skilled opponent it was clear that the Prince lacked any significant talent with the sword. Only Prince Constantine’s horsemanship could be considered commendable, as years of practice had helped Constantine improve considerably since the embarrassing fiasco in London seven years prior. Although he was by no means a master horseman, his tenacity over the years had paid dividends as he had become a respectable rider by the Fall of 1852. Sadly, this was not enough when contrasted against Constantine’s other, more numerous failings.

Given his poor performance in his education and training, it is likely that Constantine would have been removed from the Academy’s roster were he any other cadet, sparing the school and the Prince further embarrassment. Instead, the Prince would be forced to continue through this crucible for day after day and week after week thanks to his father’s incessant desire to see him ascend beyond his current ability. As the weeks and months ground onward, Constantine eventually began to accept his new environment and make the best of it, but in late December 1852 this would all change as King Leopold would up-end Constantine’s life once again. On the 23rd of December 1852, the Prince received a letter from his father, that would change everything; a letter which announced that he was now formally betrothed to Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna of Russia.


Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna of Russia

Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna was the youngest daughter of Grand Duke Michael Pavlovich who was himself the younger brother of Russian Tsar Nicholas I, making her the niece of the Emperor. Anna Mikhailovna was an attractive young woman at the ripe age of 18 come the Fall of 1852 with a good figure and lively eyes. She was also incredibly graceful, well-mannered and quite an intelligent young woman. Anna was also something of a boisterous tomboy as her father lacking a son, had introduced her to the intricacies of the Russian Army; teaching her the finer points of cavalry and infantry warfare, what the differences were between various bugle calls and drumbeats, and what the various colours, symbols, and guidons used by the Russian Army represented. When former British Ambassador to Greece, Lord Lyons heard of the engagement, he famously quipped that the marriage between the prudish Constantine and the brash Anna would be akin to a marriage between a nun and a soldier.

The revelation of his betrothal to Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna came as a great shock to Prince Constantine, as there had been little talk of his marriage to anyone when he was still living at the Palace. What had been discussed was generally vague and often regarded the strengthening Greece’s, or rather the House of Coburg’s connection with the House of Romanov, via a marriage to the Grand Duchess Alexandra Alexandrovna, eldest daughter of Tsarevich Alexander Nikolayevich. Yet given her young age of 11 in 1852, it was clear that Leopold had not been in any rush to arrange an engagement between Constantine and Alexandra at the time. By December, this had all apparently changed, as King Leopold was now in the process of finalizing the marriage contract between with Anna’s father Grand Duke Michael, while Grand Duchess Alexandra Alexandrovna was now an afterthought. For King Leopold to make such an important decision so suddenly was highly unlike his cautious father, incurring to Constantine that something had happened to necessitate such an act. The Prince would soon learn the reason behind his father’s quick about face.

In late November, his father had been left him bedridden for several days by a terrible case of gallstones which prevented him from sleeping or eating. Over the span of a week, King Leopold’s health had rapidly collapsed as a result, leaving many to fear that the King was on his deathbed. Although he would eventually recover once the stone was found and destroyed by the Physician Ioannis Vouros, the entire ordeal had left him exhausted and terribly weak. Unable to perform his duties as King for several days, King Leopold became acutely aware of how precarious his succession truly was with only Constantine and Alexander to succeed him should he die. Having spent his entire life vying for a throne of his own, Leopold would not risk jeopardizing his family’s grip on Greece and moved to solidify the Coburg’s standing for generations to come. On the 1st of December, less than a week after his surgery, King Leopold would approach the Russian Ambassador to Greece, Gabriel Antonovich Katakazi to arrange a marriage contract between Crown Prince Constantine and Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna.[3]


The “Illness” of King Leopold

Over the course of the next few weeks, the finer details of the marriage contract would be hammered out by Greek and Russian diplomats. As part of the deal, there would be two identical marriage ceremonies with the first taking place in the Grand Church of the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg on the 27th of April 1853, while the second ceremony would take place a month later on the 30th of May in the Church of Agia Eirini in Athens. In keeping with tradition, Tsar Nicholas would make Constantine an honorary Colonel of the Lieb Guard’s Izmaylovsky Regiment, just as Tsar Paul had done for Leopold so long ago in honor of his sister’s wedding to Grand Duke Constantine. Only, the matter of Anna’s dowry was left largely unresolved in the first round of negotiations, but a framework had been put in place for its resolution when next they met.

Despite rushing into the arrangement, Leopold was quite pleased with himself as the marriage between Constantine and Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna would strengthen Greece’s ties with Russia and hopefully safeguard his legacy for another generation. Grand Duke Michael was similarly pleased with the outcome of negotiations as his youngest daughter would become a Queen in her own right one day and her children would inherit the Greek throne. Further her marriage to Constantine would help bring Greece back into Russia’s orbit. The only ones unhappy with the marriage ironically, were Constantine and Anna themselves. Upon learning of the betrothal, Constantine was absolutely irate that his father had made such a momentous decision about his life without so much as consulting him, let alone informing him before it was all but settled. Anna for her part was similarly appalled, appalled that she would be marrying the spindly and dreadfully dull Crown Prince of Greece. The thought of leaving her beloved Russia for distant, provincial Greec saddened the poor girl and wrung at her soul. Sadly for the betrothed, the matter was out of their control. Constantine was recalled from the Hellenic Military Academy in early March and set out for Russia soon after alongside his father and brother aboard the new screw frigate VP Spetsai.[4]

The journey for the Greek ship to Russia would be rather quiet and uneventful, before making an unexpected layover in the British city of Portsmouth when members of the crew reported that a problem had developed with the ship’s engine. Despite the delay, the Spetsai would still make excellent time, having managed to travel at a constant 7 knot throughout the entire journey and arrived in St. Petersburg on the 22nd of April, slightly behind schedule, but not egregiously so. Departing their ship, King Leopold, Prince Constantine and Prince Alexander would then make their way to the Winter Palace where they paid their respects to Tsar Nicholas and Tsarina Alexandra Feodorovna, thanking him for his hospitality and graciousness in hosting the wedding ceremony between Constantine and Anna. With the formalities out of the way, Leopold dismissed his sons to explore the city, while he, Tsar Nicholas and Grand Duke Michael talked business. After several hours of heated negotiation, Michael would agree to pay an impressive sum of £40,000 on the day of the wedding, while Nicholas would provide his niece with an annual allowance of £6,000. With these final matters resolved, the last few days before the wedding passed quickly until the day of the destiny arrived.

The morning of the 27th would be relatively mild by Russian standards and apart from a smattering of clouds in the distance, the sky was clear. King Leopold, Crown Prince Constantine, his brother Prince Alexander, and a small number of Greek dignitaries made their way to the Grand Church of the Winter Palace, followed soon after by a horde of Russian nobles, magnates, priests and ministers who rushed to fill the chamber. Several foreign noblemen were also in attendance to pay their respects to the newly-weds and observe that day’s events. Among them were Sir George Hamilton Seymour representing Britain, Charles de Morny, Duc de Morny representing France, King Leopold’s longtime friend Archduke John of Austria, Prince Friedrich of Prussia, Prince Karl of Wurrtemberg, Prince Friedrich Wilhelm of Hesse, Duke Maximilian of Leuchtenberg, and Duke Peter of Oldenburg among many others. The last to arrive before the ceremony officially began was Tsar Nicholas, his wife Tsarina Alexandra Feodorovna and his son Tsarevich Alexander. Once the guest of honor was seated, the choir began the first hymn and the wedding service began.

The ceremony that followed was as spectacular as it was long, lasting well over three and a half hours from beginning to end thanks to cascade of speakers and songs. The ceremony was so long that Prince Alexander and his cousins Duke Ernest II, Prince Friedrich and Tsarevich Alexander frequently switched places as Constantine’s best man while Anna’s sisters Grand Duchess Elizabeth Mikhailovna and Grand Duchess Alexandra Mikhailovna did the same as Anna’s maid of honor. Anna for her part was garbed in a ravishing white lace dress with intricate silver embroidery, complete with an exquisite diadem of diamonds on loan from her aunt, Tsarina Alexandra Feodorovna. Contrasting this marvelous image of opulence and beauty was the simple looking Prince Constantine who was adorned in the rather plain uniform of a Greek cavalry officer. To his credit, the spindly Greek Prince looked his best and performed admirably despite the prolonged nature of the whole event and his reluctance to actually take part in the wedding.


The Marriage of Prince Constantine of Greece and Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna of Russia

Thankfully for all present, the service would eventually draw to a close as the vows were exchanged between the new husband and wife, mercifully bringing the ceremony to an end. What followed would be a grand celebration in the Winter Palace that carried on well into the night as Tsar Nicholas attempted to over awe his Greek guests with a great show of extravagance. The new couple would then spend the next three days in Ropsha for their "honeymoon" before returning to St. Petersburg on the 1st of May. At noon, King Leopold, Prince Constantine, Prince Alexander, and the Greek dignitaries thanked Tsar Nicholas and bade their farewells to the Russian court before taking to their ship and departing for Greece. Similarly, Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna, her father Grand Duke Michael, and their own respective entourage followed suit, bidding Tsar Nicholas farewell before leaving in similar manner aboard the Russian frigate Diana.

The return journey to Greece would not be entirely uneventful however, as the Russian frigate soon came under scrutiny by a squadron of the British Channel Fleet when it attempted to pass through the English Channel. Initially this sparked concern among the British sailors of an attack on British shores, but when they saw the Greek ensign above the Spetsai and King Leopold appeared on deck to greet the English sailors, the situation eased and the two ships were permitted to depart in peace. Two weeks later the Spetsai and Diana would arrive at the port of Piraeus, prompting jubilation from the crowds that had gathered at the docks, especially when young Anna appeared before them in a ravishing white and blue ensemble.

From the docks at Piraeus, the royal party would then take the train to Athens where they would be met by representatives of the Greek Government and were then transported by carriage to the Royal Palace. The next week was filled with celebrations and merriment on the part of all except for the newly wedded couple as Constantine generally kept to himself, while Anna quickly developed a strong rapport with her new sister in law Katherine. When the 30th of May arrived, the second wedding ceremony would mirror the previous wedding almost exactly, with the only definable difference being a much shorter length at only two hours as opposed to the excruciating three and a half of the first. The guest list at the second wedding was similarly much reduced as many of the prolific Princes, Dukes, and Grand Dukes in attendance at St. Petersburg had chosen to skip the second ceremony in Athens. The notable exception to this was Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, husband of Queen Victoria of Great Britain who had not been at the wedding in St. Petersburg only to be present for the second wedding in Athens. Politics, and a personal aversion to all things Russian, had prevented Victoria or Albert from attending their cousin Constantine’s wedding in St. Petersburg, but this was not the case with Greece which was a friend and ally of Britain, allowing Victoria to dispatch Albert to their cousin’s wedding in her stead. When it came time for Constantine and Anna to say their vows, they did so with a solemn resolve all too common in arranged marriages.

Still, when all was said and done, the two settled into their new roles as husband and bride rather easily. Prince Constantine would return to his military training sooner after the second wedding although he would return to the Palace periodically to perform his duties as a husband, while Anna joined Queen Marie and Princess Katherine in performing various charitable activities across Athens. After spending a month in Greece, Grand Duke Michael bid his beloved daughter farewell, before departing for home. Little more than a week later, Anna would announce that she was pregnant with Constantine’s child sending shockwaves of excitement and joy throughout the country. This era of good tidings would not last long however, as at the ripe old age of 83 Prime Minister Ioannis Kolettis died in office, setting off a political crisis the likes of which had yet to be seen in Greece.

Next Time: Gilded Greece


[1] Per OTL.

[2] A trait that Prince Constantine’s OTL counterpart, Leopold II shared as well.

[3] Gabriel Antonovich Katakazi was in fact a member of the Greek diaspora in service to the Russian crown. Born in Constantinople in 1794, Katakazi’s father, Anton Katakazi moved their family to the Russian Empire in 1807. During his time in Russia, Katakazi would serve as a deputy to then Russian Foreign Minister Ioannis Kapodistrias, he was also connected to the Ypsilanti family through the marriage of his older brother Constantine to Catherine Ypsilanti, sister of Alexander and Demetrios Ypsilantis. After the Greek War of Independence, Gabriel Antonovich Katakazi would be appointed Ambassador to Greece by Tsar Nicholas of Russia, a post he would hold from 1833 to 1843. However, he was adversarial towards King Otto and supported the establishment of a Greek Constitution, which went against the orders of St. Petersburg. For his efforts in aiding the September Revolution of 1843, he was removed from his post. As Greece was founded as a Constitutional Monarchy in 1831, this entire episode is averted and Katakazi is still the Russian Ambassador to Greece.

[4] VP or ΒΠ stands for Vassilikón Ploíon, meaning Royal Ship or His Hellenic Majesty’s Ship.
 
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Hear, hear!
Nice to have you back Earl!

Pushing the Greek border north into Bulgaria any further than OTL is certainly a much harder prospect as the Bulgarians are an established ethnic group with few cultural ties to the Greeks beyond a shared religion and history of cohabitation with one another
The only comment I have on your post is on the final greco-bulgarian border. The Rhodope mountains were mostly muslim at the time, so neither ethnic greek nor bulgarian. Check the various maps in the wiki article for the ethnic composition of Macedonia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demographic_history_of_Macedonia. In almost every map, either greek, bulgarian or serbian propaganda, you see a major muslim population at Rhodope, with greek and bulgarian presence of course. That's why I think the fate of those mountains won't be decided by ethnic composition in the end, but rather from politico-military developments. Poor in resources, they constitute a valuable natural barrier for both Bulgaria and Greece.

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/48/Rhodopen_Balkan_topo_de.jpg
 
Yah! Thanks for the update!

With the establishment of a millitarty school greece will have a advante not only into the the next deacdeds but as times goes and as the school keep growing larger and keep producing compent and good ones as well, millitarty officers. They will have good generals and a compent millitatry corp as well giving them a large advantgae over other states and more impromant the ottamons and this will simply mulitpy over time.

Is there a naval school as well? or is this for all branches of the greece milltarty?

With the king gone durning his formative years as ruler of greece will this see more power ceded to the queen or his sister or will congress and prime minister take up more of his powers temporaliy since he away?
 
Yah! Thanks for the update!

With the establishment of a millitarty school greece will have a advante not only into the the next deacdeds but as times goes and as the school keep growing larger and keep producing compent and good ones as well, millitarty officers. They will have good generals and a compent millitatry corp as well giving them a large advantgae over other states and more impromant the ottamons and this will simply mulitpy over time.

Is there a naval school as well? or is this for all branches of the greece milltarty?

With the king gone durning his formative years as ruler of greece will this see more power ceded to the queen or his sister or will congress and prime minister take up more of his powers temporaliy since he away?
In part 35 we were given the information about that
Each branch of the military would have their own academies for the training of young officers. The Hellenic Military Academy, would be moved from Nafplion to Athens and a separate Hellenic Naval Academy would be established at Piraeus
I imagine the ottoman empire wanting to to gain something like this as well(if they already have it I do not know)thougth I imagine that such establishments are purely for military matters if they have them
But I agree with you that it will benefit greece immensely.

He will obviously be coronated as ruler of greece once leo I dies and take up his responsibilities(whether he is good or bad it will be seen)(if you are talking about the academy there is no reason to since leo dies in 1865)and kypseli is not that far from athens.
https://el.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Κυψέλη_(Αθήνα)
 
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These last two parts make me wish that Constantine gets his chance to prove himself once his father die. Just to prove the king was wrong all along. Can't really say that I like this new face of Greece's first king.

As always nice update and don’t forget to threadmark it.
 
Part 74: Diadochos
Just a few thoughts

1. Apparently the military academy retains as much as OTL her elitist status. That most pupils had to pay teaching fees certainly did help in that direction. Still for the standards of the era it was providing excellent training and its graduates were guaranteed high social standing. Nevertheless it is producing comparable numbers of officers to OTL and the regular army has been described as at least twice the size of OTL. Another source of well trained officers will be needed. I would suggest introducing OTL's "Noncoms school" some decades early (in OTL it was part of the Trikoupis military reforms in 1884). This one was accepting qualified noncoms after competitive examination who became officers in the infantry and cavalry after 3 years of training in military and technical subjects. OTL there was also the reserve officers school of course (1 year training in 1889) whose graduates played a major role in all Greek wars but this will have to wait universal military service. Although arguably TTL Greece should be taking the existing example of Piedmont and Prussia...

2. That the prince is actually put in the school is a notable departure from OTL. What I mean. All 7 princes did graduate from the academy in OTL, but lived and were being taught military subjects separately in the palace, participating only in the infantry exercises of the academy twice a week (with the cadets presenting arms to them when they came and left). Which I suspect was one of the reasons their fellow academy graduates didn't take them overtly seriously aside from Constantine. That TTL the prince is put together with the other cadets can be only positive. Although it presents certain technical difficulties. How to do hazing err sorry training of the aces (ie the first year cadets) when the king's son is among them? :D

3. No mention to either the Athens polytechnic and the naval cadets school. Both are of course around as of 1852 and quite important, I'd expect they are quite a bit more developed compared to OTL.

4. The first Greek royal marriage since Byzantine times and it will be done in the Russian church of Athens? Hell no unless you want questions in parliament and demonstrations in the street for... the insult to the country. Saint Irene is the cathedral at the time and where the marriage should be taking place. https://www.athenskey.com/agia-eirini.html
 
Hear, hear!
Nice to have you back Earl!



The only comment I have on your post is on the final greco-bulgarian border. The Rhodope mountains were mostly muslim at the time, so neither ethnic greek nor bulgarian. Check the various maps in the wiki article for the ethnic composition of Macedonia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demographic_history_of_Macedonia. In almost every map, either greek, bulgarian or serbian propaganda, you see a major muslim population at Rhodope, with greek and bulgarian presence of course. That's why I think the fate of those mountains won't be decided by ethnic composition in the end, but rather from politico-military developments. Poor in resources, they constitute a valuable natural barrier for both Bulgaria and Greece.

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/48/Rhodopen_Balkan_topo_de.jpg
On purely military grounds I would say that the Ardas river makes a logical end goal for Greece... assuming there is a Greek Thrace in the first place TTL of course, which should not be taken for granted. While there were significant Greek populations to the north of this both on the coast and in Philipoupolis/Plovdiv I don't see how a Greek Eastern Rumelia could become a practical proposition.
 
Hear, hear!
Nice to have you back Earl!



The only comment I have on your post is on the final greco-bulgarian border. The Rhodope mountains were mostly muslim at the time, so neither ethnic greek nor bulgarian. Check the various maps in the wiki article for the ethnic composition of Macedonia https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demographic_history_of_Macedonia. In almost every map, either greek, bulgarian or serbian propaganda, you see a major muslim population at Rhodope, with greek and bulgarian presence of course. That's why I think the fate of those mountains won't be decided by ethnic composition in the end, but rather from politico-military developments. Poor in resources, they constitute a valuable natural barrier for both Bulgaria and Greece.

https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/48/Rhodopen_Balkan_topo_de.jpg
Thank you. I fortunately managed to get this update out in only 1 month as opposed to 3 for the last one.;)

The Rhodope mountains do seem like they'd be a good northern boundary for Greece to have, especially when paired with the Strandzha mountains in the East and the Maritsa river, but getting the entire region would be a tall task for Greece.

@Earl Marshal Anthypolochagos is a second lieutenant an ypolochagos a lochagos a captain...an Anthypilarchos is a cavalry second lieutenant equivalent
Thanks for the heads up, its been edited accordingly.

Yah! Thanks for the update!

With the establishment of a millitarty school greece will have a advante not only into the the next deacdeds but as times goes and as the school keep growing larger and keep producing compent and good ones as well, millitarty officers. They will have good generals and a compent millitatry corp as well giving them a large advantgae over other states and more impromant the ottamons and this will simply mulitpy over time.

Is there a naval school as well? or is this for all branches of the greece milltarty?
wh
With the king gone durning his formative years as ruler of greece will this see more power ceded to the queen or his sister or will congress and prime minister take up more of his powers temporaliy since he away?
Yeah there is a Hellenic Naval Academy at Piraeus that was established after the Greek War for Independence in 1831. The Hellenic Military Academy provides new officers for the Hellenic Army, the Naval Academy provides new officers for the Navy.

Leopold was only gone for about 2 months, which isn't all that long relatively speaking, but there are provisions in place for events like this where the King is unable to fulfill his duties for an extended period of time. Constantine on the other hand is only 4-5 miles (8 kilometers) away from the Palace, so he could be back home in a few minutes if necessary.

In part 35 we were given the information about that


I imagine the ottoman empire wanting to to gain something like this as well(if they already have it I do not know)thougth I imagine that such establishments are purely for military matters if they have them
But I agree with you that it will benefit greece immensely.

He will obviously be coronated as ruler of greece once leo I dies and take up his responsibilities(whether he is good or bad it will be seen)(if you are talking about the academy there is no reason to since leo dies in 1865)and kypseli is not that far from athens.
https://el.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Κυψέλη_(Αθήνα)
I'm not exactly sure which part I mentioned it in, but the Ottomans do have something similar to a formal officer school if I remember correctly.

These last two parts make me wish that Constantine gets his chance to prove himself once his father die. Just to prove the king was wrong all along. Can't really say that I like this new face of Greece's first king.

As always nice update and don’t forget to threadmark it.
Sadly, Leopold was a cold man without much love and kindness left in him in the 1850's both in OTL and ITTL, and what little he did have left, he gave to his daughter Charlotte, his neice Victoria, and his mistress Madame Mayer von Eppinghoven.

Doh! Its threadmarked now.

Just a few thoughts

1. Apparently the military academy retains as much as OTL her elitist status. That most pupils had to pay teaching fees certainly did help in that direction. Still for the standards of the era it was providing excellent training and its graduates were guaranteed high social standing. Nevertheless it is producing comparable numbers of officers to OTL and the regular army has been described as at least twice the size of OTL. Another source of well trained officers will be needed. I would suggest introducing OTL's "Noncoms school" some decades early (in OTL it was part of the Trikoupis military reforms in 1884). This one was accepting qualified noncoms after competitive examination who became officers in the infantry and cavalry after 3 years of training in military and technical subjects. OTL there was also the reserve officers school of course (1 year training in 1889) whose graduates played a major role in all Greek wars but this will have to wait universal military service. Although arguably TTL Greece should be taking the existing example of Piedmont and Prussia...

2. That the prince is actually put in the school is a notable departure from OTL. What I mean. All 7 princes did graduate from the academy in OTL, but lived and were being taught military subjects separately in the palace, participating only in the infantry exercises of the academy twice a week (with the cadets presenting arms to them when they came and left). Which I suspect was one of the reasons their fellow academy graduates didn't take them overtly seriously aside from Constantine. That TTL the prince is put together with the other cadets can be only positive. Although it presents certain technical difficulties. How to do hazing err sorry training of the aces (ie the first year cadets) when the king's son is among them? :D

3. No mention to either the Athens polytechnic and the naval cadets school. Both are of course around as of 1852 and quite important, I'd expect they are quite a bit more developed compared to OTL.

4. The first Greek royal marriage since Byzantine times and it will be done in the Russian church of Athens? Hell no unless you want questions in parliament and demonstrations in the street for... the insult to the country. Saint Irene is the cathedral at the time and where the marriage should be taking place. https://www.athenskey.com/agia-eirini.html
I definitely agree that 15 to 20 new officers a year is quite low, especially for an army around 40,000 men (combined active and reserve) so another source of officers will be needed. I think the next update should handle this nicely as the man I'm intending on making Prime Minister fits into the Charilaos Trikoupis mold and will be responsible for a lot of important developments for Greece, both economically and militarily.

Technically, there is nothing preventing Prince Constantine from living at home, aside from the fact that Leopold didn't want him there. Now that he is married though Constantine will probably be allowed by Leopold to spend more time there to attend to his "duties" as a husband and soon to be father.

The Naval Academy was founded in 1831 ITTL and is located in Piraeus. The National Technical University of Athens is also around ITTL and was founded around the same time as OTL.

I couldn't find anything connecting the Church of the Holy Trinity and the Russians before 1847 in OTL, but if it makes more sense to hold the wedding in the Agia Eirini then I'm fine switching it.
 
Nice to see that Constantine doesn't have some of the, uh, hangups of his OTL counterpart, Leopold II. Apparently, Leo II had to get sex advice from his Uncle Albert and Aunt Victoria.
 
The Rhodope mountains do seem like they'd be a good northern boundary for Greece to have, especially when paired with the Strandzha mountains in the East and the Maritsa river, but getting the entire region would be a tall task for Greece.
On purely military grounds I would say that the Ardas river makes a logical end goal for Greece... assuming there is a Greek Thrace in the first place TTL of course, which should not be taken for granted. While there were significant Greek populations to the north of this both on the coast and in Philipoupolis/Plovdiv I don't see how a Greek Eastern Rumelia could become a practical proposition.
In OTL after WW2 the greek goverment tried to claim an Ardas river border. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/5/50/Arda_Mariza.jpg

The literature on the greco-bulgarian border after WW2 is sparse at best, but Dragostinova had published an interesting paper https://www-cambridge-org.vu-nl.idm.oclc.org/core/journals/contemporary-european-history/article/on-strategic-frontiers-debating-the-borders-of-the-postsecond-world-war-balkans/8FAEBA46756F19647BA8DE013C9E963F/core-reader

Certainly a greek Eastern Rumelia would be ASB and I doubt any sane policy maker in OTL wanted to annex anything more north than the Ardas river.
 
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Nice to see that Constantine doesn't have some of the, uh, hangups of his OTL counterpart, Leopold II. Apparently, Leo II had to get sex advice from his Uncle Albert and Aunt Victoria.
They did. The difference was of course in education compared to the academy graduates and on most mustangs tending to be in the infantry and cavalry with academy graduates usually preferring the artillery and engineers. The NonComs school proved an excellent remedy for that in OTL as it gave a fast promotion track to suitable candidates along with three years of education that on military subjects was comparable to the academy, plus a solid technical background and a foreign language (learning French was a compulsory part of the curriculum). The social mobility part of it was also quite useful. The academy as mentioned had teaching fees. The school on the other hand was free. So a high school graduate whose family didn't have the money could still join the army, which given conscription he'd do anyway and after a couple of years give exams for the school.
 
Great and illuminating update! Well, an grandson (or granddaughter ) for Leopold in 1853 means that his dynasty will solidify its position and that Greece will be even more stable. It is good that Constantine lives in the Academy, this will help him develop strong bonds with some of his classmates, which might become in the future his military leaders or his ministers.
Concerning the future Greek borders, I expect that Greece will certainly be in a better position to acquire most, or all of Northern Epirus, the areas around Bitola (Monastiri in Greek) and Gevgeli, and Petrich in modern day Bulgaria. Besides this, a stronger Greece might be able to prevent Eastern Rumelia from becoming Bulgarian, or at least have the rights of the Greeks residing there being respected.
 
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