Part 22: Fabvier and the Fighting Fiends of Nafpaktos
Part 22: Fabvier and the Fighting Fiends of Nafpaktos

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The Greeks Assemble outside Nafpaktos

The fall of Missolonghi was met with muted celebration across the Ottoman Empire, with the loudest cheers of jubilation coming from Topkapi Palace in Constantinople. The infernal city had finally fallen to the Sultan’s armies, and there was no one more thrilled at the result than Sultan Mahmud II himself. By his command, the minarets throughout the city proclaimed the glories of Allah and the victories of his servants over the traitorous Greeks. Surprisingly, the least enthused about Missolonghi’s capture were the Ottoman soldiers themselves. Rumors spread across the empire, that it was the Egyptians and not the Turks who were responsible for the victory over the Greeks and rather than boosting their morale, it only fell further as a result.

The yearlong undertaking needed to take the city had been great, of the 50,000 Albanian, Egyptian, and Turkish soldiers sent against the Greeks in the lagoon and in the city, over 18,000 had died, with as many men succumbing to illness as those who succumbed to Greek bullets or blades. Another 15,000 had been so badly mauled in the fighting or made to suffer from other maladies that they were rendered unfit for further combat against the Greeks, with most being mustered out of service entirely or relegated to garrison duty. Over the next month following the capitulation of Missolonghi, their numbers were reduced further still. His obligation fulfilled, Ibrahim and his remaining 4,500 men, many of which were wounded, departed for the Morea to complete his conquests there. Another 2,000 were called away to the East to aid in the last push against the Greeks of Atalanti and Salona. The Greeks who had escaped from Missolonghi also continued to prey upon the Ottomans when they ventured too far from their camps, killing or wounding an additional 2,300 Albanians and Turks between the beginning of May and the end of July.

Command of the army was also an issue for the Ottomans. The death of Resid Mehmet Pasha in January had left the Ottoman troops effectively under the command of Ibrahim Pasha, but his departure soon after the siege’s conclusion in early May had now left them without a clear leader once again. The only other Ottoman commanders of any significance present at Missolonghi were the Kapudan Pasha, Khosref Pasha and Yusuf Sezeris, the Pasha of Euboea. Both men, however, refused to concede leadership to the other and as a result they did little more than argue for the next two months before Khosref Pasha was finally recalled to Constantinople in early July. Now alone, Yusuf Pasha set about installing garrisons in Missolonghi and its environs before he acted on orders of his own, the reconquest of Nafpaktos. The city and castle had fallen to the Greeks right from underneath Yusuf over two years ago, now was the chance for him to regain his lost honor.

Reaching Nafpaktos on the 24th of July, with 6,000 infantrymen and 500 cavalrymen, he found the city and its castle lightly defended by no more than 900 Greeks in total, many of whom were likely townsfolk who had been levied for the defense of their city. His good fortune quickly ran out, however. While he could establish siege works along the western edge of the city, his efforts to the North and East were met with great resistance from the Greeks of Nafpaktos. Reinforcement by sea also proved to be an aggravating problem for the Ottomans as the Egyptian fleet had departed with Ibrahim, and much of the Ottoman Navy had left with Khosref Pasha leaving Yusuf with little more than 3 sloops, 2 brigs, and several smaller vessels to maintain a porous blockade around Nafpaktos. While the Ottomans held the Gulf of Patras, the Gulf of Corinth lay entirely in Greek hands, enabling them to quickly rush men and supplies into the city at a moment’s notice. One of those men was the French Philhellene Charles Fabvier.

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Colonel Charles Nicolas Fabvier, French Officer and Philhellene

Colonel Charles Nicholas Fabvier had served as an artillery officer and engineer in the armies of France during the Napoleonic wars. Fabvier had an illustrious military career under Napoleon serving with distinction in the Ulm Campaign, Russian Campaign, the Hundred Days Campaign and as a part of various diplomatic missions to the Ottoman Empire and Persia. His career was derailed by injuries which limited his time in the field of battle where he could gain glory or élan. Fabvier continued his service to France after the restoration of the Bourbon Monarchy in 1815 but due to his strong association with the Revolution he was relegated to a minor role. After being charged with a crime he did not commit and repeatedly subjected to ridicule over his liberal beliefs, he was finally pushed out of the French Army entirely in 1823. With nowhere else to turn, he and a group of other French and Italian Bonapartists embarked on a ship bound for Greece to make a new beginning for themselves in Hellas.

Arriving at Navarino in the Summer of 1824, Charles Fabvier intended to establish an agricultural and industrial colony with his fellow expatriates in Greece, but the needs of the Revolutionary Government compelled him to act in its defense.[1] Barely a month after arriving in Greece, Fabvier left for Britain to lobby additional support for the Greeks in London, where he raised funds and gathered volunteers to serve in Greece. After spending a year in Britain, he returned to Nafplion in mid-June of 1825, just in time for Ibrahim Pasha’s attack on the city. Fighting alongside Yannis Makriyannis in the battle of Lerna, Fabvier fought heroically alongside the Greeks earning their trust and comradery. For his valor, the Government, appointed him command of the 2nd Regiment of the Hellenic Army which was presently in Southern Roumeli outside Salona. The move also put him under the command of Odysseus Androutsos, the recently appointed Governor General of Eastern Roumeli.

Androutsos had made amends with the Government in Nafplion over the Summer and Fall of 1824, due in large part to Byron’s payment of his arrears. Trewlany and Stanhope had both insisted upon Byron to finance their benefactor Androutsos, and while he was nowhere near as devoted to the man as his companions were, Byron recognized the importance of retaining the services of this talented man for the Greeks. Using his position as the custodian of the first English loan, Byron had the Nafplion Government pay Androutsos and their men for their services and bestowed upon them new weapons and fresh munitions. The apparent show of support galvanized Androutsos, as his vigor had been waning in the months following the disappointment that was the Congress of Salona, and compelled him to act. The news of his hated rival Ioannis Kolettis’ withdrawal from the Executive following his grievous injury at the hands of Charalamvis in January also pleased the klepht and did much to reconcile him with the Nafplion Government. [2]

Together with his deputy Yannis Gouras, Androutsos moved North from Athens to fight off the Ottoman offensives towards Atalanti, Livadeia, and Salona for which he was named Governor General of Eastern Roumeli by the Nafplion Government. Though he was successful initially in halting the advance of Aslan Bey’s men near Bralos, his resources began to run dry. Gouras faced a similar problem as the Ottoman garrison in Khalkis regularly sortied across the Euripus Strait to raid his rear, diverting his own limited resources as well, enabling his opponent Osman Aga to make some gains along the coast. Reinforcements were also in short supply given the invasion of Ibrahim Pasha in the Morea and the beginning of the Third Siege of Missolonghi. Despite their valor, Androutsos and Gouras simply lacked the men and munitions to hold off the Turks indefinitely, still they made them pay for every plot of land they took. Ultimately, through sheer numbers the Ottomans forced the Greeks to cede ground and by the beginning of August, they had taken the hamlets of Bralos and Agios Konstantinos.

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Yannis Gouras Ambushes the Turks near Livanates

The arrival of Charles Fabvier in Salona in August did much to sure up the flagging Greek defenses in the region. His experience as an engineer proved dividends in the hills and valleys of Phocis and Phthiotis, slowing the Turkish advance into a crawl in some places or halting it entirely in others. By the end of November 1825, the theater had stalemated as the Ottomans withdrew into Winter Quarters, effectively ending the offensive halfway. The coming of Spring in 1826 saw a resumption of the Ottoman attack, and like before, they slowly, yet methodically pushed the Greeks southward. Androutsos, however, opted to make his stand at Gravia, where he had famously defeated the Albanian Omer Vrioni nearly five years earlier.

Despite being outnumbered nearly 10 to 1, Androutsos and 622 men successfully held off Aslan Bey and 5,800 Ottoman soldiers. Unable to crack the Greeks’ defenses after five long days, Aslan Bey was forced to call for reinforcements from Lamia. Fabvier, however, had managed to elude detection and positioned himself and nearly 240 Greeks and Philhellenes in the hills between Gravia and Lamia. When 1,100 Ottoman soldiers appeared along the road near Skamnos, Fabvier sprung his trap. 90 Ottomans were killed in the initial volley and another 370 would be lost in the subsequent hours, but by nightfall they had managed to link up with Aslan Bey when he dispatched his cavalry to rescue them. Despite getting his reinforcements, the existent of a small, but relatively sizeable force of Greeks to his rear made Aslan Bey’s situation increasingly untenable. The number of hostile Greeks in the area continued to rise every day as more and more men came to share in the glory of the looming victory. Seeking to avoid a repeat of Dramali’s Disaster, Aslan Bey decided to withdraw to Lamia, hounded all the way by opportunistic Greeks. While he managed to reorganize his forces, and was reinforced with additional men from Missolonghi, Aslan Bey proved reluctant to march forth once again, and instead opted to remain cloistered away in Lamia for several months.

With the situation in Phocis stabilized for now, Fabvier was tasked with leading his men West to Nafpaktos to aid in the defense of the city. The situation in the region had barely changed in the two months since the siege began on the 24th of July. While Yusuf Pasha had finally managed to complete his trenches around the city in early August, they were just as porous as the naval blockade outside the city’s harbor, and the arrival of 11 more ships and 2,500 more soldiers in late August did little to rectify the mounting problems for the Ottomans. The Greek garrison within Nafpaktos had similarly grown from 900 to 1,600 by the time Fabvier arrived in early September. What’s more, Markos Botsaris, Demetrios Makris, and many of the surviving soldiers from Missolonghi constantly raided the Ottoman camp, disrupting their supply lines, cutting off their lines of communication, attacking their sentries, and effectively making life miserable for Yusuf Pasha and his men.

When Fabvier arrived on the scene on the 26th of September with 2,900 regulars and irregulars to break the siege of Nafpaktos, Yusuf Pasha immediately turned his attention to this new threat, bringing 5,000 Ottoman soldiers and the entirety of his cavalry to greet them. Fabvier in preparation for their attack, readied rudimentary defenses and loaded grapeshot and shrapnel into his field guns, which he unleashed as soon as the Ottomans began to ford the Mornos river. Fabvier’s regulars, his Taktikon Infantry, stood shoulder to shoulder in line formation leveled their guns on the charging Ottomans and fired in a disciplined display of withering firepower.[3] Though the opening volley was certainly devastating, Yusuf and his men managed to overcome the paltry defenses and engage the Greeks in hand to hand combat. It was an intense affair, but Fabvier and his men conducted themselves admirably given the circumstances and held their ground until nightfall, effectively ending the battle. When morning came on the 27th of September, Yusuf Pasha discovered the Greeks had fled the field during the night.

In truth, Fabvier and his regulars had withdrawn in good order to the coast where they embarked on a fleet of transports to carry them into the city under the cover of darkness. The klephts and militia that had joined with him would continue to harass the Ottomans from the hills and forests to the East in conjunction with Botsaris and Makris to the North and West respectively. After nearly three months the Ottomans had made little progress against Nafpaktos and what they had gained they had achieved at a steep price. The final death knell for the Ottoman siege of Nafpaktos would come not on land, but at sea.

On the 10th of October, the Greek Admiral Andreas Miaoulis and 12 Greek ships, the 4th Rate Hellas, the 4th Rate Kronos, the frigate Leandros, the corvette Hydrai, the corvette Spetsei, and the steamship Karteria, among several others forced their way through the straits of Rio, brushing aside the cannon fire from the castles of Rio and Antirrio before beginning their attack on the Ottoman blockade of Nafpaktos. Though outnumbered 30 to 14, the Greeks, for the first time in the war possessed larger and more powerful ships than the Ottomans. The Karteria under the precise command of Captain Hastings proved especially deadly in this engagement, sinking 5 Ottoman ships by itself. Though coal was a precious resource in Greece, Hastings had rationed his stockpile expertly, saving it solely for situations such as these. With his furnaces running, Hasting’s ordered his crew to heat their shots and fire their carronades with less gunpowder so to imbed the shot within the planks of the enemy’s hull. The tactic worked brilliantly, setting three ships aflame and sinking two others in quick order. It was truly a marvel to behold for the Greeks, witnessing the steamship operate as it did. Traveling at about 8 knots, it smoothly maneuvered through the fighting ships confusing the Ottomans and amazing the Greeks.

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The Karteria in Battle at Nafpaktos

Miaoulis also shared in the glory, sinking 3 Ottoman vessels with the Hellas. Of all the naval engagements of the war, the battle of Nafpaktos was among the most one sided. Within all of two hours, the Ottoman “fleet” was sent running or sent to the bottom of the sea, the Greeks only suffering some slight to moderate damage on four of their ships and the loss of about 28 sailors and marines. The Greeks, now possessing naval supremacy began to shell the Ottoman positions on land and escorting transports into the city from the Morea. Unable to maintain his lines, Yusuf Pasha was forced to abandon the siege of Nafpaktos and retreat to Missolonghi. The Greeks would deliver one last blow to the Ottoman commander.

To the north of Krioneri, all of 10 miles from Missolonghi, the Ottoman army was ambushed by 1,300 Greeks and Souliotes under the command of Botsaris and Makris. Exhausted, starving, and ill equipped for a sudden confrontation, the Greeks fell upon the beleaguered Ottomans. In an instant, their morale vanished, their discipline failed them, and they chose to run and flee rather than stand and fight. In the chaos that ensued, over half of the 4,600 Ottomans that remained were captured or killed. Some, including Yusuf Pasha ran to the safety of Antirrio, while others managed to reach the sanctity of Missolonghi’s walls, the irony of which was not lost on the Greeks. For so long, those walls had protected the Greeks from the Ottomans, now they protected the Ottomans against the Greeks. Whatever the case may be, the Ottoman position in Western Greece had completely collapsed and it was only a matter of time before Missolonghi was once more in Greek hands.

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Greece in the Fall of 1826
Purple – Greece
Green – Ottoman Empire
Pink – The United States of the Ionian Islands​

Next Time: Scourge No More


[1] Many die hard Bonapartists fled France and Italy for Britain or Spain in the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars. Eventually, many returned to France to take part in the 1830 July Revolution, Fabvier himself took part in the event as well, serving as the Commander of revolutionaries in Paris.

[2] As was the case across Greece, many men who fought for the Greeks went without pay, Androutsos was no exception. Having gone months without pay, and losing men and resources to other captains in favor with the Government, Androutsos, opened negotiations with the Ottomans regarding his defection. Unfortunately for Androutsos, he was captured by the Greeks in an ensuing battle, some accounts say he surrendered willingly, and was summarily imprisoned at the Acropolis where he was later found dead on the 17th of June 1825.

[3] Taktikon is the Greek name for the modern European style army that they developed in the later years of the war.
 
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Is Santorre di Santarosa (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Annibale_Santorre_di_Rossi_de_Pomarolo,_Count_of_Santarosa) with them? Will he manage to survive longer than iotl and find a more meaningful role? The guy was really unlucky in otl...
Santarosa came with a later group that arrived in November of 1824. His OTL death was primarily a result of politics. As the Greeks were afraid of offending the Great Powers by promoting an ardent revolutionary to a position of power, especially one as prominent as Santarosa, he was relegated to serving as a common soldier leading to his stationing on Sphaktiria and his OTL death when Ibrahim Pasha attacked the island in May of 1825. I'll say that since Greece isn't as beholden to the Great Powers as they were in OTL, Santarosa was given a more appropriate role and is likely still alive. That said, the Greeks didn't especially care for the Italians so it probably wouldn't be that high an office.
 
Part 23: Scourge No More
Part 23: Scourge No More

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Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt, Scourge of Hellas​

With the fall of Missolonghi accomplished, Ibrahim Pasha and his exhausted Egyptians made the short voyage across the Gulf of Patras and into the Morea where they would continue the conquest of the Peloponnese from the year before. This time, however, their efforts found surprisingly little success due in large part to the thorough depletion of his force. Of the original 17,000 men that Ibrahim arrived in Methoni with over a year ago, about 1,000 had been lost at Navarino, another 1,300 at Maniakion, 2,600 fell at Argos and Myloi, more than 1,600 had been killed in the Morea since his departure for Missolonghi in January, and nearly 9,000 were killed or wounded at Missolonghi.[1] While he had been reinforced with 4,000 fresh recruits in August, an additional 5,000 over the Winter, and another 2,000 a few weeks after returning to the Morea, these men tended to be raw, inexperienced, and generally proved to be poor substitutes for the battle tested veterans Ibrahim had lost thus far.

Worse still were the losses among his officer corps which suffered tremendous casualty rates, close to 70%. Unlike the vast bulk of his forces which could be easily replaced with new conscripts, Ibrahim’s officers had been extensively and exquisitely trained by the French and they had honed their craft even further through years of war in Arabia and Greece. Ibrahim’s brother in law, Hussein Bey, was one such officer, cut down at Missolonghi in the waning days of the battle. Ibrahim, himself had also been wounded at Missolonghi, an injury which sidelined him for much of the last month of the siege. As can be expected, the quality of his forces was noticeably lower in the Summer of 1826 than it was the year before, both in terms of discipline and the precision of their movements.

Reinforcement and resupply also posed a burgeoning problem for Ibrahim and his men. The Ottomans vehemently resisted assisting him in any capacity, if Ibrahim was to be Pasha of the Morea, then it was his responsibility to win it himself. More surprising was the lack of support he received from his father Muhammad Ali, the Wali of Egypt. Following Missolonghi’s fall on the 30th of April, the better part of the Egyptian fleet immediately departed for Alexandria where it would remain for the remainder of the year. Though Ibrahim did not know it at the time, Muhammad Ali had opened negotiations with the Russians and British regarding his potential exit from the war, and the withdrawal of his fleets had been a sign of good faith for these negotiations.[2] While the occasional supply and transport ships would cross the sea to the Morea, the machinations of his father had left Ibrahim without any clear direction and he became increasingly isolated in Greece. At most, he had 11,000 men to call upon if one included the few Ottoman auxiliaries that followed his commands. Many of these men were wasted holding the numerous castles, cities, and villages across the Western littoral of the Morea, a country which had continued to aggravate and oppose him.

At best Messenia had been thoroughly pacified, although some rebels remained in hiding in the hills. The coast running from Patras in the North to Kalamata in the South was also under his control, but most of his gains in the interior he had made over the last year had been lost to the Greeks. Ibrahim’s gains were only secure whilst he himself was present in the region. The moment he departed one area for another, the Greeks would come down from their hills and strike out against the garrisons that he had left behind. Over the Winter and early-Spring while Ibrahim was away at Missolonghi, the Egyptians were driven from Megalopolis, Mystras, Pellana, Sparta, and the area surrounding Tripolitsa. This sudden reversal in the Morea lies in large part with the vigorous campaigning of Panos Kolokotronis who took it upon himself to lead the resistance to Ibrahim with fire and axe. Striking from their hidden bases deep in the hills of the Morean interior, Panos and his band of men achieved as much success against the Egyptians as any had thus far.

The return of Ibrahim to the region, however, heralded the end of these reversals. Even with his diminished force and lacking the support and guidance of his father, Ibrahim remained a dangerous and cunning foe. Landing in Patras on the 6th of May, Ibrahim cut a swath of devastation southward towards Kalamata. Though the city was officially under his control, it was known to have provided refuge to Panos and his partisans who operated in the area. For this treachery, Ibrahim intended to scourge the Greeks of Kalamata. When the local inhabitants refused to give up the location of Panos or the names of their supporters, Ibrahim had the homes of suspected insurgents burned to the ground. When the people protested or resisted in any manner, the men were slaughtered, the women and children enslaved, and their farms salted and scorched. This act was repeated across the Morea from Patras to Pylos; wherever there were Greeks who opposed him, Ibrahim made sure that they suffered. Rather than spread dread and fear among the Greeks, it incited further resistance to the Egyptians and provided Panos with ever more volunteers with which to oppose him.

With Kalamata desolated, Ibrahim advanced eastward into Laconia, a region that had hitherto been mostly untouched by the war. Its people were among the most rebellious however, the Maniots of the Mani peninsula, located in the South of Laconia, were a warlike people, a rebellious people who had challenged the authority of the Ottoman sultans even at their height of power and glory. In all the years of Ottoman dominion over Greece, only the Mani had resisted the Turks with some degree of success.[3] When Ibrahim approached the Mani, he dispatched emissaries to demand the surrender of the Maniots, as to be expected the Maniots in no uncertain terms refused. Insulted, Ibrahim pressed on fully intending to pillage the region for its insolence.

The first confrontation between the Maniots and Ibrahim came on the 5th of July near the fishing hovel of Almyros. Nearly 2,000 Greek Maniots and refugees had amassed behind the long wall protecting the village which ran from the seashore uphill for over a quarter mile, where it was anchored on the steep slopes of Mount Kalathi. While some Egyptians would attempt to circumvent the obstacles by treading through the sea to the West or climbing the mountains to the East, they were generally few in number and extremely exposed to Greek sharpshooters who made quick work of them. The wall also followed a dried-up riverbed providing the assembled Greeks with a moderately deep ditch right before the wall. There did exist several holes existed within the walls, but when the Egyptians attempted to rush these gaps, they found several cannons waiting for them. The ensuing volley ripped the charging Egyptians to shreds.

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Almyros

For nearly two weeks, the Maniots of Almyros under the inspired leadership of Georgios Mavromichalis, son of former executive President Petros Mavromichalis, kept the Egyptians at bay. When Ibrahim attempted to force the walls with infantry, they were repelled with ease. When he attempted to go around their positions, they were thwarted in their efforts. When he concentrated his artillery fire upon the center of the wall, it surprisingly withstood the mighty barrage. When he brought in gunboats to shell the Greek positions from behind, the Greeks withdrew up the hill only to return when the Egyptians attempted to push through. Nine separate attempts were made against the walls of Almyros, and they were repelled nine separate times. Ultimately, Ibrahim was forced to withdraw when Panos Kolokotronis arrived on the scene with his men, attempting to catch the Egyptians between him and the wall at Almyros. While the loss at Almyros was an embarrassing setback for Ibrahim, the defeat at Areopolis was truly a horrendous failure for him.

Seeking to bypass the Greek defenses at Almyros, Ibrahim dispatched a squadron of ships and nearly 2,000 men, to take the town of Areopolis to the south, thus diverting the Maniots’ attention and resources with a second front. Unlike his prior stratagems, this gambit quickly backfired on Ibrahim. Though the Egyptians managed to successfully land at the bay of Diro on the 10th of July and achieved their goals of seizing and razing Areopolis, they were soon confronted by local Maniot women and children who delayed them long enough for help to arrive from neighboring villages. After three days in the outskirts and ruins of Areopolis, the Egyptians were forced to flee to their ships, only to find their vessels sinking into the bay and the Greek Navy waiting for them. Now under fire from both the land and the sea it was only a matter of time before they were destroyed.

Forced between the choice of abandoning his men at Areopolis or potentially losing more trying to save them, Ibrahim chose the latter. As the Greeks had positioned their ships near Diro, he was forced to landed a second force of 1,500 men 4 miles to the north near Itilo. Progress was slow for the Egyptians marching south as they too were bogged down by the Maniots and suffered horrendous losses attempting to reach their comrades at Diro. Eventually at dusk on the 15th of July they managed to meet with the survivors of the first expedition, who numbered no more than 900 men by this time, and began marching north once more. The return journey was just as, if not more perilous for the Egyptians as the Maniots constantly hounded them for the entire night. When they finally reached Itilo the next morning, the panicked and exhausted Egyptians crowded the boats in an attempt to escape to the ships. Those that couldn’t find room on the rowboats were forced to swim to the ships leaving them at the mercy of the Greeks who continued to fire upon them from the shore. When they finally departed from Itilo for Ibrahim’s camp outside Kalamata barely 1300 souls remained.

With half of his available manpower killed, wounded, or captured at Almyros and Areopolis, Ibrahim was forced to abandon his campaign against the Maniots for a time. For the next two months, Ibrahim remained on the defensive, fighting off frequent raids and stabilizing the frontier with the rebels, but with the arrival of fresh reinforcements in early September, 1,000 Egyptian infantrymen, 1,000 Arab infantrymen, and 400 Algerian, Berber, and Bedouin horsemen bringing his field army to a nominal strength of 6,500, he went on the offensive once more.

When he arrived at Almyros on the 22nd of September, he found the village abandoned, the fields scorched, the wells filled in, and the livestock slaughtered. The Maniots had retreated to the hills and mountains, the valleys and ravines of the Mani, as if goading Ibrahim to advance further into them. Though he would run the risk of constant attacks by the raiders hiding in the hills, Ibrahim had been laid low by these people and sought to make clear his superiority over them. As expected the attacks came and as predicted, the attacks were generally poorly organized and lacked the coordination needed to seriously challenge him. After three days in the North of the Mani, Ibrahim had yet to encounter any large concentration of Greeks and began to proceed South.

As they approached Kardamyli on their fourth day, the Egyptians began to encounter Greek ships off the coast. At first, they only exchanged blows with Ibrahim’s paltry fleet of gunboats, which acted as little more than a floating artillery detachment, but the further south Ibrahim went, the more daring they became. While his ships put up a good fight, they were no match for the proper warships the Greeks were utilizing. Many Greek vessels managed to break through Ibrahim’s naval screen enabling them to bombard the exposed Egyptian army as it marched along the coastal road. With the enemy ships shelling his column, Ibrahim was forced to turn inland where the steep mountains briefly gave way to rolling hills around Itilo. Ibrahim’s troubles did not end once he entered the hills, instead they worsened.

Almost immediately, Ibrahim encountered a band of Greeks who had holed up inside the old castle of Kelefa which overlooked the main route into the interior. Despite only being manned by some 56 Greeks, the castle managed to withstand the Egyptians’ assault for nearly 7 hours before finally being overrun during the night. The strong resilience of the Maniots at Kelefa had more to do with the rough terrain of the Mani which limited the effectiveness of Ibrahim’s artillery. The castle had been strategically located atop a steep hill, well above the sights of the Egyptian cannons and while a plain was located to the south and east of the castle, it was laden with boulders and rocks, making it impossible to move artillery through it.

Entering the hills on the 28th scarcely improved the Egyptians’ situation as the raids by the Maniots became deadlier and more frequent. The weather also began to turn against them as well as the Summer turned to Fall in Greece, the seasonal rains were especially incumbering, slowing their progress even further. On the 29th, Ibrahim’s scouts stumbled upon some Maniots who had hidden away within the castle of Old Karyoupolis and fired down upon the Egyptians as they approached, forcing Ibrahim to redirect to the south. 92 Greeks at old Karyoupolis resisted Ibrahim for nearly 2 days before finally fleeing in the middle of the night, and in the next village over another 58 Greeks obstructed the Egyptians at Drosopigi for nearly half a day before they were forced to retreat as well. The cost in lives needed to clear these obstructions were atrocious in relative terms with 282 dead and 475 more wounded between the three engagements. Despite the mounting casualties and the worsening conditions, Ibrahim pressed on.

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The Maniots Attack

After five arduous days in the mountains, Ibrahim Pasha and his force emerged on the other side of the peninsula near new Karyoupolis on the 2nd of October. As they had at every village since entering the hills, the Maniots had gathered at Karyoupolis to resist the Egyptian’s. Though it would take much of the day to finally subdue the Greeks, by evening, the city was secure. With Karyoupolis under his control, Ibrahim dispersed his forces to seize Skoutari, Neochori, and Vathi, which were surprisingly undefended unlike the previous towns they encountered. Ibrahim soon discovered why when he approached Gytheio with the remaining half of his force.

While Ibrahim was preoccupied with Karyoupolis and the villages to the South, a Greek army was fast approaching from the North under the command of Yannis Makriyannis. Meeting with Panos Kolokotronis, Georgios Mavromichalis and nearly 2,000 Maniots and Moreots, the Greeks finally managed to catch Ibrahim at Gytheio, which was itself defended by nearly 800 Greeks. Outnumbered 3,000 to 3,800, Ibrahim began a fighting withdrawal back up the winding road to Karyoupolis, but in the commotion of the battle some units began to waver. In a reversal of Maniakion, Ibrahim’s Arab infantry panicked when gunfire was heard to their rear and fled the field of battle in a complete rout. His position collapsing before him and his subordinates urging him to escape while he still could, Ibrahim for the first and only time during the entire war, fled the field of battle.

Most of those that remained were cut down where they stood. Those that opted to surrender generally fared no better as the Maniots and Moreots sought to avenge the crimes that had been committed against them, and slaughtered the enemy where they stood. Greek sources from the battle cite the total number of Egyptian dead at over 2,500, while the Egyptians sources list a more likely number of 1,359, which still represents a significant portion, nearly one half, of Ibrahim’s force in the battle. The defeat of Ibrahim at Gytheio caused the entire Mani to flare up in rebellion and in the coming days, the Egyptians were forced to abandon their gains in the region.

While Ibrahim would cling to his conquests in the north of the peninsula for several more days, by the beginning of November he had withdrawn to Kalamata as the Maniot attacks continued unabated. This too proved to be too much to hold with his available manpower and was ultimately abandoned in mid-November in favor of a defensive line across the Pamisos River to the West. Before leaving the Mani, Ibrahim, in one last act of defiance, razed every village under his occupation to the ground. Rather than demonstrating to the Greeks the futility of their resistance, Ibrahim’s invasion of the Mani did just the opposite. It had shown to all the Greeks that he was not invincible, it had shown them that they could really beat him, and it showed them that he was vulnerable now more than ever.

Greece Timeline Map Part 24 Scourge No More.png

Greece on the 1st of December 1826
Purple – Greece
Green – Ottoman Empire
Pink – The United States of the Ionian Islands​


Next Time: The Prince of Egypt


[1] Had Missolonghi not fallen when it did in OTL and TTL, it is extremely likely that the siege would have been lifted in the next month as the Ottomans and Egyptians simply lacked the manpower available to continue the siege. It was a terribly pyrrhic victory for the Ottomans in OTL, and even more so in TTL. As a result, the Ottomans and Egyptians are essentially crippled offensively because of their incredibly high casualties and the death of Resid Pasha.

[2] Muhammad Ali also used the withdrawal of his fleet as leverage against the Ottomans, to gain even more concessions out of Sultan Mahmud II, namely appointing Muhammad Ali as Serasker and the ousting of Khosref Pasha, the Kapudan Pasha of the Ottoman Navy.

[3] The Mani was effectively a lawless region of the Ottoman Empire, where the local Greek Maniots ruled themselves. The Porte generally viewed the region as poor and relatively worthless compared to the price needed to secure it. In the end, it was decided to let the Maniots retain some degree of autonomy so long as they remained loyal to the Empire.
 
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I hope this weakens the Ottomans more than the Egyptians. Love those first Pashas. Really hope that Greece does so well that Muhammed Ali decides to team up with Greece to gain independence for both of them.
 
I hope this weakens the Ottomans more than the Egyptians. Love those first Pashas. Really hope that Greece does so well that Muhammed Ali decides to team up with Greece to gain independence for both of them.
Unfortunately, this doesn't really impact the Ottomans in any noticeable way as these are purely Egyptian and Arab troops that are dying in the Morea, and in the grand scheme of things these are relatively minor losses for both the Egyptians and Ottomans, although they certainly hurt at this point for Ibrahim. That said, Muhammad Ali is taking note of the current state of the war and he is certainly hedging his bets appropriately.

I can say with some certainty that an alliance between Egypt and Greece is probably not going to happen, especially after Ibrahim's activity in the Morea, but neutrality or even co-belligerency are certainly possibilities. In OTL, Muhammad Ali was, at the very least, strongly considering abandoning the war in 1826 and early 1827, and as evident by the war in 1831 he strongly considered warring against the Ottomans at this time as well. So if some things go against the Ottomans in TTL that went their way in OTL, say the destruction of a major Ottoman army near Nafpaktos, Muhammad Ali may decide differently this time around.
 
Unfortunately, this doesn't really impact the Ottomans in any noticeable way as these are purely Egyptian and Arab troops that are dying in the Morea, and in the grand scheme of things these are relatively minor losses for both the Egyptians and Ottomans, although they certainly hurt at this point for Ibrahim. That said, Muhammad Ali is taking note of the current state of the war and he is certainly hedging his bets appropriately.

I can say with some certainty that an alliance between Egypt and Greece is probably not going to happen, especially after Ibrahim's activity in the Morea, but neutrality or even co-belligerency are certainly possibilities. In OTL, Muhammad Ali was, at the very least, strongly considering abandoning the war in 1826 and early 1827, and as evident by the war in 1831 he strongly considered warring against the Ottomans at this time as well. So if some things go against the Ottomans in TTL that went their way in OTL, say the destruction of a major Ottoman army near Nafpaktos, Muhammad Ali may decide differently this time around.


I agree that a formal alliance would be completely out of the question, but seeing co-belligerency on the table makes me a happy Egyptophile.
 
If Greece dous win it's independence as either a independent nation or a protectorate of Great Britain or Russia or even a joint protectorate, the finances of state are going to be horrendous with the loans combined with the devastated land and reduced population. I wonder if the British will occupy the nation if it defaults on its loans, which given the economic state of Greece, seems likely.
 
If Greece dous win it's independence as either a independent nation or a protectorate of Great Britain or Russia or even a joint protectorate, the finances of state are going to be horrendous with the loans combined with the devastated land and reduced population. I wonder if the British will occupy the nation if it defaults on its loans, which given the economic state of Greece, seems likely.
Greece was at a worse position financially in OTL and they did not become protectorate. So I doubt they will become one ITTL.
 
If Greece dous win it's independence as either a independent nation or a protectorate of Great Britain or Russia or even a joint protectorate, the finances of state are going to be horrendous with the loans combined with the devastated land and reduced population. I wonder if the British will occupy the nation if it defaults on its loans, which given the economic state of Greece, seems likely.
Greece will be independent post war and while it may lean towards Russia or Britain politically, they will not be a satellite or protectorate of either one. Economic meddling on the part of the Powers was certainly an issue in OTL as at least two international commissions were created to deal with Greece's debt in the 19th century alone, but that shouldn't necessarily be the case in TTL. In OTL, the two English loans were so badly botched, that it would be comical, were it not for the very real economic burden that they placed on the nascent Greek state.

Of the 2.8 Million Pounds Sterling that were promised under the loan contracts, only £1.5 Million was ever collected by the Committee and of this amount, Greece received less than £600,000, with the rest being wasted on 4 ships that didn't work or was lost through corruption and downright criminal activity. Despite this, Greece was still expected to pay back the nominal value of the two loans plus interest. Because of this Greece, unsurprisingly, went bankrupt in 1826 and it only regained some semblance of solvency when Ioannis Kapodistrias came to power in 1828, and this was only because he implemented some desperately needed economic reforms, such as a rudimentary system of taxation.

When Otto was elected King of Greece in 1832 another loan was floated to Greece, to the tune of 60 Million Francs, of which only 40 Million was actually given to Greece. The interest on the three loans was so incredibly high that more than half of Greece's annual budget was relegated to paying the interest of the loans. As a result, Greece went bankrupt again in 1843. In response, the Great Powers established an international commission to recoup their lost funds, and in 1864, the terms of the three original loans were finally readjusted, giving the Greeks some economic breathing room.

The poor economic state of Greece was in large part due to the devastation wrought on the countryside by the war. Greece was, and still is in many ways, reliant upon agriculture and shipping for its economy, both of which were incredibly disrupted by the war. Two of the richest islands in Greece, Chios and Psara were completely destroyed, and the merchants of Greece no longer possessed the right to fly the Ottoman ensign or the Russian one after the war, which subjected them to higher tariffs on trade and thus limited profits. Greece was also in desperate need of land reform and modernization of its agricultural techniques and tools, in many instances the wooden plow was still in use across Greece, well into the 1860's and 1870's. Taxation was also extremely limited as many regions of Greece experienced some degree of autonomy well into the 19th Century.

A lot of these problems can be averted by the better management of the loans, ensuring that the Greeks received a better return on their investments, and just better overall governance by the Greeks after the war. Otto for all his good intentions was not the best King for Greece. His regency was heavily unpopular, the Bavarian soldiers stationed in Greece were outrageously expensive, and his absolutist tendencies caused both political and economic backlashes against him. As a result reform was hard to come by under Otto. Otto was also heavily distrusted by the Great Powers, namely Britain and Russia, which resulted in several incidents between Greece and the Powers that did not end well for little Greece.

The death of Kapodistrias was also an unmitigated disaster for Greece. He was a gifted diplomat, famous across Europe for his professionalism and his strong, noble character. He was also an avid modernizer, who is largely responsible for the creation of the modern Greek state and the bureaucracy of the Government during the last years of the war before his death. He implemented tax reform, land reform which unfortunately was blocked by the magnates, he redrew the provinces of Greece and empowered the government over the municipalities. He was a proponent of education, he introduced a new currency to Greece, and he modernized the medical practices in Greece among many other things. His death and the period of anarchy that followed, unfortunately halted and reversed many of his reforms.
 
Hmm I wonder who becomes King of Greece TTL. Duke Leopold would be cool, though didin't he turn it down OTL?
The war is nearing its conclusion so the answer to that question will be revealed in short order.

Regarding Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, the OTL King Leopold I of Belgium, he was the first choice for the Great Powers in the 1830 London Conference and he actually accepted the crown of Greece in February 1830 only to withdraw his bid in May. From what I've heard, he was turned off by the smaller territorial boundaries of Greece, the poor economic state of Greece, and the political upheaval that was happening in Greece at the time. He was also very comfortable in Britain, living in Claremont House and he received an allowance of £60,000 per year, both of which he would have to give up if he became King of Greece.

That said, Leopold was initially very interested in becoming King of Greece. He brushed up on his Greek, he hired assistants to survey the country for him, and he made all sorts of preparations for his coronation. His main problem seems to have been in his perception of Greece. Leopold like many others viewed Greece as this charming and romantic land from the history books, a land of philosophers and scientists, great thinkers and heroes, basically Ancient Greece in a nutshell, when in truth it was a rustic little state that was firmly entrenched between the Middle Ages and Modern times.
 
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Greece will be independent post war and while it may lean towards Russia or Britain politically, they will not be a satellite or protectorate of either one. Economic meddling on the part of the Powers was certainly an issue in OTL as at least two international commissions were created to deal with Greece's debt in the 19th century alone, but that shouldn't necessarily be the case in TTL. In OTL, the two English loans were so badly botched, that it would be comical, were it not for the very real economic burden that they placed on the nascent Greek state.

Of the 2.8 Million Pounds Sterling that were promised under the loan contracts, only £1.5 Million was ever collected by the Committee and of this amount, Greece received less than £600,000, with the rest being wasted on 4 ships that didn't work or was lost through corruption and downright criminal activity. Despite this, Greece was still expected to pay back the nominal value of the two loans plus interest. Because of this Greece, unsurprisingly, went bankrupt in 1826 and it only regained some semblance of solvency when Ioannis Kapodistrias came to power in 1828, and this was only because he implemented some desperately needed economic reforms, such as a rudimentary system of taxation.

When Otto was elected King of Greece in 1832 another loan was floated to Greece, to the tune of 60 Million Francs, of which only 40 Million was actually given to Greece. The interest on the three loans was so incredibly high that more than half of Greece's annual budget was relegated to paying the interest of the loans. As a result, Greece went bankrupt again in 1843. In response, the Great Powers established an international commission to recoup their lost funds, and in 1864, the terms of the three original loans were finally readjusted, giving the Greeks some economic breathing room.

The poor economic state of Greece was in large part due to the devastation wrought on the countryside by the war. Greece was, and still is in many ways, reliant upon agriculture and shipping for its economy, both of which were incredibly disrupted by the war. Two of the richest islands in Greece, Chios and Psara were completely destroyed, and the merchants of Greece no longer possessed the right to fly the Ottoman ensign or the Russian one after the war, which subjected them to higher tariffs on trade and thus limited profits. Greece was also in desperate need of land reform and modernization of its agricultural techniques and tools, in many instances the wooden plow was still in use across Greece, well into the 1860's and 1870's. Taxation was also extremely limited as many regions of Greece experienced some degree of autonomy well into the 19th Century.

A lot of these problems can be averted by the better management of the loans, ensuring that the Greeks received a better return on their investments, and just better overall governance by the Greeks after the war. Otto for all his good intentions was not the best King for Greece. His regency was heavily unpopular, the Bavarian soldiers stationed in Greece were outrageously expensive, and his absolutist tendencies caused both political and economic backlashes against him. As a result reform was hard to come by under Otto. Otto was also heavily distrusted by the Great Powers, namely Britain and Russia, which resulted in several incidents between Greece and the Powers that did not end well for little Greece.

The death of Kapodistrias was also an unmitigated disaster for Greece. He was a gifted diplomat, famous across Europe for his professionalism and his strong, noble character. He was also an avid modernizer, who is largely responsible for the creation of the modern Greek state and the bureaucracy of the Government during the last years of the war before his death. He implemented tax reform, land reform which unfortunately was blocked by the magnates, he redrew the provinces of Greece and empowered the government over the municipalities. He was a proponent of education, he introduced a new currency to Greece, and he modernized the medical practices in Greece among many other things. His death and the period of anarchy that followed, unfortunately halted and reversed many of his reforms.


I'm really enjoying it ....

The premise for TTL is superb: a much better starting point (very well planned and carefuly developed, I must admit) makes a Greater Hellade in the coming years.

But I have a couple of doubts about it:

1. It's true that Greece suffered enormous setbacks in her struggle for independence which made their first decades of statehood very hard. But it wasn't all mismanagement, corruption and incompetent rulers in greek history: Greece also enjoyed good kings (Georgios I), long periods of stability (again the reign of Gergios till Trikoupis banckrupcy) and even statesmen of the stature and good luck of Venizelos, which were able of putting the country again in the good path every time. In fact, the territorial expansion at the end was almost 2fold (well, only because the fight was between the Ottoman blind and the one-eyed....). Will TTL bring a brighter past future for the Hellenes?.

2. I'm very interested in Kapodistrias chances as a Enlightened ruler: some posts ago you have wrote that OTL Kapo won't have the same free hand he enjoyed OTL, and he's forced to bargain with the Primates every minimal step forward..... don't you think it's the perfect recipe for defeat??. Specially because every move to empower and increase chances for betterment of the commoner (and modernize the economy in the end) always represent a direct threat to the interests of the oligarchy
 
I was hoping someone would point out or mention this, but Part 21 is noted down as Part 22, a mistake that has reverberated through the parts following it.
 
I'm really enjoying it ....

The premise for TTL is superb: a much better starting point (very well planned and carefuly developed, I must admit) makes a Greater Hellade in the coming years.

But I have a couple of doubts about it:

1. It's true that Greece suffered enormous setbacks in her struggle for independence which made their first decades of statehood very hard. But it wasn't all mismanagement, corruption and incompetent rulers in greek history: Greece also enjoyed good kings (Georgios I), long periods of stability (again the reign of Gergios till Trikoupis banckrupcy) and even statesmen of the stature and good luck of Venizelos, which were able of putting the country again in the good path every time. In fact, the territorial expansion at the end was almost 2fold (well, only because the fight was between the Ottoman blind and the one-eyed....). Will TTL bring a brighter past future for the Hellenes?.

2. I'm very interested in Kapodistrias chances as a Enlightened ruler: some posts ago you have wrote that OTL Kapo won't have the same free hand he enjoyed OTL, and he's forced to bargain with the Primates every minimal step forward..... don't you think it's the perfect recipe for defeat??. Specially because every move to empower and increase chances for betterment of the commoner (and modernize the economy in the end) always represent a direct threat to the interests of the oligarchy
Thank you, I'm glad you like it so far. The Greece I'm presenting will be different than the one in OTL, whether its better or not, is for the reader to determine.

1. I certainly don't disagree that Modern Greece had a plethora of talented and gifted leaders in its history, with King George and Venizelos being among the greatest. George was probably one of the best monarchs in all of Europe during the 19th Century. He did as much as one man could do for Greece in his fifty years on the throne and in many ways the Modern Greek state is a result of his rule. Unfortunately, the thirty plus years before his reign were wrought with problems that did hamper Greece going forward, namely the tradition of political upheaval which would plague Greece in the 20th Century and the economic troubles that plagued it going forward. George's reign also had its fair share of problems as well namely the Greco Turkish War of 1897 and the Third Bankruptcy under Trikoupis which you mentioned.

Regarding TTL Greece and its future, it will certainly be bigger and more imperial if you know what I mean.

2. I don't intend to mitigate Kapodistrias at all, in fact, I wish to further them as much as possible, so while he is somewhat hamstrung early on owing to the greater strength of the Magnates relative to OTL, he will have more time to implement his reforms in the long run than in OTL. By limiting him now, he avoids the series of events that resulted in his death which was an unmitigated travesty for Greece. Instead of forcing through his reforms with the backing of the army and the people, he is forced to be more nuanced and diplomatic in his dealings with the Primates and Politicians of Greece, once he realizes this he will act accordingly and change strategies to best implement his reforms. So while, the effects of his Governorship are blunted initially, they will have more time to take effect after the war is over provided he lives another 10 to 20 years.

Essentially, the premise of this timeline is to create an environment in Revolutionary Greece where Ioannis Kapodistrias isn't assassinated on September 27th, 1831 and Otto of Bavaria is elected King of Greece on May 27th, 1832. To get where I'm trying to go with this timeline, I'm going to need to advance the development and modernization of Greece as much as possible in the immediate aftermath of the War for Independence and I can't do that if Kapodistrias is dead and Otto is King.

I was hoping someone would point out or mention this, but Part 21 is noted down as Part 22, a mistake that has reverberated through the parts following it.
Whoops. Thank you for bringing this to my attention I'll fix it immediately.
 
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The war is nearing its conclusion so the answer to that question will be revealed in short order.

Regarding Leopold of Saxe-Coburg, the OTL King Leopold I of Belgium, he was the first choice for the Great Powers in the 1830 London Conference and he actually accepted the crown of Greece in February 1830 only to withdraw his bid in May. From what I've heard, he was turned off by the smaller territorial boundaries of Greece, the poor economic state of Greece, and the political upheaval that was happening in Greece at the time. He was also very comfortable in Britain, living in Claremont House and he received an allowance of £60,000 per year, both of which he would have to give up if he became King of Greece.

That said, Leopold was initially very interested in becoming King of Greece. He brushed up on his Greek, he hired assistants to survey the country for him, and he made all sorts of preparations for his coronation. His main problem seems to have been in his perception of Greece. Leopold like many others viewed Greece as this charming and romantic land from the history books, a land of philosophers and scientists, great thinkers and heroes, basically Ancient Greece in a nutshell, when in truth it was a rustic little state that was firmly entrenched between the Middle Ages and Modern times.

Apparently Leopold was serious enough that when after Otto the throne was up again e was writing to his nephew Ernest who was one of the candidates that f he could he would had left Belgium to go himself to Greece. And he made a serious attempt in 1830 to overthrow Wellington who was the one fighting against the inclusion of Crete and Samos in Greece. TTL with Ibrahim mostly done for, if the equivalent of the Athens campaign in OTL with Athens safe is directed against him ATL he'll be in danger of being completely evicted from the Peloponesse, and the Cretan revolt successfully restarting just like OTL there is a very reasonable chance of things being decided ahead of Wellington or with Canning still alive not to mention Capodistrias being able to negotiate with an immensely stronger hand than OTL. All of which seem to conspire to ending up with Leopold on the throne.

For what that might have looked like in very broad terms I'll for once quote myself from 12 years ago https://groups.google.com/forum/#!m...Td6IJ;context-place=forum/soc.history.what-if

Oh and btw while I know you probably disagree, I think Athens is also in TTL overwhelmingly likely to become the capital of independent Greece. Leaving aside the immense propaganda ehm I mean political advantages of doing so, Athens is also the largest town in free Greece 12,000 to 5,000 for Nauplion, Patras had as many but also has that inconvenient Ottoman garrison still, a far more convenient geographic position to access the rest of Greece and of course Piraeus with its three large natural harbours. The only place that could contend geography wise is Corinth that can hardly match the other advantages of Athens.
 
Thank you, I'm glad you like it so far. The Greece I'm presenting will be different than the one in OTL, whether its better or not, is for the reader to determine.

1. I certainly don't disagree that Modern Greece had a plethora of talented and gifted leaders in its history, with King George and Venizelos being among the greatest. George was probably one of the best monarchs in all of Europe during the 19th Century. He did as much as one man could do for Greece in his fifty years on the throne and in many ways the Modern Greek state is a result of his rule. Unfortunately, the thirty plus years before his reign were wrought with problems that did hamper Greece going forward, namely the tradition of political upheaval which would plague Greece in the 20th Century and the economic troubles that plagued it going forward. George's reign also had its fair share of problems as well namely the Greco Turkish War of 1897 and the Third Bankruptcy under Trikoupis which you mentioned.

George was hands down the best monarch modern Greece hand for knowing that he should be doing... nothing. Or to put it in less aggressive terms for staying within his constitutional bounds very much unlike his son and his predecessor. Whom noone, the revolutionaries who overthrew him included, doubted that he deeply loved Greece but this came with all the baggage of the regency before him wasting away the independence loan (IMS between a third and half went to pay the German mercenaries that came along with Otto) and generally ticking everyone off and himself insisting on playing absolute monarch. That he did so with his medical challenges (from the descriptions it looks like he had at least some mild autism to the non doctor me) hardly helped either.
 
Apparently Leopold was serious enough that when after Otto the throne was up again e was writing to his nephew Ernest who was one of the candidates that f he could he would had left Belgium to go himself to Greece. And he made a serious attempt in 1830 to overthrow Wellington who was the one fighting against the inclusion of Crete and Samos in Greece. TTL with Ibrahim mostly done for, if the equivalent of the Athens campaign in OTL with Athens safe is directed against him ATL he'll be in danger of being completely evicted from the Peloponesse, and the Cretan revolt successfully restarting just like OTL there is a very reasonable chance of things being decided ahead of Wellington or with Canning still alive not to mention Capodistrias being able to negotiate with an immensely stronger hand than OTL. All of which seem to conspire to ending up with Leopold on the throne.

For what that might have looked like in very broad terms I'll for once quote myself from 12 years ago https://groups.google.com/forum/#!m...Td6IJ;context-place=forum/soc.history.what-if

Oh and btw while I know you probably disagree, I think Athens is also in TTL overwhelmingly likely to become the capital of independent Greece. Leaving aside the immense propaganda ehm I mean political advantages of doing so, Athens is also the largest town in free Greece 12,000 to 5,000 for Nauplion, Patras had as many but also has that inconvenient Ottoman garrison still, a far more convenient geographic position to access the rest of Greece and of course Piraeus with its three large natural harbours. The only place that could contend geography wise is Corinth that can hardly match the other advantages of Athens.
That is a very impressive piece of work Lascaris, and I will say it has given me some ideas. That said, I do have some doubts about Grey including Crete and Samos in a free Greece in OTL considering they weren't included in the 1832 borders, still if anyone could have gotten them in 1830, it would have been Leopold and Kapodistrias. Granted in TTL's case, the situation in Greece is somewhat different compared to OTL so I think some things could go differently this time around.

I'm certainly open to having the capital be at Athens as it is certainly an important city as you have mentioned. My rational for foreshadowing its movement to Argos, which can still change, is because of the OTL support for it after the war. As far as I know, which admittedly isn't a lot right now, the Greeks were in favor of having Argos be the capital until King Ludwig of Bavaria forced the movement to Athens.
 
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