I'm happy to have come across this timeline, the Palaiologos Renaissance and the missed opportunities caused by Andronikos III's death from malaria are one of my favorite parts of late Roman alt history. Hope everything turns out okay for you and best wishes.
Our Fractured Crown: An Eastern Roman Timeline
- Thread starter Averious
- Start date
Part 1; 1331, April to July - The Ego of Technicalities
"And thus it was that the Emperor, on edge and already loath to their very existence, used his own force to crumple the dominant appendage of a Genoese tradesman who dared touch his shoulder in desperation for answers," - Alexandros Komnenos, the Resurgent Palaiologoi, Chapter 3 of 10, 'The Aegean Door Shuts'.
May
It was a slow march back to the Golden Gate. Both the Emperor and his men were exhausted, despite their personal elation at their victory. Their years of near-constant campaigning all across the Aegean had taken their toll.
Despite his exhaustion, the Andronikos III himself was also quite genuinely relaxed in the quiet moment it took to return to the Queen of Cities; his Queen of Cities.
It was sheer chaos the moment they came into the view of those along the Mese--as if Constantine the Great himself had returned to lead a triumph through the city; only those voices in the ground were tinted this time with the yells of the aggrieved. Andronikos' moralism, in the end, had seen him eject most of the Genoese of Galata into Constantinople itself; rather than see them slaughtered.
And here they were; questions flew--and the moment grew tense as he and his men marched into the city itself; step by step they went, surrounding their beloved Emperor--even as the Genoese got closer and demanded answers--anything.
The scene thundered when a small scuffle broke out between the Emperor himself and a Genoese merchant--the end result being a broken arm for the merchant, and the faster marching of the Emperor and his men.
That's how the month started--with a broken Italian arm and an emotionally frayed Emperor.
Andronikos collapsed in on himself when alone--and slept; day in and day out. It was John who rose to the occasion--who organised aid and guard for the Genoese, who organised Galata's stripping to ensure it abided by the agreements parsed out between the Genoese and Romans [1].
The Empress herself juggled the court, as well as caring for her son--even as she tried to raise her husband out of the state he'd fallen into. Such was the worry the Emperor's sudden absence caused that even his own troops began tapping their knuckles to the door to get updates.
Andronikos only rose once more a week into the month--waving aside questions from all, even John, as news had come of the arrival of a delegation from Genoa who were apparently--as one could put it--quite displeased with the motions of the Romans.
The way they stepped the city, one would have almost though they expected to see it in ruins; not rebuilding and remilitarising--and that seemed to put them on edge even before they were pressed through the rigours of the courtly process of Constantinople.
The delegation had to wait another week, as was custom for events such as this, before they could even see the Emperor--and see him they did on the 18th of May after much pomp and circumstance; making a big show of it all themselves even as they went to see the Emperor.
While reduced from their previous splendour, the courtly notions were still adhered to as best as possible; with rotating shows of artefacts and gifts of various sorts--yet behind it was a continuous poke and prod from the Emperor, as if he were simply waiting for the Genoese to stop wasting his time and get on with it.
The Italians were understandably angry--and they made as much clear; pressing the Emperor on the fact that they'd lost 3 of their most important possessions within such a short span of time--Galata itself being the biggest of blows to their Aegean and Black Sea operations.
Andronikos danced around them, so it seemed, always keeping a friendly and attentive tone even as he tore down their arguments like one would wood rot. The Emperor deconstructed the various agreements, and quite easily proved how in each case the Genoese had violated them first each and every time. Just to ensure the point was made, the Emperor made a show of 'returning' the Galatan keystone as a tongue-and-cheek point at the fact that the Genoese had time and time again violated their agreement not to fortify their leases.
The men of Genoa themselves were not without merit--and over the next week of parsed talks they were able to conclusively shift blame from themselves to their colonists within Galata, as well as some overzealous and unsuited governors; a notion the Emperor was all too happy to play into, with his own twists and turns.
By the 27th the final agreement parsed out through the delegation was put to signature; with Andronikos agreeing to allow the Genoese discounted customs and general taxes in all their previous leases save Galata, as well as giving them a few select births within the great harbours of the Golden Horn and Bosporus. This, combined with Andronikos agreeing to pay the transport fee of the Genoese repatriation ejected from Galata, wrangled out of the Genoese an admission that the actions of their kin had voided any right they had to the lands retaken from them.
A key notion of this agreement was also the provision that the Genoese be allowed to pass through the Propontus and Bosporus at a discount, so that they may continue to have weight in their Black Sea colonies. This, with much haggling, was agreed to.
A secret clause input within their agreement was one pertaining to Venice; a clear and simple section that stated that the Romans wouldn't simply hand over the concessions to the Venetians again. If the 'Greeks' were so intent on booting Genoa out, then it demanded equal footing with Venice, not an uphill battle.
By the time the Genoese left, Galata--now known as Sykai once more, was already on its way to being rebuild as a stockpile as well as a pasture for its famous shepherds.
Andronikos couldn't shake the idea that perhaps Genoa had gone too easily--that they knew something the Romans didn't.
June
With the issue of Genoa seemingly dealt with, and the Emperor himself on more firm footing, things progressed in a measured manner. With the continued successes the court itself was starting to get restless; Andronikos and John represented a new generation of ambitious men who were in their 30's and roaring to go; to make changes--so it was only natural that many would begin to press the Emperor to go further, and beyond, considering his victories.
Famously, Andronikos was forced to put his court in its place when its members pestered him too much on the issue of Bulgaria; if they should even allow it to remain independent when clearly Romania itself was on the rise again. Surely, the Romans could make easy work of the Bulgars; and yet Andronikos was aware enough to see the folly in this.
Bulgaria itself was *the* enemy the Empire had to worry about. It could stonewall the Turks across the Propontus, but if it angered the Bulgarians it's heartland would never--ever, be safe. So, the Emperor played his court like a fiddle; buckling down with the aid of John to make various needed updates and reforms.
The Empire had reclaimed a comparatively large chunk of territory in the Balkans and Anatolia--and the lands of Cishaemus [2] (land south of the Haemus, such as Philippopolis), the lands of Thessaly, Lower Epirus, Bithynia and the Aegean Isles. This was also added to by the militarisation of Upper Macedon. These actions had produced five new districts, three of which were militarised governorate, and the final who were a Thematic-like Duchy and Naval Thema; Nicaea and the Isles respectively.
These lands had been carved out yes, and had--mostly, been given leaders, but they were each very top-heavy, with Cisheaemus itself not even being fully integrated as of yet.
Considering these factors, and the way the court was moving, Andronikos decided to kill two birds with one stone; he'd clear the board and improve the stability of the Empire.
Those courtiers angling for more warlike notions were given writs to govern towns and settlements within Anatolia, as Andronikos well-knew that Artemos [3] would be fully capable of tempering them down. Their spirits and manner would be more suited to Anatolia, than elsewhere.
Those of a more tempered nature were split up between the various governed lands of the Southern Balkans, with most being assigned to Cishaemus; given towns and settlements as well as empty lands to develop. The lands of the Cishaemus would be directly governed by Constantinople itself, in contrast to the rest of the governorates set up [4].
Andronikos felt that the importance of the land, considering it was the border with their main ally, dictated that it must be directly handled by the Emperor.
All of these efforts took a full month to realise, as reports and counter-reports had to flow in and out of the Queen of Cities over and over to its territories; leaving the Emperor just enough time to celebrate the first birthday of his son and heir, John Porphyrogennetos, as well as settle in to the fact that he had another child on the way--as Anna herself was once more pregnant [5].
July
It was hardly unexpected that once the storm with the Genoese had settled that the Venetians themselves would make a show of themselves; arriving on their ships in finery and pomp--as if they owned the ground they walked on.
Andronikos wished from the moment he saw their expressions that he could hang them from the Great Chain like wind-chimes, but he kept himself in check--if only barely. Such a thing forced John to step up and handle proceedings; with both he and Andronikos taking particular enjoyment in reminding the Venetians that there were protocols, and that like any other people they had to follow them too and await the Emperor's agreement to meet them.
So, he dragged it out a week.
While it would have been warranted enough, in Andronikos' eyes, to make them wait simply because they were Venetians--there was an ulterior motive. Andronikos had Alexios, the skilled shipmaster he was, darting his eyes about to ensure nothing was afoot, as well as having his various bureaucrats dig into the archives and tug out whatever documents they could find pertaining to Venice so that he and John would be better prepared.
Thus, in due time, the Emperor met with the Venetians--led by a particularly haughty representative named Giusto Barozzi, who seemed just as genuinely surprised at the fact that Constantinople itself wasn't burning to the ground as the Genoese had been.
While Barozzi attempted to take charge of the proceedings he was quickly disarmed and defanged by John, who reminded him where he was and who he spoke to, stripping the Venetian of any momentum he might have gained to leverage anything before he could even react.
Clearly this wasn't the same docile and placid Empire the Venetians had enjoyed under Andronikos II.
Andronikos himself was the one to give the Venetians permission to continue, and in that moment they seemed mesmerised by the mere notion of being in the presence of an Emperor--as if finally realising just what sat before them; with his cheek palmed in his hand and haughtier manner than even Barozzi could muster.
The Venetians were simple in their requests it seemed, now that they'd been cowed; asking for a similar deal to the Genoese--their merchants within Constantinople having tipped off their mother-city to the dealings gained by the Genoese.
John was willing to parse things out with the Venetians, but it was a mere feint--as everything had already been decided between Andronikos and himself beforehand, thus--on cue, Andronikos cut John off and gave to the Venetians a managed agreement.
Simply, the Venetians would get effectively everything the Genoese got (save obviously the hidden clause, which was itself not known to the Venetians), save the reduction to the Bosporus tolls, as the Venetians had no colonies or efforts within the Black Sea that could even warrant an argument.
Barozzi did attempt to haggle, as one would expect, but Andronikos was firm about this deal; take it or leave it, nothing else. Thus, by the 28th, the Venetians had their deal in hand and signed by the hand of the Emperor and Autocrat of the Romans himself, and were being led out of the palace by the Emperor and his retainers as a courtesy.
Apparently, caught up in the moment--after spending a month trying to secure this deal, Barozzi pointed towards Galata without really considering it--asking if it was for lease now that the Genoese were out.
All Andronikos had to do was point towards it, and indicate that Barozzi look at it closer--and see the land being stripped and pulled apart even as it still remained an ominous ruin--to make his point.
"No, I don't think you'll find us very agreeable hosts,"
---
[1] This agreement would form the bedrock of Geno-Roman relations for the next two or so decades. It had the effect of seeing the Romans and Genoese avoid each other in political matters, as Genoa itself was worried what could happen if they tried to lash out at the Romans; fearing that such an action would open up their flank to being battered by the Venetians.
[2] A sort of 'stand-in' or 'simplified' term for the lands between Adrianople and the Haemus Mountains. Officially there was no direct designation for that area until the 1400's, it was simply a rough 'area' melting pot between the Bulgarians and Romans. It would later be titled as Eirinikigi, or 'Peaceful' when new Eparchies were drawn up by Manuel II Palaiologos during his reforms.
[3] Artemos continued his efforts in Anatolia around the 1330's, notably able to begin raiding the regions roughly corresponding to Aetolia and Mysia that were in Turkish hands. Artemos is a beloved character within Roman legend--akin to Nikephoros Phokas; someone who never lost a battle, even if most of his battles were raids.
[4] While Andronikos himself only intended to make governance itself easier, he ended up inadvertently laying the groundwork that would allow his successor, John V, to repair the damage done by the Medieval Warm Period. Said Warm Period destroyed the yield of Anatolia and lessened the yield of the Balkans, as those regions dried out and were unable to produce much in the way of goods anymore. Such shortfalls contributed to the decline of the Empire, as the Themes were no longer as productive as they once were.
Within Anatolia this allowed the Turkish herdsman lifestyle to take over and propagate, which played a part in how easily they integrated into the land--within the Balkans the packed nature of the soil hindered growing efforts, and it wasn't until John V widely adopted the Slavic-style heavy plow to turn over the soil, verses the standard Mediterranean 'nail' plow that merely scratched the ground, that yields increased and the Romans were able to widely recolonise and rebuild its Balkan lands.
[5] Maria Palaiologos, Andronikos' original first-born, is born here instead of earlier. She would be Andronikos' last child.
May
It was a slow march back to the Golden Gate. Both the Emperor and his men were exhausted, despite their personal elation at their victory. Their years of near-constant campaigning all across the Aegean had taken their toll.
Despite his exhaustion, the Andronikos III himself was also quite genuinely relaxed in the quiet moment it took to return to the Queen of Cities; his Queen of Cities.
It was sheer chaos the moment they came into the view of those along the Mese--as if Constantine the Great himself had returned to lead a triumph through the city; only those voices in the ground were tinted this time with the yells of the aggrieved. Andronikos' moralism, in the end, had seen him eject most of the Genoese of Galata into Constantinople itself; rather than see them slaughtered.
And here they were; questions flew--and the moment grew tense as he and his men marched into the city itself; step by step they went, surrounding their beloved Emperor--even as the Genoese got closer and demanded answers--anything.
The scene thundered when a small scuffle broke out between the Emperor himself and a Genoese merchant--the end result being a broken arm for the merchant, and the faster marching of the Emperor and his men.
That's how the month started--with a broken Italian arm and an emotionally frayed Emperor.
Andronikos collapsed in on himself when alone--and slept; day in and day out. It was John who rose to the occasion--who organised aid and guard for the Genoese, who organised Galata's stripping to ensure it abided by the agreements parsed out between the Genoese and Romans [1].
The Empress herself juggled the court, as well as caring for her son--even as she tried to raise her husband out of the state he'd fallen into. Such was the worry the Emperor's sudden absence caused that even his own troops began tapping their knuckles to the door to get updates.
Andronikos only rose once more a week into the month--waving aside questions from all, even John, as news had come of the arrival of a delegation from Genoa who were apparently--as one could put it--quite displeased with the motions of the Romans.
The way they stepped the city, one would have almost though they expected to see it in ruins; not rebuilding and remilitarising--and that seemed to put them on edge even before they were pressed through the rigours of the courtly process of Constantinople.
The delegation had to wait another week, as was custom for events such as this, before they could even see the Emperor--and see him they did on the 18th of May after much pomp and circumstance; making a big show of it all themselves even as they went to see the Emperor.
While reduced from their previous splendour, the courtly notions were still adhered to as best as possible; with rotating shows of artefacts and gifts of various sorts--yet behind it was a continuous poke and prod from the Emperor, as if he were simply waiting for the Genoese to stop wasting his time and get on with it.
The Italians were understandably angry--and they made as much clear; pressing the Emperor on the fact that they'd lost 3 of their most important possessions within such a short span of time--Galata itself being the biggest of blows to their Aegean and Black Sea operations.
Andronikos danced around them, so it seemed, always keeping a friendly and attentive tone even as he tore down their arguments like one would wood rot. The Emperor deconstructed the various agreements, and quite easily proved how in each case the Genoese had violated them first each and every time. Just to ensure the point was made, the Emperor made a show of 'returning' the Galatan keystone as a tongue-and-cheek point at the fact that the Genoese had time and time again violated their agreement not to fortify their leases.
The men of Genoa themselves were not without merit--and over the next week of parsed talks they were able to conclusively shift blame from themselves to their colonists within Galata, as well as some overzealous and unsuited governors; a notion the Emperor was all too happy to play into, with his own twists and turns.
By the 27th the final agreement parsed out through the delegation was put to signature; with Andronikos agreeing to allow the Genoese discounted customs and general taxes in all their previous leases save Galata, as well as giving them a few select births within the great harbours of the Golden Horn and Bosporus. This, combined with Andronikos agreeing to pay the transport fee of the Genoese repatriation ejected from Galata, wrangled out of the Genoese an admission that the actions of their kin had voided any right they had to the lands retaken from them.
A key notion of this agreement was also the provision that the Genoese be allowed to pass through the Propontus and Bosporus at a discount, so that they may continue to have weight in their Black Sea colonies. This, with much haggling, was agreed to.
A secret clause input within their agreement was one pertaining to Venice; a clear and simple section that stated that the Romans wouldn't simply hand over the concessions to the Venetians again. If the 'Greeks' were so intent on booting Genoa out, then it demanded equal footing with Venice, not an uphill battle.
By the time the Genoese left, Galata--now known as Sykai once more, was already on its way to being rebuild as a stockpile as well as a pasture for its famous shepherds.
Andronikos couldn't shake the idea that perhaps Genoa had gone too easily--that they knew something the Romans didn't.
June
With the issue of Genoa seemingly dealt with, and the Emperor himself on more firm footing, things progressed in a measured manner. With the continued successes the court itself was starting to get restless; Andronikos and John represented a new generation of ambitious men who were in their 30's and roaring to go; to make changes--so it was only natural that many would begin to press the Emperor to go further, and beyond, considering his victories.
Famously, Andronikos was forced to put his court in its place when its members pestered him too much on the issue of Bulgaria; if they should even allow it to remain independent when clearly Romania itself was on the rise again. Surely, the Romans could make easy work of the Bulgars; and yet Andronikos was aware enough to see the folly in this.
Bulgaria itself was *the* enemy the Empire had to worry about. It could stonewall the Turks across the Propontus, but if it angered the Bulgarians it's heartland would never--ever, be safe. So, the Emperor played his court like a fiddle; buckling down with the aid of John to make various needed updates and reforms.
The Empire had reclaimed a comparatively large chunk of territory in the Balkans and Anatolia--and the lands of Cishaemus [2] (land south of the Haemus, such as Philippopolis), the lands of Thessaly, Lower Epirus, Bithynia and the Aegean Isles. This was also added to by the militarisation of Upper Macedon. These actions had produced five new districts, three of which were militarised governorate, and the final who were a Thematic-like Duchy and Naval Thema; Nicaea and the Isles respectively.
These lands had been carved out yes, and had--mostly, been given leaders, but they were each very top-heavy, with Cisheaemus itself not even being fully integrated as of yet.
Considering these factors, and the way the court was moving, Andronikos decided to kill two birds with one stone; he'd clear the board and improve the stability of the Empire.
Those courtiers angling for more warlike notions were given writs to govern towns and settlements within Anatolia, as Andronikos well-knew that Artemos [3] would be fully capable of tempering them down. Their spirits and manner would be more suited to Anatolia, than elsewhere.
Those of a more tempered nature were split up between the various governed lands of the Southern Balkans, with most being assigned to Cishaemus; given towns and settlements as well as empty lands to develop. The lands of the Cishaemus would be directly governed by Constantinople itself, in contrast to the rest of the governorates set up [4].
Andronikos felt that the importance of the land, considering it was the border with their main ally, dictated that it must be directly handled by the Emperor.
All of these efforts took a full month to realise, as reports and counter-reports had to flow in and out of the Queen of Cities over and over to its territories; leaving the Emperor just enough time to celebrate the first birthday of his son and heir, John Porphyrogennetos, as well as settle in to the fact that he had another child on the way--as Anna herself was once more pregnant [5].
July
It was hardly unexpected that once the storm with the Genoese had settled that the Venetians themselves would make a show of themselves; arriving on their ships in finery and pomp--as if they owned the ground they walked on.
Andronikos wished from the moment he saw their expressions that he could hang them from the Great Chain like wind-chimes, but he kept himself in check--if only barely. Such a thing forced John to step up and handle proceedings; with both he and Andronikos taking particular enjoyment in reminding the Venetians that there were protocols, and that like any other people they had to follow them too and await the Emperor's agreement to meet them.
So, he dragged it out a week.
While it would have been warranted enough, in Andronikos' eyes, to make them wait simply because they were Venetians--there was an ulterior motive. Andronikos had Alexios, the skilled shipmaster he was, darting his eyes about to ensure nothing was afoot, as well as having his various bureaucrats dig into the archives and tug out whatever documents they could find pertaining to Venice so that he and John would be better prepared.
Thus, in due time, the Emperor met with the Venetians--led by a particularly haughty representative named Giusto Barozzi, who seemed just as genuinely surprised at the fact that Constantinople itself wasn't burning to the ground as the Genoese had been.
While Barozzi attempted to take charge of the proceedings he was quickly disarmed and defanged by John, who reminded him where he was and who he spoke to, stripping the Venetian of any momentum he might have gained to leverage anything before he could even react.
Clearly this wasn't the same docile and placid Empire the Venetians had enjoyed under Andronikos II.
Andronikos himself was the one to give the Venetians permission to continue, and in that moment they seemed mesmerised by the mere notion of being in the presence of an Emperor--as if finally realising just what sat before them; with his cheek palmed in his hand and haughtier manner than even Barozzi could muster.
The Venetians were simple in their requests it seemed, now that they'd been cowed; asking for a similar deal to the Genoese--their merchants within Constantinople having tipped off their mother-city to the dealings gained by the Genoese.
John was willing to parse things out with the Venetians, but it was a mere feint--as everything had already been decided between Andronikos and himself beforehand, thus--on cue, Andronikos cut John off and gave to the Venetians a managed agreement.
Simply, the Venetians would get effectively everything the Genoese got (save obviously the hidden clause, which was itself not known to the Venetians), save the reduction to the Bosporus tolls, as the Venetians had no colonies or efforts within the Black Sea that could even warrant an argument.
Barozzi did attempt to haggle, as one would expect, but Andronikos was firm about this deal; take it or leave it, nothing else. Thus, by the 28th, the Venetians had their deal in hand and signed by the hand of the Emperor and Autocrat of the Romans himself, and were being led out of the palace by the Emperor and his retainers as a courtesy.
Apparently, caught up in the moment--after spending a month trying to secure this deal, Barozzi pointed towards Galata without really considering it--asking if it was for lease now that the Genoese were out.
All Andronikos had to do was point towards it, and indicate that Barozzi look at it closer--and see the land being stripped and pulled apart even as it still remained an ominous ruin--to make his point.
"No, I don't think you'll find us very agreeable hosts,"
---
[1] This agreement would form the bedrock of Geno-Roman relations for the next two or so decades. It had the effect of seeing the Romans and Genoese avoid each other in political matters, as Genoa itself was worried what could happen if they tried to lash out at the Romans; fearing that such an action would open up their flank to being battered by the Venetians.
[2] A sort of 'stand-in' or 'simplified' term for the lands between Adrianople and the Haemus Mountains. Officially there was no direct designation for that area until the 1400's, it was simply a rough 'area' melting pot between the Bulgarians and Romans. It would later be titled as Eirinikigi, or 'Peaceful' when new Eparchies were drawn up by Manuel II Palaiologos during his reforms.
[3] Artemos continued his efforts in Anatolia around the 1330's, notably able to begin raiding the regions roughly corresponding to Aetolia and Mysia that were in Turkish hands. Artemos is a beloved character within Roman legend--akin to Nikephoros Phokas; someone who never lost a battle, even if most of his battles were raids.
[4] While Andronikos himself only intended to make governance itself easier, he ended up inadvertently laying the groundwork that would allow his successor, John V, to repair the damage done by the Medieval Warm Period. Said Warm Period destroyed the yield of Anatolia and lessened the yield of the Balkans, as those regions dried out and were unable to produce much in the way of goods anymore. Such shortfalls contributed to the decline of the Empire, as the Themes were no longer as productive as they once were.
Within Anatolia this allowed the Turkish herdsman lifestyle to take over and propagate, which played a part in how easily they integrated into the land--within the Balkans the packed nature of the soil hindered growing efforts, and it wasn't until John V widely adopted the Slavic-style heavy plow to turn over the soil, verses the standard Mediterranean 'nail' plow that merely scratched the ground, that yields increased and the Romans were able to widely recolonise and rebuild its Balkan lands.
[5] Maria Palaiologos, Andronikos' original first-born, is born here instead of earlier. She would be Andronikos' last child.
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It feels eerie the fact that the Genoese left Galata so easily maybe they know something indeed. I like the fact that the negotiations and administration procedures take months to complete. Now it is time to rebuild if the universe wills it!
Nice to see this TL continue!
Nice to see this TL continue!
The State of the Roman Army, Andronikos III
"Against the Turk the natural instinct of your men will be to shell-up; an instinct born of a fear of arrow-fire. Do not, under any circumstance, allow this--rout, and death, will follow. Pierce the Turk with lance, or crumple their head with mace; do not give them a second to breathe. The Turk will break, and flee, should they see the charge of the Cataphract," - Andronikos III, the Nikidikos (Code of Victory) | Apo to Dory kai to Stylo (By the Spear and Pen) - 1340 , Imperial Bibliothekai (Library) of Constantinople.
A force begun as no more than untrained men of various common professions, the Imperial Army of Emperor Andronikos III gradually gained veterancy throughout it's continued service on the frontlines of Imperial warfare; from Anatolia, to the Aegean, to Greece.
The army itself has been through multiple iterations, as the Emperor himself reconfigured the layout and equipment of the men he led based on his own whims and needs within the moment, and time, with the army itself contributing multiple governors and aristocrats at Andronikos' own discretion.
Notably Artemios of Nicaea, Michael of Arta and Manuel of Bitola.
The primary function of the Imperial Army, as it was formed under Andronikos III, was a mobile military force of spread-skills viable for use in reclaiming anything from land, cities or for use in pitched battles and raids.
As such the army itself had a rotating 'cast' of armour and equipment depending on the situation at first, which was eventually boiled down to the most basic and effective tools needed to face the various enemies of the Empire; most of this being developed against the Turks of the Ottoman Beylik at first, then adaption from there to face the Bulgarians of Dobruja, the Serbs of Serbia and the Latins of occupied Greece.
[1] The infantry of the Empire was, at this stage, equipped with what had become standard over the centuries; predominantly a mixture of mail, gambeson-like cloth armour, and aventails underneath metal helms. This armour was accented with a decorated kite shield, or an oval shield should they be a lighter skirmisher. In arms, the infantry carried spears of varying lengths, with a straight spathion blade as their primary secondary. Javelins and other various projectiles were in use by every infantryman, depending on what the situation called for--with darts being famously used to kill the horses of Turkish horse archers.
[2] The archers of the Empire began to take more precedence under Andronikos III, as they could be used to harry and badly maim the cavalry of the Turks and Balkan peoples; namely the Serbs. Archers were generally equipped with kettle hats, and lighter cloth armour with metal accents.
In contrast to the Hunnic bows of many previous Roman archers, the Palaiologan army Andronikos built relied on Turkish compound bows that fired strong and accurate medium-length arrows. Archers themselves carried a small one-handed axe or spathion, alongside an oval shield upon their back, should they have been forced into melee combat.
[3] As expected, the cavalry of the Empire was still the primary tool of war made use of by the Emperors. While previous generations of Roman cavalry had multiple wings of different types--such as horse archers, the cavalry made use of by Andronikos III were instead rather simplistic and applicable to most situations; equipped with mail, lamellar and other akin armour that turned them and their horses into the riding 'statues' of their time.
In order to combat the various cavalry groups that were made use of by the Empire's enemies, the cavalry relied on past knowledge accrued most notably by the Komnenoi; the most important of which was that the Turkic peoples of Anatolia were heavily susceptible to lances and maces. As such, every cavalryman carried four things; an oval shield strapped to their non-dominant arm, a lance, a mace and a curved paramerion.
The medium nature of the standard Imperial cavalry gave them enough armour to render most weapons against them less effective, as well as allow them to remain mobile for longer periods of time than heavily armoured cataphracts. In this sense, Andronikos effectively made medium cataphracts.
[4] As in any period of Roman history, the Empire also relied on various ad hoc and irregular forces; usually drawn from the lands they were fighting in or defending. However, where as before many of these forces would be mercenaries, the effects of Battle of Velbazhd saw Andronikos permanently kill the notion of integrating huge mercenary formations into the Roman Army.
Thus, most of the ad hoc and irregular forces were commoners, retired soldiers, and recruited prisoners drawn up as needed during campaigns. The most famous instances of this were in Andronikos' Anatolic campaigns early in his reign as sole Emperor, as well as his use of Aegean commoners to overthrow the Genoese leasers.
Considering their nature, they didn't have a specific and codified set of arms and armour; although a notable thing was that those forces drawn in Anatolia tended to be equipped akin to the Akritai that had once defended Anatolia.
A force begun as no more than untrained men of various common professions, the Imperial Army of Emperor Andronikos III gradually gained veterancy throughout it's continued service on the frontlines of Imperial warfare; from Anatolia, to the Aegean, to Greece.
The army itself has been through multiple iterations, as the Emperor himself reconfigured the layout and equipment of the men he led based on his own whims and needs within the moment, and time, with the army itself contributing multiple governors and aristocrats at Andronikos' own discretion.
Notably Artemios of Nicaea, Michael of Arta and Manuel of Bitola.
The primary function of the Imperial Army, as it was formed under Andronikos III, was a mobile military force of spread-skills viable for use in reclaiming anything from land, cities or for use in pitched battles and raids.
As such the army itself had a rotating 'cast' of armour and equipment depending on the situation at first, which was eventually boiled down to the most basic and effective tools needed to face the various enemies of the Empire; most of this being developed against the Turks of the Ottoman Beylik at first, then adaption from there to face the Bulgarians of Dobruja, the Serbs of Serbia and the Latins of occupied Greece.
[1] The infantry of the Empire was, at this stage, equipped with what had become standard over the centuries; predominantly a mixture of mail, gambeson-like cloth armour, and aventails underneath metal helms. This armour was accented with a decorated kite shield, or an oval shield should they be a lighter skirmisher. In arms, the infantry carried spears of varying lengths, with a straight spathion blade as their primary secondary. Javelins and other various projectiles were in use by every infantryman, depending on what the situation called for--with darts being famously used to kill the horses of Turkish horse archers.
[2] The archers of the Empire began to take more precedence under Andronikos III, as they could be used to harry and badly maim the cavalry of the Turks and Balkan peoples; namely the Serbs. Archers were generally equipped with kettle hats, and lighter cloth armour with metal accents.
In contrast to the Hunnic bows of many previous Roman archers, the Palaiologan army Andronikos built relied on Turkish compound bows that fired strong and accurate medium-length arrows. Archers themselves carried a small one-handed axe or spathion, alongside an oval shield upon their back, should they have been forced into melee combat.
[3] As expected, the cavalry of the Empire was still the primary tool of war made use of by the Emperors. While previous generations of Roman cavalry had multiple wings of different types--such as horse archers, the cavalry made use of by Andronikos III were instead rather simplistic and applicable to most situations; equipped with mail, lamellar and other akin armour that turned them and their horses into the riding 'statues' of their time.
In order to combat the various cavalry groups that were made use of by the Empire's enemies, the cavalry relied on past knowledge accrued most notably by the Komnenoi; the most important of which was that the Turkic peoples of Anatolia were heavily susceptible to lances and maces. As such, every cavalryman carried four things; an oval shield strapped to their non-dominant arm, a lance, a mace and a curved paramerion.
The medium nature of the standard Imperial cavalry gave them enough armour to render most weapons against them less effective, as well as allow them to remain mobile for longer periods of time than heavily armoured cataphracts. In this sense, Andronikos effectively made medium cataphracts.
[4] As in any period of Roman history, the Empire also relied on various ad hoc and irregular forces; usually drawn from the lands they were fighting in or defending. However, where as before many of these forces would be mercenaries, the effects of Battle of Velbazhd saw Andronikos permanently kill the notion of integrating huge mercenary formations into the Roman Army.
Thus, most of the ad hoc and irregular forces were commoners, retired soldiers, and recruited prisoners drawn up as needed during campaigns. The most famous instances of this were in Andronikos' Anatolic campaigns early in his reign as sole Emperor, as well as his use of Aegean commoners to overthrow the Genoese leasers.
Considering their nature, they didn't have a specific and codified set of arms and armour; although a notable thing was that those forces drawn in Anatolia tended to be equipped akin to the Akritai that had once defended Anatolia.
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It's possible that the Genoese know that another conflict with Venice is on the horizon with otl 1350 hosting the start of another was between Venice and Genoa so they want a somewhat useful ally in the East med to protect their interests.
Getting another update this soon? You're spoiling us Averious.
You're mostly correct in your thoughts there. An added fact is that the Genoese weren't expecting what happened at all, in the basic sense. They'd gotten use to the Romans just laying down quietly while they parasitically fed off of their trade due to Andronikos II.
Suddenly having the Romans kick them out of the Aegean and Galata, while rumblings of war with Venice are on the horizon, has seen them weigh the pros and cons and decide it's better not to piss off the Romans further than they already have by not keeping their leasers and akin in check.
Not really spoiling you; usually I do one post of around 4,000 words--which is basically what these two are combined
I have for a while now looked up this to se if it was updated. Today I discovered not only had one but two updates been posted.
I would personally recommend that you maybe have some pictures in your Army update to make it easier to visual it. Besides that I love the updates.Glad to see that you are back writing again and good luck with the story.
I would personally recommend that you maybe have some pictures in your Army update to make it easier to visual it. Besides that I love the updates.Glad to see that you are back writing again and good luck with the story.
The issue with that is that the art I wish to use is too large; the forum refuses to allow it.
Part 1; 1331 to 1333 - The Silent Decade, Part 1
"Much can be said about how very little in the way of major events occurred within the decade following the capture, sack and stripping of Galata. I myself would compare it to a roughly similar period of time within Basil II's reign which was itself silent and without note as very little happened worth noting. Today we can look back at this and speak on how vital it was that the Empire had a whole decade to simply breathe, but that is with hindsight in mind," - Alexandros Komnenos, the Resurgent Palaiologoi, Chapter 4 of 10, 'The Tranquil Decade'.
1331 - August to September
August itself began with the news that the Turks of Anatolia were getting restless; namely those along the coasts of Troas and Ionia--as the fact that both the Romans and various other polities such as the Knights of Rhodes were patrolling the Aegean with their navies put quite a huge dent in their piracy operations.
It was within the earliest part of August that the Beylik of Saruhan began making preparations to besiege and capture Phokaia, one of the last cities within Ionia still under Christian control; although in this case under the control of the Genoese; their last property within the Aegean [1].
Alexios, Megas Doux of the Imperial Navy, saw within this event a moment to shine for himself--as various merchants came calling for aid from anyone; be they the Romans, the Knights or the Genoese.
With the permission of Andronikos, who himself was busy finalizing the distribution of the dozens new civil governorships across the Empire's Balkan and Anatolian territories with the aid of John.
The Megas Doux organized several volunteers who were willing to serve as what amounted to marines, as well as coordinating his navy as two functional bodies; one to intercept and destroy the elements of the Saruhanid navy, and the other to provide aid in the form of supplies to Phokaia.
The entire effort was a drawn out affair, that came to an end when the Saruhan ceased their attack in order to fend off raids from their southern Turkish kin, the Aydinids, who took to raiding the lands of the Saruhan while they were distracted with their attempts to take Phokaia.
With the siege over, the Genoese governor of the city attempted to force out the Romans, fearing that his Roman population might overturn his rule in favour of their kin. His efforts turned out to be a self-fulfilling prophecy, as his actions against a navy that the people of Phokaia saw as their saviours sparked a revolt that quickly saw the governor lynched and the land turned over to Alexios, who stood in for Andronikos without even asking the Emperor first.
By the time news got back to Andronikos all he could really do was send along a defended convoy to Genoa with recompense funds to reimburse the rough cost the land--including the alum mine that Phokaia held.
Upon Alexios' return to Constantinople the Emperor chastised his Megas Doux, making sure he understood the weight of what he'd done in simply taking the city--even if the people had requested it. In turn however, the Emperor had to acknowledge the situation, officially creating the Lordship of the Isles in late August--which combined the isles of Limnos, Lesbos, the Sporades and the city of Phokaia into a single governorship which was attached to the position of Megas Doux [2].
September itself was unnoteworthy besides the fact that it saw the continuation of the stripping of Galata, as well as the crowning of Stefan Dusan; which saw Manuel of Bitola raise his forces to patrol the Roman-Serbian border for weeks to ensure that the Serbian King well-knew he wasn't welcome south of it.
1331 - October to December
With funds and resources coming in from Galata's stripping, Andronikos was able to start considering other factors within Constantinople itself--namely the fact that he now had access to excess building material, and a skilled enough population to enact refurbishment efforts.
Considering the loss of Galata as a port, the Emperor's mind was immediately brought to the Neorion, the harbour of the Golden Horn which had acted as the chief port of the Propontus and Black Sea prior to Galata's theft of such a title. With the prodding of John, the Emperor ordered it refurbished and expanded--but on his own thinking he also ordered the port of Kontoskalion within southern Constantinople given proper treatment of its own [3].
Particularly caring for the Kontoskalion, the Emperor ordered it given largescale reworks in order to protect it from the pervasions of the area; fusing it with the Port of Sophia to create a twin-port. The Western Port would take in goods coming from the Empire's Aegean territories, namely Thessaloniki and the Lordship of the Isles--while the Eastern Port would act as an enlarged naval mooring and thus the major dock of the Imperial Navy.
The fact that the city was thus able to, slowly, start gaining more supplies from both ends of the city allowed him to also put into action his next major push by December--after having taken the previous months to ensure the affairs with both harbours were going smoothly.
Andronikos ordered the restoration of the Bibliothekai, the famous Imperial Library of Constantinople--the last great library of the ancient world. The Library itself had fallen into major decline following the Latin occupation of the city in 1204, and had not been restored by the Palaiologoi up until his point due it not really falling onto the agenda.
The Emperor was quickly wishing to become known for things other than his military campaigns, as it was becoming quite clear with how quiet things were that he wouldn't be able to always rely on throwing himself into war to spend his own time--thus, things such as the Bibliothekai came to his mind.
1332 - January to June
With more time to work on matters of state, Andronikos was forced to confront the fact that the judiciary was itself filled with corruption, as was quite a lot of the Empire that was still within direct control of the Emperor; as the various governates he'd set up had been quite effective in squashing corruption within their own designated patrimonies.
Not wanting to allow himself the humiliating notion of not being able to control those within his direct grasp Andronikos elected to depart from Constantinople in late January, and take what amounted to a 3 month tour of his direct domains at the head of a 500 man retinue. From Adrianople to Thessaloniki the Emperor would mediate issues; brutally tearing out the rot that had been allowed to grow during the reign of his grandfather.
It was a meandering notion, and by the time he returned to Constantinople in April of 1332 he'd once more reminded his people of how proactive he was--and was quick to take what he'd learnt while cracking down on corruption within his lands to reform the Supreme Court of Rome (Kritai Katholikoi tōn Rhomaiōn) that had been effectively created by his grandfather.
The panel was expanded from 12 to 14, two of which were to be filled by men of ecclesiastical background, and each would deliberate and function under new codified rules which were penned by John rather basically and understandably in a booklet that became known as the Mikronomos (Little Law).
One of the primary changes made by Andronikos III was the allowance of appeals, should the person making said appeal be able to viably back up his appeal using the the available Roman law; allowing for two attempts at appeal and none after that.
This work took up much of Andronikos' time, when combined with his constant motions between the various building sites of the Capital; checking in on each now and then when not busy so as to ensure their quality.
It was through sheer effort that much of this rework was done by mid-June, which allowed Andronikos to be present for the birth of his daughter Maria; which was something important in hindsight, as the birth took a heavy toll on Anna and necessitated that the Emperor spend more time with the Empress to aid in her recovery.
Thus it was that the Emperor dedicated the rest of the month to ensuring the recovery of his wife--delegating much of the governance of the Empire, save the finer details he had to personally sign off on, to John--as was expected by this point.
1332 - July to December
As the Emperor got back to work within the state, it quickly became obvious that recent events had opened up several doors for the Empire; the most obvious amongst them being the recent rise of Wallachia as a polity following their miraculous victory against their Hungarian overlords within recent times.
With this in mind the Emperor drafted several letters to the young Tsar of Bulgaria, Konstantin, who was himself busy tending to the sorry state of his own Empire. Bulgaria served as a buffer of sorts between the Vlachs of Wallachia and the Romans by its sheer geographical position, and had a history of ruling the lands of that now constituted Wallachia.
Thus, Andronikos requested the right to send merchants through Bulgaria into Wallachia, to serve as tradesmen and connect the economies of the three polities through trade; as the Emperor saw the bigger picture of the matter; if the Romans were to truly regain their power within the Balkans they'd need to be proactive in their efforts.
Konstantin himself was shrewd, and made sure to haggle with Andronikos before agreeing--seeing the two agree to various customs and tolls which would ensure that both got something out of the deal.
By late August dedicated and mutual trade efforts came knocking at Wallachia's door--pressing Basarab I of Wallachia with these notions. Considering his polity was itself rather poor and underdeveloped, Basarab jumped at the chance given to him with his noted ambition and vigor--purposefully playing second-fiddle to Konstantin if only to make things smoother.
It wasn't long before all three polities began trading more officially with each other, with the raw materials coming from the Vlachs being refined by the craftsmen of Bulgaria and Rome in a round-about economic system.
Even as the months tick on things continue to change, with the notion of a fame in South-Western Europe seeing an uptick in food trade within the Aegean as well as other areas of the Empire.
Such an uptick in trade naturally brought pirates to the forefront, namely those of the Karasi Beylik of Mysia--a Beylik barely clinging to life after having much of its territories either raided (by the Romans), or annexed (by its fellow Turks) [4]; seeing the notion of piracy as the only way to bring some sort of prosperity.
Such a notion only proved to be it's downfall, as with much of its focus towards the sea it was unable to defend itself against Artemios of Nicaea--who, with permission from Andronikos, began an lightning campaign against the Beylik in late September, turning it's capital into a smoking ruin by the onset of December and seeing its lands annexed into the Duchy of Nicaea after it was made official by Andronikos prior to the yearly Christmas celebrations.
1333 - January to December
A year with truly little to speak on, 1333 was famed for a few events though--namely the expansion of the famine that had already begun the previous year; famously gaining the title of Lo Mal any Primer, the First Bad Year--an ominous notion of things to come.
With the famine in full swing, many states pivoted towards internal affairs, with things only made worse when several natural disasters struck both Italy and Egypt in the form of floods; devastating cities such as Cairo and Firenze.
Most of these had very little affect on the Romans, besides increasing and decreasing their trade in intervals depending on the 'mood' of the week. Instead the Romans continued to focus on the various building projects of Constantinople, as well as the the integration of both the Wallachian-Bulgarian-Roman tradeline, and of the former Karasi Beylik.
Within December however, Marino Sanudo Torsello, a man of Venice who considered himself a historian, published his 'Istoria del regno di Romania (History of the realm of Romania)'--wherein he detailed the status, lands and various notions of the Latin occupied Greece. Within it's pages were many inaccuracies that had to later be corrected; owing to the efforts of the Romans in their reconquests and the various changes within the area this caused.
---
[1] Andronikos simply didn't have the time to consider Phokaia previously--as while he'd been able to reclaim the Aegean Isles under the control of Genoa, he had been pulled back to Constantinople shortly afterwards to handle Galata.
[2] The Lordship of the Isles would serve as bulwark against Latin and Turkish aggression within the Aegean, as its component parts were capable of providing both the income and material to fund the defence of the Aegean. This was added to by the strategic power the Lordship had considering the positions of its isles, as well as Phokaia.
[3] Unlike the Neorion, the Kontoskalion suffered from the storms of the Propontus and Black Sea, and thus regularly silted up. This saw it quickly abandoned for the Neorion until Justinian the Great refurbished it so that Constantinople was able to get trade and imports from both sides. It fell into decline after several fires, and was used as a military mooring thereafter, until Andronikos refurbished it once again.
[4] Much of the Beylik was annexed either by the Saruhan's or the Ottomans, with the core of it's lands escaping annexation due to the fact that the Ottomans were beaten back by the Romans during Andronikos' early reign. However, this only bought them another three years, before they were finally annexed.
1331 - August to September
August itself began with the news that the Turks of Anatolia were getting restless; namely those along the coasts of Troas and Ionia--as the fact that both the Romans and various other polities such as the Knights of Rhodes were patrolling the Aegean with their navies put quite a huge dent in their piracy operations.
It was within the earliest part of August that the Beylik of Saruhan began making preparations to besiege and capture Phokaia, one of the last cities within Ionia still under Christian control; although in this case under the control of the Genoese; their last property within the Aegean [1].
Alexios, Megas Doux of the Imperial Navy, saw within this event a moment to shine for himself--as various merchants came calling for aid from anyone; be they the Romans, the Knights or the Genoese.
With the permission of Andronikos, who himself was busy finalizing the distribution of the dozens new civil governorships across the Empire's Balkan and Anatolian territories with the aid of John.
The Megas Doux organized several volunteers who were willing to serve as what amounted to marines, as well as coordinating his navy as two functional bodies; one to intercept and destroy the elements of the Saruhanid navy, and the other to provide aid in the form of supplies to Phokaia.
The entire effort was a drawn out affair, that came to an end when the Saruhan ceased their attack in order to fend off raids from their southern Turkish kin, the Aydinids, who took to raiding the lands of the Saruhan while they were distracted with their attempts to take Phokaia.
With the siege over, the Genoese governor of the city attempted to force out the Romans, fearing that his Roman population might overturn his rule in favour of their kin. His efforts turned out to be a self-fulfilling prophecy, as his actions against a navy that the people of Phokaia saw as their saviours sparked a revolt that quickly saw the governor lynched and the land turned over to Alexios, who stood in for Andronikos without even asking the Emperor first.
By the time news got back to Andronikos all he could really do was send along a defended convoy to Genoa with recompense funds to reimburse the rough cost the land--including the alum mine that Phokaia held.
Upon Alexios' return to Constantinople the Emperor chastised his Megas Doux, making sure he understood the weight of what he'd done in simply taking the city--even if the people had requested it. In turn however, the Emperor had to acknowledge the situation, officially creating the Lordship of the Isles in late August--which combined the isles of Limnos, Lesbos, the Sporades and the city of Phokaia into a single governorship which was attached to the position of Megas Doux [2].
September itself was unnoteworthy besides the fact that it saw the continuation of the stripping of Galata, as well as the crowning of Stefan Dusan; which saw Manuel of Bitola raise his forces to patrol the Roman-Serbian border for weeks to ensure that the Serbian King well-knew he wasn't welcome south of it.
1331 - October to December
With funds and resources coming in from Galata's stripping, Andronikos was able to start considering other factors within Constantinople itself--namely the fact that he now had access to excess building material, and a skilled enough population to enact refurbishment efforts.
Considering the loss of Galata as a port, the Emperor's mind was immediately brought to the Neorion, the harbour of the Golden Horn which had acted as the chief port of the Propontus and Black Sea prior to Galata's theft of such a title. With the prodding of John, the Emperor ordered it refurbished and expanded--but on his own thinking he also ordered the port of Kontoskalion within southern Constantinople given proper treatment of its own [3].
Particularly caring for the Kontoskalion, the Emperor ordered it given largescale reworks in order to protect it from the pervasions of the area; fusing it with the Port of Sophia to create a twin-port. The Western Port would take in goods coming from the Empire's Aegean territories, namely Thessaloniki and the Lordship of the Isles--while the Eastern Port would act as an enlarged naval mooring and thus the major dock of the Imperial Navy.
The fact that the city was thus able to, slowly, start gaining more supplies from both ends of the city allowed him to also put into action his next major push by December--after having taken the previous months to ensure the affairs with both harbours were going smoothly.
Andronikos ordered the restoration of the Bibliothekai, the famous Imperial Library of Constantinople--the last great library of the ancient world. The Library itself had fallen into major decline following the Latin occupation of the city in 1204, and had not been restored by the Palaiologoi up until his point due it not really falling onto the agenda.
The Emperor was quickly wishing to become known for things other than his military campaigns, as it was becoming quite clear with how quiet things were that he wouldn't be able to always rely on throwing himself into war to spend his own time--thus, things such as the Bibliothekai came to his mind.
1332 - January to June
With more time to work on matters of state, Andronikos was forced to confront the fact that the judiciary was itself filled with corruption, as was quite a lot of the Empire that was still within direct control of the Emperor; as the various governates he'd set up had been quite effective in squashing corruption within their own designated patrimonies.
Not wanting to allow himself the humiliating notion of not being able to control those within his direct grasp Andronikos elected to depart from Constantinople in late January, and take what amounted to a 3 month tour of his direct domains at the head of a 500 man retinue. From Adrianople to Thessaloniki the Emperor would mediate issues; brutally tearing out the rot that had been allowed to grow during the reign of his grandfather.
It was a meandering notion, and by the time he returned to Constantinople in April of 1332 he'd once more reminded his people of how proactive he was--and was quick to take what he'd learnt while cracking down on corruption within his lands to reform the Supreme Court of Rome (Kritai Katholikoi tōn Rhomaiōn) that had been effectively created by his grandfather.
The panel was expanded from 12 to 14, two of which were to be filled by men of ecclesiastical background, and each would deliberate and function under new codified rules which were penned by John rather basically and understandably in a booklet that became known as the Mikronomos (Little Law).
One of the primary changes made by Andronikos III was the allowance of appeals, should the person making said appeal be able to viably back up his appeal using the the available Roman law; allowing for two attempts at appeal and none after that.
This work took up much of Andronikos' time, when combined with his constant motions between the various building sites of the Capital; checking in on each now and then when not busy so as to ensure their quality.
It was through sheer effort that much of this rework was done by mid-June, which allowed Andronikos to be present for the birth of his daughter Maria; which was something important in hindsight, as the birth took a heavy toll on Anna and necessitated that the Emperor spend more time with the Empress to aid in her recovery.
Thus it was that the Emperor dedicated the rest of the month to ensuring the recovery of his wife--delegating much of the governance of the Empire, save the finer details he had to personally sign off on, to John--as was expected by this point.
1332 - July to December
As the Emperor got back to work within the state, it quickly became obvious that recent events had opened up several doors for the Empire; the most obvious amongst them being the recent rise of Wallachia as a polity following their miraculous victory against their Hungarian overlords within recent times.
With this in mind the Emperor drafted several letters to the young Tsar of Bulgaria, Konstantin, who was himself busy tending to the sorry state of his own Empire. Bulgaria served as a buffer of sorts between the Vlachs of Wallachia and the Romans by its sheer geographical position, and had a history of ruling the lands of that now constituted Wallachia.
Thus, Andronikos requested the right to send merchants through Bulgaria into Wallachia, to serve as tradesmen and connect the economies of the three polities through trade; as the Emperor saw the bigger picture of the matter; if the Romans were to truly regain their power within the Balkans they'd need to be proactive in their efforts.
Konstantin himself was shrewd, and made sure to haggle with Andronikos before agreeing--seeing the two agree to various customs and tolls which would ensure that both got something out of the deal.
By late August dedicated and mutual trade efforts came knocking at Wallachia's door--pressing Basarab I of Wallachia with these notions. Considering his polity was itself rather poor and underdeveloped, Basarab jumped at the chance given to him with his noted ambition and vigor--purposefully playing second-fiddle to Konstantin if only to make things smoother.
It wasn't long before all three polities began trading more officially with each other, with the raw materials coming from the Vlachs being refined by the craftsmen of Bulgaria and Rome in a round-about economic system.
Even as the months tick on things continue to change, with the notion of a fame in South-Western Europe seeing an uptick in food trade within the Aegean as well as other areas of the Empire.
Such an uptick in trade naturally brought pirates to the forefront, namely those of the Karasi Beylik of Mysia--a Beylik barely clinging to life after having much of its territories either raided (by the Romans), or annexed (by its fellow Turks) [4]; seeing the notion of piracy as the only way to bring some sort of prosperity.
Such a notion only proved to be it's downfall, as with much of its focus towards the sea it was unable to defend itself against Artemios of Nicaea--who, with permission from Andronikos, began an lightning campaign against the Beylik in late September, turning it's capital into a smoking ruin by the onset of December and seeing its lands annexed into the Duchy of Nicaea after it was made official by Andronikos prior to the yearly Christmas celebrations.
1333 - January to December
A year with truly little to speak on, 1333 was famed for a few events though--namely the expansion of the famine that had already begun the previous year; famously gaining the title of Lo Mal any Primer, the First Bad Year--an ominous notion of things to come.
With the famine in full swing, many states pivoted towards internal affairs, with things only made worse when several natural disasters struck both Italy and Egypt in the form of floods; devastating cities such as Cairo and Firenze.
Most of these had very little affect on the Romans, besides increasing and decreasing their trade in intervals depending on the 'mood' of the week. Instead the Romans continued to focus on the various building projects of Constantinople, as well as the the integration of both the Wallachian-Bulgarian-Roman tradeline, and of the former Karasi Beylik.
Within December however, Marino Sanudo Torsello, a man of Venice who considered himself a historian, published his 'Istoria del regno di Romania (History of the realm of Romania)'--wherein he detailed the status, lands and various notions of the Latin occupied Greece. Within it's pages were many inaccuracies that had to later be corrected; owing to the efforts of the Romans in their reconquests and the various changes within the area this caused.
---
[1] Andronikos simply didn't have the time to consider Phokaia previously--as while he'd been able to reclaim the Aegean Isles under the control of Genoa, he had been pulled back to Constantinople shortly afterwards to handle Galata.
[2] The Lordship of the Isles would serve as bulwark against Latin and Turkish aggression within the Aegean, as its component parts were capable of providing both the income and material to fund the defence of the Aegean. This was added to by the strategic power the Lordship had considering the positions of its isles, as well as Phokaia.
[3] Unlike the Neorion, the Kontoskalion suffered from the storms of the Propontus and Black Sea, and thus regularly silted up. This saw it quickly abandoned for the Neorion until Justinian the Great refurbished it so that Constantinople was able to get trade and imports from both sides. It fell into decline after several fires, and was used as a military mooring thereafter, until Andronikos refurbished it once again.
[4] Much of the Beylik was annexed either by the Saruhan's or the Ottomans, with the core of it's lands escaping annexation due to the fact that the Ottomans were beaten back by the Romans during Andronikos' early reign. However, this only bought them another three years, before they were finally annexed.
Very interesting that this is a tranquil decade for the Romans, given that their biggest headache of the decade IOTL is still very much there and wanting to expand: Dušan’s Serbia. Even this revitalized Byzantium has only been different for three years now, and the Serbian nobility had been clamoring for war for years by this point. How does Andronikos manage to keep Stefan’s attention off of them for so long? Does it end up going for Bosnia/Hungary first? If so, that might just mean Byzantium will be facing an even stronger Serbia soon enough…
Anyway, fantastic TL, as I don’t think I’ve commented on it before. Glad to see it back!
Anyway, fantastic TL, as I don’t think I’ve commented on it before. Glad to see it back!
The main thing to note is that Dusan's Serbia was crushed in battle before it even gained it's momentum.
Historically Dusan's father did a lot of damage to the Romans, and while this was temporarily reversed, the Serbs were able to steal all that land again when the Romans went into their civil war in 1341.
Within the TL Andronikos and his men crushed Stefan Decanski before he, or his heir Dusan, were able to do much damage. Dusan's effectively inherited a Kingdom that lost it's last major war and is still rebuilding its army.
The fact that Dusan won't be able to rely on the 1341-1347 Civil War as a springboard to yoinking Macedon, Thessaly and Albania means he's never going to be as great of a threat to the Romans as he was OTL.
Also, glad you're enjoying the TL, thanks for commenting x3
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The story so far would make for a pretty good historical drama series down the line.
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Maybe Stefan Dusan here ends up being historically prominent for his wars against the Hungarians instead?