No Foot To Boot - An Alternate Timeline of Late 20th Century British Politics

[AtleticoPulis]

BBC News

9th October 1963

Hello, this is BBC News, I am Richard Baker and these are the headlines for this evening.

Ugandan Prime Minister Milton Obote has declared the nation a republic on the first anniversary of its declaration of independence from the United Kingdom.

The Governor-General of Uganda, Sir Walter Coutts has stepped down from his role, and the monarch of Buganda, Uganda's largest region, Edward Mutesa has assumed the role of President.

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In other news, the Labour MP Michael Foot has died in hospital after suffering internal injuries in a car accident this morning.

Mr Foot, who succeeded Aneurin Bevan in the Ebbw Vale constituency in 1960, was pronounced dead at 4:15pm this afternoon.

The prominent socialist MP also acted as the editor of the socialist magazine, Tribune, on two occasions, and recently returned to the Parliamentary Labour Party following the election of Harold Wilson as leader.

The Labour Party Leader expressed his deepest sympathies with the family of Mr Foot, describing him as "a principled colleague who will be dearly missed by all in the Labour Party."

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In Memoriam of
MICHAEL Mackintosh FOOT

23rd July 1913 - 9th October 1963​

 

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The response to Michael Foot's death was fairly subdued in Labour circles, still recovering from the death of Hugh Gaitskell some nine months previously. Tribune editor Richard Clements, who had succeeded Foot in the role three years previously, paid tribute to "a valued friend" in the winter edition of the magazine. Left-wing Labour MPs Tony Benn and Ian Mikardo also paid tribute to Foot's achievements in Parliament, just two days after the crash which claimed his death, but this commemoration was largely overshadowed by the resignation of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan on October 17, which occurred seven days later than planned, out of respect for Foot.

The Labour Party chose Albert Clifford Williams, a 58-year old miner and Monmouthshire councillor, as their candidate for the by-election to replace Foot in the Ebbw Vale constituency. After the furore of Macmillan's resignation and his subsequent replacement by Alec Douglas-Home, the by-election was finally held on 5th March 1964.

Both Plaid Cymru and the Liberal Party declined invitations to run in the by-election, curiously the second one of the term in that very same constituency following the passing of Nye Bevan in 1960, citing both respect for Mr Foot and a lack of real local support. Indeed, prior to the aforementioned by-election, Ebbw Vale had been a Labour-Tory only contest since 1935, and it was to be this way once more, with the Conservatives having already nominated 1960's candidate, Brandon Rhys-Williams as their prospective parliamentary candidate. Subsequently, post-Profumo pressure on the government along with a swelling of sympathy support towards Labour, led to this by-election being a foregone conclusion from the offset.

Albert Clifford Williams (Labour): 29,167 (90.9%) (+22.1%)
Brandon Rhys-Williams (Conservative): 2,919 (9.1%) (-3.6%)

Majority: 26,248 (69.1%) (+13%)
Turnout: 32,086 (84.4%) (+8.3%)

Albert Clifford Williams sat in the House of Commons until 1970, when he stepped down at the age of 65. He was replaced by outgoing Cardiff South MP Ted Rowlands, who served in the seat until retiring in 2002.

 

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Prologue - The Storm Before The Even Bigger Storm

In February 1974, Labour were narrowly elected as a minority government in a hung parliament. Harold Wilson, now set to enter his third term as Prime Minister, had a number of choices to make regarding cabinet positions. He had already opted for a reshuffle, trying to prove that Labour as a party could manage in government, and had subsequently moved Shadow Employment Secretary Reg Prentice into an education brief as part of this, following rumours that Prentice was set to resign the Labour whip due to a lack of "social democratic representation" in the party.

However, Wilson was still mindful of left-wing elements of his party objecting to such a move given these rumours, and had decided to replace Prentice in the Employment brief with an MP from the left-wing of the party, in an effort to appease the Tribune Group which aligned with that faction. His first choice was the Bolsover MP Dennis Skinner, who was a relatively new face to the Labour Party, having only been first elected in 1970. Skinner refused the role, saying that he preferred life as a backbench MP, and did not want to abandon his mining roots, the first of many rejections across a five-decade political career. Wilson was therefore forced to reconsider his options, and recalled Roy Hattersley to the front bench as Industry Secretary in order to accommodate a certain Mr Tony Benn as Prentice's successor in the employment brief.

Benn was in the throes of a conversion towards the far-left of the Labour Party, and incorporated some of his new ideas into policy, famously writing the Health and Safety at Work Act, which was the first concrete piece of health and safety legislation to be passed by Parliament for decades.

Benn was also supportive of strikes by the NUM during 1974, famously showing up at a picket in the run-up to the October 1974 General Election. To this end, he proposed a new Strike Pay Bill at the picket itself, in which employers would be forced to pay workers a wage for any time missed whilst striking. This bill was met with fury by many on the so-called right-wing of the Labour Party, who demanded that Wilson sack Benn upon the return of parliament. The Prime Minister refused for structural reasons, along with the fact that political analysts believed that Benn's actions had helped Wilson secure a narrow majority in the second general election of 1974.

The 1975 EEC referendum, and Harold Wilson's subsequent resignation some months later, presented Labour with a number of complications. The battle between the left and right of the party had waged for some time prior to Wilson's resignation, but upon the calling of a leadership election, it spiralled out of control. Jim Callaghan's decision to stand for leader was responded to with a furious challenge from Tony Benn on behalf of the left of the party, who argued that Callaghan's economic policies had dragged the Labour Party too far from their traditional approach, an ironic comment, given that Callaghan was for many years viewed as cabinet's "union man", famously taking Barbara Castle to task on anti-trade union legislation during the Labour government of 1964-70.

The campaign trail for the Labour leadership election was equally competitive. Callaghan took opportunity after opportunity to deride Benn as a "hopeless idealist" whose economic views would be disastrous for the country, while Benn focused on the argument of internal democracy, stating that he would introduce mandatory selection for all MPs.

He also proposed reforms to the leadership electoral system so all members could vote, and vowed to allow Labour constituency parties to propose policies at party conference, which would then be voted on by the Labour Party's National Executive Committee, with a view to adding them to a Labour Party general election manifesto.

Benn and Callaghan also clashed publicly over the decision by the Wilson government to approach the IMF for a loan in early 1976, with Benn chastising the move as a "total capitulation to the greed-driven economists of this country". The mood worsened when Callaghan was overheard threatening to attack a parliamentary journalist when asked about the threat from Benn, who had mustered up a great deal of grassroots support through his re-election actions. It seemed that the right had been well and truly rattled.

However, Callaghan received a boost in the final days of the campaign, when long time foe Barbara Castle lent him an endorsement, describing him as "the only option if we wish to maintain government." This was followed by Wilson also endorsing Callaghan, alongside a cohort of senior Labour MPs such as Denis Healey. In the end, this confidence boost, along with the fact that the Parliamentary Labour Party was vastly dominsted by its right-wing, resulted in the following result in the first ballot:

James Callaghan: 186

Tony Benn: 127

A resounding victory was declared for Callaghan, but the election had very publicly opened up the ideological spat erupting at the epicentre of the Labour Party. Benn responded to Callaghan's criticisms by turning down a cabinet post, famously telling the new Prime Minister, "I am not a hopeless idealist, merely a hopeful ideologue." Several other left-wing Labour MPs, including Eric Varley, also snubbed cabinet positions, resulting in a cabinet largely pooled from the right of the party. The left-wingers' reaction was a startled one - NEC member Eric Heffer even publicly commented, "We'll get the bastards for this one day, just you wait and see."

The next three years were dominated largely by coalition worries, as Labour lost their majority by late 1976. A pact with the Liberal Party helped to offset an early election, along with support from the UUP and SNP, but this pact was abandoned in February 1979 with an election looming. The failure by Callaghan to implement Scottish devolution (having withdrawn a referendum on Scottish devolution, following scrutiny from anti-devolution government MPs) also led to the SNP withdrawing their support in March 1979, and the UUP realigned themselves with Margaret Thatcher's Conservative Party shortly before a successful motion of no confidence against the government was passed in April 1979. The subsequent election saw a Tory majority of 59 seats, and Callaghan stepped down as Prime Minister. However, the battle for the heart of the Labour Party had only just begun.​

 

[AtleticoPulis]

5th October 1980

The Leader of the Opposition, Jim Callaghan has announced he is to step down as Labour Party leader at the next party conference, after four years in office.

Callaghan had been under pressure from all sides of his party following last year's General Election defeat, in which the Conservative Party obtained a 59 seat majority due to voter backlash in the aftermath of the "Winter of Discontent". In recent weeks, he had faced calls from the left-wing Tribune Group of Labour MPs, led by Tony Benn, who called for reform to the electoral college system of voting, used by Labour in their leadership and deputy leadership elections. It is widely expected that a proposal to extend voting in these elections to wider party membership will be tabled by Benn at the upcoming party conference.

In a statement released to the press yesterday morning, Callaghan said that it had been "the greatest of pleasures" to lead the Labour Party, adding:
​

"While we may not have had the best of times under my command, Labour now have a blueprint for economic recovery in place, which we can utilise when we return to government."

The reaction to this move was mixed. The Tribune Group welcomed the move, with spokesperson Eric Heffer saying:

"Mr Callaghan has been a hard-working and committed devotee to the Labour Party over his time in office, but it is beyond obvious that change is needed at the top. We will work to ensure that the next Labour leader is elected by the entirety of our party, not just a few parliamentary representatives."

Reg Prentice, chair of the Labour Party Campaign for Social Democracy, an internal think-tank set up last year to advocate for the right-wing of the party, commented with both satisfaction and dissatisfaction on the move saying:
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"Mr Callaghan is a fine man who staved off the threat of ideological lunacy when he was made leader of the Labour Party in 1976, and he has successfully kept those elements out of cabinet and shadow cabinet for four years. However, the fact that the Labour Party has not acted against individuals undermining the national party for a message of extremism is a testament to a man who has lost control of his own party. It is therefore the right time for Mr Callaghan to step aside."

It is widely expected that the first leadership candidates will express their intention to run in the next few days, with multiple representatives from both sides of the Labour Party having been rumoured to have considered running at this point in time. ​

 

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BBC Nine O'Clock News

6th October 1980

Woods: Hello, I'm Peter Woods, and welcome to the Nine O'Clock News. Day one of the Labour leadership election saw a number of candidates declare their interest in succeeding Jim Callaghan. Candidates from the left and right of the party rushed to announce this morning, as our political editor, John Simpson, reports.

Simpson: The race to succeed Jim Callaghan as Labour Party leader was always going to be a competitive one, and its certainly lived up to expectations.

Press assembled at Charing Cross at 9:30am this morning as the first candidate to announce, former Chancellor of the Exchequer Denis Healey, formally launched his leadership campaign.

Labour have been plagued by factionalism over the last five years, as the left and right of the party waged a war which saw them both in and out of government. Healey appeared willing to put aside the division and to work towards a compromise.

Healey: The Labour Party will always have a duty to deliver a Labour government to Britain. We failed in that duty by deciding to let factional battles overtake the good of the country. All sides of this conflict have to take responsibility if we are to move forward. We cannot let our spats grant the Conservative Party a decade in power.

Simpson: On the other side of London in Whitechapel at midday, the Tribune Group had assembled a similar pack of journalists to welcome their chosen candidate. Tony Benn, beaten four years ago by Callaghan, would make one last attempt at party leadership. I asked him about Healey's comments and if he regretted the course that the 1976 leadership contest took.

Benn: I reject the notion that a leadership election cost our party government. The fact of the matter is that we were not ambitious enough and we made mistakes not befitting of the Labour Party I joined as a young man. Any Labour MP really ought to welcome a socialist government, willing to enact the changes we need as a country. Yet in that government, you saw ministers asking for loans from the IMF, attacking the unions, shutting down strikes, none of which I recognise in a true Labour government. Mr Healey can of course depict the last five years as some factional struggle, but we have never acted outside the interests of the Labour Party and I think we're a fairly united party, in all honesty.

Simpson: With these early announcements, you would have to consider Healey and Benn as frontrunners. The question is, what do they promise?

Benn seems to have altered little from his unsuccessful bid for leadership four years ago. Talk of internal reform rules the day, the promotion of socialist policies and a realignment between Labour and the trade unions.

Healey on the other hand, promises a return to the stability of the Harold Wilson years. He accepts mistakes were made, but through a lapse in concentration rather than general failure.

Elsewhere, prominent Callaghan supporters Roy Hattersley and David Owen have announced a joint leader-deputy leader ticket for the upcoming elections, contesting that Benn and Healey represent the politics of the past. There's been very little other news on the Labour front thus far, but with more announcements expected throughout the week, we will almost certainly hear more soon.​

 

[AtleticoPulis]

9th October 1980

DALYELL RUNS FOR LEADERSHIP AS ITV HUSTINGS REVEALED

Prominent backbench firebrand Tam Dalyell has announced that he will run for the post of Labour leader, becoming the third person to announce so, in as many days.

Dalyell, a prominent critic of the Callaghan government's Scottish home rule policy, announced that his interest in running for leadership with the following statement:

"After some deliberation, I have decided it best that I run for the post of Labour leader. Labour's downfall wasn't down to factionalism or the economy - it was down to us ignoring the will of the union and sacrificing it needlessly for the sake of electoral pacts.

We are a natural party of government, and we should not capitulate on our values to anybody. Keir Hardie would turn in his grave if he saw a Labour Party endowed in imperial conflicts and advocacy for the union's breakup. It is time we wise up or face the consequences."

Dalyell is well known as a committed anti-devolutionist, and was the chief ringleader behind successful efforts by Labour backbenchers to halt the Scottish devolution referendum last year, with his coining of the "West Lothian Question" proving enough for the Labour government to shelve referendum plans for at least five years. He is also a self-described anti-imperialist, having voted against every single intended British military intervention as an MP since his initial election as Member of Parliament for Linlithgow in 1962.

Fellow Labour MPs responded with mixed feelings to this news. George Cunningham, the MP for Islington South and Finsbury, switched his endorsement of Denis Healey following this announcement, saying that Dalyell was a committed devotee to the union in a way that "no other Labour leader in our lifetimes can claim to have been".

In contrast, the Labour leadership candidates were rather coy about Dalyell. Healey dismissed him as a "fringe lunatic on just about every position the Labour Party holds dear," whilst Tony Benn simply questioned Dalyell's motivation in standing against another pro-union, anti-imperialist candidate, but added that he would respect democracy in all its forms.

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In other news, Thames Television, the ITV weekday franchise for London, have announced that they will hold a hustings event between the three leadership candidates on the 14th October, a number of days before the Labour Party conference meets to hold its vote on the next leader of the party.​

 

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Thames Television

14th October 1980:

Continuity: In one hour, the ITN News at Ten with Alistair Burnet, but now, Andrew Gardner presents a Labour leadership hustings for Thames Television.

*****

Gardner: Tonight, we hear from three people looking to be elected as the next Labour Party leader this weekend. With current polling in mind, this is not only a fight to become leader of the opposition, but to become the next Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. Tonight I am joined by Julian Haviland, ITN Political Editor, as well as Tony Benn, Denis Healey, and Tam Dalyell.

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10:01pm

News at Ten:

Burnet: This is the News At Ten, and I am Alistair Burnet. Tonight's main headline: the three candidates for the position of Leader of the Labour Party tonight waged war on a variety of issues, live nationwide on Thames Television.

Issues discussed included national policy, internal party reforms and the party's track record in governemnt. Our polticial correspondent Glyn Mathias has more

Mathias: Labour at War is how this Thames Television debate was framed prior to its airing. And it duly delivered, as Tony Benn, Denis Healey and Tam Dalyell clashed ahead of next week's first round on who shall be the one to succeed Jim Callaghan.

Throughout the evening, Labour Party members asked a variety of questions to the three candidates, with the topic of the evening being:

Audience 1: What do you think about the internal structure of the Labour Party, and what would you do to improve it?

Mathias: Tony Benn was invited to elaborate, and given his campaign of internal reform, Benn delivered, attacking what he perceived to be the Labour establishment's plan to undermine grassroots membership:

Benn: The Labour Party was built on the working man and the trade union, and to see party policy, leadership and the makeup of the National Executive Committee dictated by undemocratic demagogues so committed to ignoring the general will of membership, is something which deeply saddens me, and it is something I will work to stamp out.

Mathias: Denis Healey on the other hand, was more complimentary of the approach, attempting to chastise Benn:

Healey: Mr Benn seems to believe that if the internal makeup of the Labour Party does not amount to a Politbuto, it amounts to nothing-

Benn: No, no, that's not what I am saying-

Healey: The Labour Party has survived for nearly a century with the current structure in place. I do not believe that an electoral college for manifestos or leadership contests helps this party in any way other than giving ground to extremists.

Dalyell simply agreed with Benn, and chastised Healey for attempting to broker a devolution referendum whilst in government:

Dalyell: If Mr Healey was so bothered about extremists, why did he do a deal with the Scottish Nationalists?

Mathias: The second topic of the evening was on a topic more close to Dalyell's heart:

Audience 2: There's been a lot of talk about Labour's stance on the union. If elected leader, will you commit to the status quo or further devolution.

Mathias: Dalyell was now in his element:

Dalyell: I firmly oppose any form of Scottish Home Rule. Why should an MP in Blackburn, Lanarkshire have power over the affairs in Blackburn, Lancashire, but not his own constituency? I've said this many a time: a capitulation to devolution is one step closer to independence, and I savour the union too much to allow that. Labour have abandoned the union under previous leaders, I say: No more!

Mathias: Perhaps the strongest rebuttal of that position came from Benn:

Benn: Mr Dalyell makes an interesting point on Blackburn, Lancashire, but I say this: the devolution plan would not sully the plan for Westminster or the sanctity of the union. It is a deeply narrow minded principle to believe that Home Rule in Scotland is a poor idea - look where that thought led the Liberal Party almost a century ago!

Another question which allowed Healey a chance to shine was on "imperialism", ie the legacy of previous Labour governments in terms of international intervention, such as the decision to take a loan from the IMF or the decision to take no official stance during the EEC referendum. Rather subdued, Healey, had the odd quip in his bow, particularly on the EEC, which both Benn and Dalyell opposed him on:

Healey: We've heard much talk from Mr Benn and Mr Dalyell on Europe, but the fact remains that on the prevalent issue of our time, the EEC referendum, they are adamant to disrespect a democratic verdict.

Mathias: Indeed, it was these three contrasting styles which led to confusion with the audience vote on who had won the debate.

Tony Benn: 35%
Denis Healey: 35%
Tam Dalyell: 30%

The bookmakers are equally coy on the odds of each candidate to win next week:

Denis Healey: 3/1
Tony Benn: 13/4
Tam Dalyell: 30/1

The Labour annual conference will begin this Saturday, the 18th October, with the leadership vote taking place on Thursday. However, there is one significant problem for Healey, who is still considered a slim frontrunner - The National Executive Committee are planning to file a motion which would allow them to change the rules of the leadership election mid-contest, in the event of a second round, to their preferred electoral college system. This would significantly benefit both Benn and Dalyell.

Denis Healey will therefore be feeling the forces of the party's left breathing down his neck. If he can withstand that pressure, then he remains a slight favourite to be the next Leader of the Opposition, and Prime Minister. Glyn Mathias, ITN, London.​

 

[AtleticoPulis]

Six O'Clock News Report on Labour leadership election - John Sergeant

23rd October 1980

The Labour Party conference began on 18th October 1980, not with a flourish but with a bang, as balloting opened for the Labour leadership election. Labour MPs had five days to make their choice for the MP they believed would serve the party best in its route back to government.

The last time Labour had went to the polls to decide their next leader, they were in office as government, and had a very public debate between Jim Callaghan and Tony Benn. In the end, it took the intervention of outgoing leader Harold Wilson to swing it for Callaghan.

The Labour left didn't forget, and they didn't forgive, and now four years on, they are back, and Benn is back, in an attempt to win an office he believes he should've claimed four years ago to become Prime Minister. The MP for Liverpool Walton and member of the Labour National Executive Committee, Eric Heffer, believes that Benn has a much stronger case for leadership than four years ago.

Heffer: When it comes down to it, you've got a very clear-cut choice. Discount Tam Dalyell, he's a respectable MP but he's running to try and publicise his own anti-Home Rule stance. This is a clear battle between the right-wing of the Labour Party, who kept out Nye Bevan in the 1950s, before winning round Harold Wilson in the 1960s and then robbing Tony Benn in the 1970s, and the Labour left-wing, who represent traditional Labour values and working-class characteristics in a way no major party leader has since the 1945-1950 Labour government.

When asked whether he believed that accusations that Benn was an extremist were unfair, Mr Heffer replied quite abruptly:

Heffer: I've known Tony Benn for sixteen years. In that time, nothing he has said has struck me as anything other than common sense Labour policy. He's not an extremist, his policies are not extreme in the slightest. The fact of the matter is that successive governments have been afraid to bring real change - Tony is a break from that status quo.

On the other side of things, Denis Healey's campaign seems to have gone on quite well. Healey is very clearly a Labour establishment figure, and as a former Defence Secretary, as well as Chancellor of the Exchequer, he has the credentials to lead in high office. Neil Kinnock, a former member of the Tribune Group, has broke from that grouping's tradition to back Healey. He explains why:

Kinnock: The last way we need to behave right now is have a repeat of 1976 and the trudging up of the old tensions between the Gaitskellites and the Bevanites. We can't afford to do it, not with a woman in power who is more than willing to strike an axe into every policy the Labour has put in the place over the last 35 years.

The other candidate in the race is someone who has been much maligned by both candidates for running. Tam Dalyell is running with one principle in mind: the abandonment of Labour's pro-Scottish devolution policy. Dalyell, unlike the other two candidates took time out to speak to Tonight this afternoon, and dismissed claims that he was there to advance his own personal agenda.

Dalyell: I reject the notion that I am ballot splitting. After all, you cannot claim to be democratic and not allow people to run on their own policies. I am staunchly anti-Home Rule in Scotland, and I believe that the Labour Party should be too. I wouldn't have run if I didn't think there were hope for Labour to change its position before it buries us alive in Scotland.

Whether you're a Bennite, a Healeyite or a Dalyellite, one thing is for certain, the Labour leadership election is going to be a closely contested one. John Sergeant, BBC News, Brighton.

*****

Newsnight

10:15pm

Thursday 23rd October 1980

Michelmore: Hello and welcome to Newsnight, on Thursday 23rd October 1980. For a number of days we've been covering events at the Labour Party conference ahead of results from the first round of the Labour leadership election, and there's been quite a few interesting developments today. The BBC's Political Editor, John Simpson, is down in Brighton today. John, what exactly has gone on?

Simpson: Well, Cliff, for weeks, we've been discussing whether the NEC may force this election to take place under its proposed electoral college changes to how Labour elects its leaders and deputy leaders. It was widely expected that such a policy would not be voted on until a new leader was elected, but the possibility of a tie in the first round has led Labour's National Executive Committee to take action now, and conference has today voted on an early motion to enforce leadership election changes to any future rounds of the current contest. That vote passed with an absolute majority, with only Shirley Williams voting against.

This now means that if no candidate gets an absolute majority in the Labour leadership contest's first round, then the next round will be decided based upon an electoral college in which MPs, unions and party membership each are worth a third of the vote, and a candidate with an average majority across the three will win.

Michelmore: Right, John, how will this impact on the outcome of the election?

Simpson: Right now, the Labour leadership election is seen as a nearcdirect split between Denis Healey and Tony Benn, with Tam Dalyell getting a very small fraction of votes and being expected to be eliminated early on. If this happens, and it goes to a second round, it is believed that trade unions and grassroots membership are much more sympathetic to Tony Benn than Denis Healey. This would therefore result in perhaps the most seismic policy shift in the history of the British Labour Party.

*****

Michelmore: Thank you for that interjection, Lord Carrington. Now, I believe that the Labour Party conference is just announcing the results from the first round of the leadership contest. They are as follows:

1st Round
Tony Benn - 131
Denis Healey - 131
Tam Dalyell - 7

Michelmore: Tam Dalyell is eliminated from the contest as Tony Benn and Denis Healey meet at a direct split in the vote. This means that it'll go to the electoral college, and that Labour conference is almost certainly going to have to call for a 72 hour extension in order to hold the electoral college vote.

*****

Newsnight

27th October 1980

Dimbleby: Hello, I'm David Dimbleby, and if you are just tuning into Newsnight, we are just awaiting the results of the second round of the Labour leadership election. The electoral college vote applies here, as has been outlined in recent days, and I believe that John Simpson, the BBC's Political Editor, has just received word of the results from that election. John, what can you tell us?

Simpson: The results from the second round of the Labour Party leadership contest are as follows:

Membership

Tony Benn - 426117 - 57.2%
Denis Healey - 309401 - 42.8%

Parliamentary Party

Denis Healey - 143 - 53.1%
Tony Benn - 126 - 46.9%

Trade Unions

Tony Benn - 9 - 60%
Denis Healey - 6 - 40%

Overall Vote

Tony Benn - 54.7%
Denis Healey- 45.3

Simpson: This therefore means that Tony Benn is the new leader of the Labour Party, and I believe he is about to speak now- oh - wait - no, he's not, it looks like we're going to have to wait for tomorrow morning, where Tony Benn will close Labour conference as party leader.