The First Snowball: Look into the Parties and Votes
Indonesia was ill-fated to have a political crisis as dire as in 1986. The last power contest was Nasution’s rise in 1963. Even that, news coverage was radio stations, times when one had yet received any visual information. People had been less informative and less keen on overseeing Parliament sessions. This current crisis had 15 million people watching from the table. Also, Nasution was not entirely fighting for survival, Sukarno eventually wanted to diminish PKI’s influence from the executive government. This time, all sides are trying to shoot the government down, maybe using the law to find their own path to leadership.
Indeed, much of the scandals coincided under Subandrio’s government signifies relative shock. Nasution had done worse, expanding the military with corruption towards the bureaucratic sector. Opening up lavish prestigious building to satisfy one’s prestige but not the economy, livelihood and prosperity of the people. For Sukarno, it was nothing better. The previous drafts helped Sukarno to form a pseudo-parliamentary system, that means the President control absolute authority. He deliberately maintained Wilopo’s premiership as he was the only willing minister that governs similar according to him. In that particular perspective, this premiership was not so bad after all.
However, the assumptions did nothing to loathe not the current government. Anywhere outside the government has grown to hate the administration, even for politicians inside the coalition. For the PNI-R platform, it was the growing Japanese influence that upsets both Nasution war hawks, or the Nationalist Youths. For the PPI, the lack of farming incentives was to blame, and the increasing government attitudes towards corporates had also agitated the poor to support the communist wing. The Islamist, had their own problems, the receding religious values that erode mostly in cities, and also the education’s curriculum which supports science unilaterally.
Still, the associations did not unite them, because there are countless other reasons why these factions cannot work together. After the decline of Nasution’s power, the Parliament evolved radically for one’s party. Cooperation has been difficult outside of the party. Although a 50% majority may help to pass laws, that will not last long as inner faction members would explode soon. PNI-R had suffered the Golkar split in 1983. Almost three years, that same men would ruin PPP’s cohesion.
The end year season was busy for all the representatives, they are gathering masses and fans all across the world. After the parliament agreed to pass a vote by January, back negotiations have spurn all across Indonesia. Each faction from MPR goes to local constituents, senators and local elderly.
Firstly, indeed, is the Malacca Faction. Truthfully, the faction was split between ousting LKY or keeping the man. Huge cities areas, such as Singapore or Jakarta, strongly believed in the government and wished to stay so until the end of the term. The leader, Musa Hitam, was LKY’s close ally during the war. While others in the Malay Peninsula and Sumatran islands aren’t so willing to spare aside. Mahathir Mohammad, a Kedah doctor, was an enthusiast to relieve LKY for someone else of his choice. The 229 Reps and 26 Senators have the same course, so an official split would not happen soon. Being the largest but not so united, the Malacca Faction suffered a significant blow in attempting to garner sympathizers. But then, the youth movement, particularly those who enjoy the freedom in cities, has vowed to support the government. An estimate of 750 young men would arrive to support demonstrations. Protests are not LKY’s preferable weapon, but it was required.
The Madagascar Faction, favourably after incorporation, remains firm under Malacca’s directive. They have been availed the most, having the island exhausted by the French into a sustainable farm and factory by the Indonesians. At least, Madagascar is the 9th poorest country if independent now, rather than the estimate of 1st if Madagascar is granted by the French back then. Building an entire nation larger than most islands in Indonesia is hard, but surely it was decent. The other PPP Faction, the Hatta Faction, was lagging but support Malacca anyway. Adam Malik, the current ruler, still believed that Subandrio was still good. Although they don’t like LKY, they promised not to impeach.
Although officially part of the Prosperity Coalition, PRD’s spokesperson Sudharmono has determined that the party will weight efforts to bring justice to the current government. Chairman Untung has given a Garis Besar Haluan Partai, or Broad Outlines of Party’s Direction, to mostly impose soft power to Indonesia by strengthening the army and its influence on the government. Moreover, there has to be an indivisible chain between defence, politicians, and executives. Unlike the opposition, PRD has no clear reason to withdraw its support from LKY apart from the Poroporo Incident. But then, with the hit they blew during December, they may harness ‘feeling good’ populace that wanted LKY out by humiliation without changing the government too much.
To survive, PPP also needed to fight PPI, the third-largest portion and the largest opposition. Different than PRD’s objective, PPI was blatantly trying to overthrow the government. This staunch faction naturally acquired from PKI’s far-left, which was the only party to encourage and defend the Comecon. Their adorned candidate Guntur Sukarnoputra, an extra two years of development, and most of Sukarno’s politically active family into the party had been the reasons why PPI can resurge after Untung’s split to PRD back then. This is their best chance to possibly win the forthcoming 1988 election, and certainly, PPI is showing full strength from its members, especially the youths, to shout enough for the state to run.
Less militant but substantial second-largest opposition was the old PNI-R. Now a shadow of its former self, PNI-R has increasingly grown to appease on both extreme sides of the age spectrum. Old guards, retirees, and revolutionary officers have friendly views of Nasution. However, the president had been waning it’s Dwifungsi ABRI dream to a more reasonable modernization the ABRI. This particular move was certainly Ali’s last attempt to sway Edi Sudrajat, one of PRD’s highest members. In the meantime, as the old 65 generations are probably inclined to Umar and his fellows, the younger, fresher, more active subordinates patronize the 2nd President. A notable member of which, is Colonel Abdullah Mahmud Hendropriyono, Intelligent Assistant of Jakarta Regional Military Command (RMC), Major Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Commander of Special Raider Infantry Brigade, Bali RMC and a half-Dutch half-Indonesian Captain Heri Sudiro Djambi, son of Idjon Djambi the first Kopassus commander. Still, the PNI-R can be persuaded, as they hated PRD and PPI more than the current PPP. LKY just needed leverage to prevent them from voting no confidence.
Last but not least, the PUI and BKDT who was allying behind the bigger PPI was also LKY’s problem to resolve. However, with two-thirds needed for a no-confidence vote, LKY needed not to attract the PUI again. If his own party was united, even bare 65% of it, LKY could escape without stepping down. He was confident in his break he enjoyed his winter in Singapore to once again allure Japanese investors.
Then, January hit LKY.
6th January is the first workday of 1986 and also the return of the Assembly for a session. Unsurprisingly, almost all members of DPR and DPD present as a yearly session would convene at that time. LKY and his cabinet arrived with confident faces, but still determined for protecting his picture. He would prepare for a few things to conclude his defence, and the vote on the DPR proceeded.
Although the motion passed the raw majority, it didn’t pass the necessity to vote 2/3 for the proceedings to go on. Few of PPP Politicians, notably those Malayans who were against LKY, cast their ballot to the Yay side. The real problem that hit the government, was the happenings outside. The PPI demonstrators, already outside of the Parliament, opened up a fight against the PNI-R youths. Riot happened.
A few points to be mentioned, Nasution's power is waning that PNI-R essentially shifts from Dwifungsi ABRI to quality doctrine, with also influence from Djambi's clan. PRD, ironically, will inevitably become a part of that as the defence-politician-government triangle was central to Dwifungsi ABRI. Names are popping out as well, coming to the modern age which I master better. The Nationalist Faction under the PNI-R is basically those youths who wanted a Nasution government back and revisit the post-war ego and pride.
I also wanted to mention a few insights on what the hell happened between 54-66 as I covered those quite vaguely. Fortunately, I'm going to make the 50th Anniversary of Indonesia to summarize the entire 50 years domestically and foreignly.
Indonesia was ill-fated to have a political crisis as dire as in 1986. The last power contest was Nasution’s rise in 1963. Even that, news coverage was radio stations, times when one had yet received any visual information. People had been less informative and less keen on overseeing Parliament sessions. This current crisis had 15 million people watching from the table. Also, Nasution was not entirely fighting for survival, Sukarno eventually wanted to diminish PKI’s influence from the executive government. This time, all sides are trying to shoot the government down, maybe using the law to find their own path to leadership.
Indeed, much of the scandals coincided under Subandrio’s government signifies relative shock. Nasution had done worse, expanding the military with corruption towards the bureaucratic sector. Opening up lavish prestigious building to satisfy one’s prestige but not the economy, livelihood and prosperity of the people. For Sukarno, it was nothing better. The previous drafts helped Sukarno to form a pseudo-parliamentary system, that means the President control absolute authority. He deliberately maintained Wilopo’s premiership as he was the only willing minister that governs similar according to him. In that particular perspective, this premiership was not so bad after all.
However, the assumptions did nothing to loathe not the current government. Anywhere outside the government has grown to hate the administration, even for politicians inside the coalition. For the PNI-R platform, it was the growing Japanese influence that upsets both Nasution war hawks, or the Nationalist Youths. For the PPI, the lack of farming incentives was to blame, and the increasing government attitudes towards corporates had also agitated the poor to support the communist wing. The Islamist, had their own problems, the receding religious values that erode mostly in cities, and also the education’s curriculum which supports science unilaterally.
Still, the associations did not unite them, because there are countless other reasons why these factions cannot work together. After the decline of Nasution’s power, the Parliament evolved radically for one’s party. Cooperation has been difficult outside of the party. Although a 50% majority may help to pass laws, that will not last long as inner faction members would explode soon. PNI-R had suffered the Golkar split in 1983. Almost three years, that same men would ruin PPP’s cohesion.
The end year season was busy for all the representatives, they are gathering masses and fans all across the world. After the parliament agreed to pass a vote by January, back negotiations have spurn all across Indonesia. Each faction from MPR goes to local constituents, senators and local elderly.
Firstly, indeed, is the Malacca Faction. Truthfully, the faction was split between ousting LKY or keeping the man. Huge cities areas, such as Singapore or Jakarta, strongly believed in the government and wished to stay so until the end of the term. The leader, Musa Hitam, was LKY’s close ally during the war. While others in the Malay Peninsula and Sumatran islands aren’t so willing to spare aside. Mahathir Mohammad, a Kedah doctor, was an enthusiast to relieve LKY for someone else of his choice. The 229 Reps and 26 Senators have the same course, so an official split would not happen soon. Being the largest but not so united, the Malacca Faction suffered a significant blow in attempting to garner sympathizers. But then, the youth movement, particularly those who enjoy the freedom in cities, has vowed to support the government. An estimate of 750 young men would arrive to support demonstrations. Protests are not LKY’s preferable weapon, but it was required.
The Madagascar Faction, favourably after incorporation, remains firm under Malacca’s directive. They have been availed the most, having the island exhausted by the French into a sustainable farm and factory by the Indonesians. At least, Madagascar is the 9th poorest country if independent now, rather than the estimate of 1st if Madagascar is granted by the French back then. Building an entire nation larger than most islands in Indonesia is hard, but surely it was decent. The other PPP Faction, the Hatta Faction, was lagging but support Malacca anyway. Adam Malik, the current ruler, still believed that Subandrio was still good. Although they don’t like LKY, they promised not to impeach.
Although officially part of the Prosperity Coalition, PRD’s spokesperson Sudharmono has determined that the party will weight efforts to bring justice to the current government. Chairman Untung has given a Garis Besar Haluan Partai, or Broad Outlines of Party’s Direction, to mostly impose soft power to Indonesia by strengthening the army and its influence on the government. Moreover, there has to be an indivisible chain between defence, politicians, and executives. Unlike the opposition, PRD has no clear reason to withdraw its support from LKY apart from the Poroporo Incident. But then, with the hit they blew during December, they may harness ‘feeling good’ populace that wanted LKY out by humiliation without changing the government too much.
To survive, PPP also needed to fight PPI, the third-largest portion and the largest opposition. Different than PRD’s objective, PPI was blatantly trying to overthrow the government. This staunch faction naturally acquired from PKI’s far-left, which was the only party to encourage and defend the Comecon. Their adorned candidate Guntur Sukarnoputra, an extra two years of development, and most of Sukarno’s politically active family into the party had been the reasons why PPI can resurge after Untung’s split to PRD back then. This is their best chance to possibly win the forthcoming 1988 election, and certainly, PPI is showing full strength from its members, especially the youths, to shout enough for the state to run.
Less militant but substantial second-largest opposition was the old PNI-R. Now a shadow of its former self, PNI-R has increasingly grown to appease on both extreme sides of the age spectrum. Old guards, retirees, and revolutionary officers have friendly views of Nasution. However, the president had been waning it’s Dwifungsi ABRI dream to a more reasonable modernization the ABRI. This particular move was certainly Ali’s last attempt to sway Edi Sudrajat, one of PRD’s highest members. In the meantime, as the old 65 generations are probably inclined to Umar and his fellows, the younger, fresher, more active subordinates patronize the 2nd President. A notable member of which, is Colonel Abdullah Mahmud Hendropriyono, Intelligent Assistant of Jakarta Regional Military Command (RMC), Major Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Commander of Special Raider Infantry Brigade, Bali RMC and a half-Dutch half-Indonesian Captain Heri Sudiro Djambi, son of Idjon Djambi the first Kopassus commander. Still, the PNI-R can be persuaded, as they hated PRD and PPI more than the current PPP. LKY just needed leverage to prevent them from voting no confidence.
Last but not least, the PUI and BKDT who was allying behind the bigger PPI was also LKY’s problem to resolve. However, with two-thirds needed for a no-confidence vote, LKY needed not to attract the PUI again. If his own party was united, even bare 65% of it, LKY could escape without stepping down. He was confident in his break he enjoyed his winter in Singapore to once again allure Japanese investors.
Then, January hit LKY.
6th January is the first workday of 1986 and also the return of the Assembly for a session. Unsurprisingly, almost all members of DPR and DPD present as a yearly session would convene at that time. LKY and his cabinet arrived with confident faces, but still determined for protecting his picture. He would prepare for a few things to conclude his defence, and the vote on the DPR proceeded.
…
No-Confidence Vote
Should the government step down or resume its executive powers?
1. Yay
2. Nay
…
No-Confidence Vote
Should the government step down or resume its executive powers?
1. Yay
2. Nay
…
Although the motion passed the raw majority, it didn’t pass the necessity to vote 2/3 for the proceedings to go on. Few of PPP Politicians, notably those Malayans who were against LKY, cast their ballot to the Yay side. The real problem that hit the government, was the happenings outside. The PPI demonstrators, already outside of the Parliament, opened up a fight against the PNI-R youths. Riot happened.
=======================
I was trying to post this update about the riots. But because of the long overview of the parties. I guess that would be next week's update.A few points to be mentioned, Nasution's power is waning that PNI-R essentially shifts from Dwifungsi ABRI to quality doctrine, with also influence from Djambi's clan. PRD, ironically, will inevitably become a part of that as the defence-politician-government triangle was central to Dwifungsi ABRI. Names are popping out as well, coming to the modern age which I master better. The Nationalist Faction under the PNI-R is basically those youths who wanted a Nasution government back and revisit the post-war ego and pride.
I also wanted to mention a few insights on what the hell happened between 54-66 as I covered those quite vaguely. Fortunately, I'm going to make the 50th Anniversary of Indonesia to summarize the entire 50 years domestically and foreignly.