Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL

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The Roaring 80s Part 8: East Asia
  • Situations in East Asia

    As Indonesia’s growing economy is rising exponentially with LKY’s ground-breaking policies, more and more nations began looking at more interests into our equatorial nation. Withholding three of the five busiest straits in the world, Indonesia is already favourable on becoming an international transit hub, and a melting pot of cultures. Four nations in East Asia were quite observant on Indonesia. here are those four.


    After the end of the Korean War, which the South Koreans won with a significant manner, Japan underwent an economic post-war boom. That boom benefited the ruling LDP into favouring more and more liberal policies, also increasing their popularity. The boom also profited Japan into having technological advancements, the most prioritized of which was the electronics industry. Starting from the 70s, Japan was having its golden age, a golden age of electronics.

    Japan in the post-war era strengthened its focus on expanding its electronics industry. From radio transmitters and radars into televisions and cameras, Japan had mostly the famous electronic empires in the world. Yokogawa Electronics and Toshiba, reached a new peak surpassing their American competitors, winning at quality and price. The automotive industry was also thriving in Japan. Those giant car corporations, like Honda, Toyota and Nissan, all produced their vehicles with massive scales, selling everywhere. Olympus and Pentax became another giant in the photography branch, launching new and better cameras for the world to cherish.

    Nearing the end of 70s and the start of 80s, Japan had reached a stage where the nation had become so advanced that wages were rising and public demands had become similar to the European-ones. Educated people also increased, therefore reducing the number of labours willing to work roughly at factories. Those corporations, to maximize their profits, need to move elsewhere to form overseas factories, exploiting cheap labour. Japan targeted three nations, one of them is Indonesia.


    Japanese Camera in the 1970s

    In 1975, the Prime Minister of Japan, Yasuhiro Kanasame, visited Indonesia to tour around multiple places Japan had invested in building their corporations. They started building regional offices in major hubs like Singapore, Johor, Batam and Jakarta. Meanwhile, they constructed factories in larger regions like Belitung; where a large deposit of lead reserve was found, Dumai; where land scarcity would not be a question and Kuching. More Japanese visits also happened in 1976, 1979 and 1981, which caused Indonesia to slightly be overrun by Japanese corporations. Although Subandrio had explicitly instructed LKY that the government must alleviate domestic companies so they could fight internationally, the latter thought foreign companies must arrive first in order so our national ones can imitate.

    Japan also promote friendship by issuing an apology regarding Japanese cruelty during WW2 towards Native-Indonesians. In 1980, Kakuei Tanaka said to the people of Indonesia: "The Japanese side is keenly conscious of the responsibility for the serious damage that Japan caused in the past to the Indonesian people through war, and deeply reproaches itself.” Subandrio replied on to the Prime Minister: “We express utmost gratitude of Japan to apologize of our troubled history. But, my government wishes not to dwell in the past, we intend to move forward, although how dark our record may be.” The Emperor of Japan was surprised with Subandrio’s humble remark, and quite flattered by it. in 1981, he decided to give Indonesia his highest regard by visiting in 1981. In the Emperor’s visit, he met also several Sultans of Indonesia.


    Emperor Hirohito

    South Korea

    South Korea, in the meantime, was having a slightly better growth than Indonesia. after Korea was unified in 1974, President and Dictator Park Chung Hee finally announced his resignation because he had fulfilled his objective; uniting Korea. From Chung Hee’s protectionist policy and strong economic development, South Korea jumped greatly from ashes into a growing country. In 1975, Chung Hee’s successor, Shin Hyun Hwak announced a reconciliation strategy with the North populous, while also weakening the socialist stronghold. However, the democratic transitional-government reinforced Korea’s military fortification in the Yalu River and alongside the border with China.


    Taiwan meanwhile, was not at their best of relations with Indonesia. with the ascension of Chiang Ching Kuo, Taiwan re-clarify their territorial ambition on the Spratly Islands, which annoyed SEATO. SEATO demanded Taiwan to end his claim, only to worsens relations and put more vessels in the contested region. The United States was involved in this to mediate between the two factions but eventually had to side one. In 1979, Carter cut diplomatic ties with Taiwan and recognized the People’s Republic of China. Although the cause was not entirely from Taiwan’s aggressive attitude, Taiwan panicked and immediately sought out to Indonesia for talks. Upon arriving in Singapore, Taiwan talks with SEATO Members resolving the dispute in the Spratly Islands. The result was Taiwan still controls Itu Aba, and other Taiwanese-controlled regions, but denounce all claims for the rest of non-Taiwanese-controlled islands.


    Last but not least, Indonesia was also eyeing in China. Now with Madame Mao as the leader for China, their economic development stopped abruptly as she implemented a ‘wiping procedure’. She enacted the Cultural Revolution, her cult of personality and empowerment of true Maoism. As she saw that political rivals, intellectuals and craftsmen had become increasingly rebellious and slanted from the true red beliefs. She contacted the youth, attracting them into her cause. The Youths formed a Red Guard, basically wiping all ‘anti-revolutionary’ movements. Jiang Qing wished to eradicate all of her potential opponents, giving her absolute power in China. With also the help of Gang of Four, she was kicking off her rivals one at a time, the first was Deng Xiao Ping.


    Jiang Qing

    Deng’s revisionist ideas completely disgusted her, although her husband agrees with the man. He hoped for China’s reformation, especially in politics. In 1981, she sentenced Deng Xiao Ping to death in ‘treason and betrayal’ against China, although there was no factual evidence of that wrongdoings. Nevertheless, in just a single year, Deng’s clan were all removed from influential offices, and Jiang Qing reigned supreme.

    Jian Qing’s harsh domestic implementation may be a blessing for Indonesia indeed because China would reverse for at least ten years after this Cultural Revolution. However, what was very dire was her foreign moves. Calling Pan-Asian Manifesto, China would re-align with the Soviet Union. The worse was to come in early 1980, wherein both Afghanistan and Pakistan communist revolutions were happening. The latter nation caused a significant crisis with the United States that Carter called it ‘Karachi Hostage Crisis’.

    Some information that was not quite in-topic but also important.

    Okinawa was still a US-ownership after WW2, but after Korea has been unified in 1975. The US had fewer interests to have Okinawa as their Asian bases, and therefore the island was returned to Japan.

    The Kim Family fled to China, seeking asylum with Madame's China.
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    The Roaring 80s Part 9: Maritime SEA
  • Spratly League Nations

    The world was teetering on a three-weigh-scale among three hegemons. The US and the USSR as part of the classical rivals since the end of WW2, the battle tensed with France as the ‘new order’. Indonesia before was the fore-runner of Third-World Leaders, but America’s bond may entice Indonesia as a first world state. Truthfully, Indonesia’s growth, especially on the 80s, was speeding quick, and it seemed that it would surpass Japan in the near future. Indonesia’s closest allies were her closest neighbour, Vietnam and the Philippines. Involved in pacts like SEATO and Spratly League, these maritime neighbours were close associates of Indonesia.

    Philippine’s is a unitary constitutional presidency republic. After Japan surrendered, President Elpidio Quirino ruled the nation as formerly a Nacionalista member, a nationalist party in the Philippines. However, he switched into Liberal and pushed a more liberal economic approach, also with more ties with former colonizer the United States. His greatest achievements, however, were the crushing a Hukbalahap Rebellion, a communist rebellion, and moved Philippine’s capital city to Quezon City. His administration ended roughly as the Nacionalista managed to oust him.

    The next President, Fernando López, rose in the presidency in 1953. He saw that Philippine’s liberal policy had devalued the currency more than it should, giving the nation totally weakened against foreign monopolies. He enacted the Filipino First Policy, a manifesto to promote national businessman to thrive. Also with the Austerity Program, where he increased tax and reduce budget spending. This effect, unfortunately, caused the otherwise, which was a massive economic downturn. Many businesses, instead of growing, announced their bankruptcy. He later was impeached by the Parliament.

    Emmanuel Pelaez was his successor. Starting at 1957, he and his Liberal folks pushed for liberal reforms and devalued the Peso. He was also an anti-corruption person, therefore cleaning up alleged corrupt politicians to jail or revoke their rights. He also started to claim North Borneo, which was at that time owned by British Malaya. The region is also known as Sabah was a part of Sulu Sultanate, which was an integral part of the Philippines. He supported Indonesia during the Australian Aggression by helping North Borneo rebel with Indonesia's side. He, sadly, died during a visit to Indochina in 1962.

    Diosdado Macapagal Sr. replaced Pelaez after his death. He enacted more economic reforms, and continuing Pelaez policies. He, however, did not relinquish claims on North Borneo, which Indonesia had acquired it from war. He confronted with Indonesia by not denouncing its claims but later got overthrown with yet another Nacionalista government, this time Ferdinand Marcos.

    Ferdinand Marcos was a military officer, therefore Nasution gave him Indonesia's support into the presidency. He enacted the martial law, which he deemed that the Philippines was instable due to rapid government changes. He also found out several rebellions starting to rise. He also promoted anti-communist laws, therefore killing off any further Soviet or Chinese attempts on infiltrating the Philippines. He was a pro-US, which shaped most of his presidency. In his administration, the Philippines also joined SEATO and Spratly League, also denouncing their claims on North Borneo. Yet, his presidency was full of corruption and nepotism, and he fell because a famous Aquino candidacy challenged the government in 1978.

    In 1978, the electorate voted in favour of Aquino's presidency. In a liberal stance, Benigno Aquino was actually similar to Subandrio in terms of domestic policy, balancing between foreign investments and boosting domestic corporations. He opened the economy of once were protectionist policy, although not as successful as it hoped. However, his recent friendship with LLY improved the once-troubled relations between the two nations. This improvement was assisted with the appointment of a Filipino as head of both SEATO and Spratly League, a position usually commanded by Indonesian diplomats.

    In the other side of the South China Sea, South Indochina had just survived the Indochina War. Ngô Đình Diệm had become the ruling President of South Indochina. He impelled the people for democratic elections, which by the constitution should be held every five years, and he struggled for an Indochina unification campaign. His presidency lasted for 10 years, and mostly he was called as ‘Father of South Vietnam’, which later became famous for its democracy inside a tensed battleground. In 1967, he altered the Constitution of South Indochina, changing from a parliamentary democracy to a presidential one, because he noticed that parliamentary democracy meandered with useless debates, stalling national progress. He also programmed a national reconstruction, which he adopted from Indonesia’s success. Indeed, by his end of a presidency, South Indochina had rebuilt itself into a formidable nation.

    Nguyễn Ngọc Thơ was his substitute from 1970. He announced a campaign against North Indochina. The first border clash was successful for South Indochina and pushed the border further North. He became so popular that in the next border clash, the entire population rallied for him. Notwithstanding the expectation, South Indochina was outflanked by Thai Aggression, which cost Indochina the entirety of their Western Border, leaving them as Vietnam only. His popularity dropped instanter, and he later was overthrown by a military coup.

    Nguyễn Văn Thiệu was the general from the Indochinese campaign. As Ngọc Thơ’s popularity dropped, Nguyễn Văn Thiệu used this as his opportunity to stabilize the nation from such a humiliating defeat. He planned the President’s disposition from its lack of immediate measures. He overthrew the government in 1976 and established a military junta. He expanded the military so to revenge the scornful loss South Indochina had suffered. He also enacted similar policies with Korea. To accomplish all of these, Văn Thiệu contacted with SEATO for additional assistance, and also supported Spratly’s economic deals.


    The Philippines is technically now pro-Indonesia, and South Vietnam is planning their revenge towards Thailand. This would be the last chapter about situations abroad, and we would return into events in Indonesia itself. Another short update. I also add a FIFA World Cup records with the Olympics.

    FIFA World Cup (pre-1950 is as OTL)

    Year; Host Country; Winner; Runner-Up; Final Match Score

    1950; Brazil; Uruguay; Brazil; 4-2
    1954; Switzerland; West Germany; England; 2-0
    1958; Argentina; Brazil; France; 4-1
    1962; Italy; Hungary; Chile; 1-0
    1966; Chile; Germany; the Soviet Union; 5-1
    1970; Japan; Brazil; England; 3-0
    1974; England; England; Uruguay; 2-1
    1978; Brazil; Argentina; Netherlands; 2-0
    1982; Spain; France; Italy; 4-3

    Olympics (Summer and Winter)

    Year; Summer Host City; Winter Host City; (Summer Medal Count 1,2,3); (Winter Medal Count 1,2,3)

    1948; London, UK; St.Moritz, Switzerland; (The US, France, Sweden); (Sweden, Norway, Switzerland)
    1952; Oslo, Norway; Cortina d’Ampezzo, Italy; (Norway, Finland, the US); (Italy, Norway, the US)
    1956; Los Angeles, the US; Lake Placid, the US; (the US, Sweden, Hungary); (the US, Austria, Switzerland)
    1960; Buenos Aires, Argentina; St. Moritz, Switzerland; (the Soviet Union, the US, Norway); (Switzerland, Soviet Union, the US)
    1964; Lausanne, Switzerland; Lahti, Finland; (the Soviet Union, the US, Germany); (Soviet Union, Finland, Sweden)
    1968; Tokyo, Japan; Sapporo, Japan; (the US, Soviet Union, Japan); (Sweden, Norway, Japan)
    1972; Bogota, Colombia; Salt Lake City, the US; (the US, the Soviet Union, Hungary); (the US, Germany, Soviet Union)
    1976; Munich, Germany; Innsbruck, Germany; (Soviet Union, Germany, the US); (Germany, the US, Soviet Union)
    1980; Moscow, Soviet Union; Sofia, Bulgaria; (Soviet Union, Bulgaria, China); (Soviet Union, Germany, the US)
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    The Roaring 80s Part 10: Subandrio's First Term as President
  • First Presidential Term of Subandrio

    Subandrio finally returned to his forte after the 1978 Election. Finally governed to convey in foreign matters, Subandrio enlisted several key points that he would enforce for the 80s. In his inauguration, however, he bluntly stated that Indonesia will be a nation of peace, not a nation of war. Interventions and military expeditions were reserved at the very last. This neutral status was criticized by most PNI-R politicians, as that would upset the United States. Nevertheless, Subandrio appeased the nation with several of his diplomatic moves.

    The first policy was strengthening the bond between Spratly League nations. As it was already established in the Nasution presidency, Subandrio was keen on supporting the friendly relations with the two nations: The Philippines and South Vietnam. He planned on pushing for economic and social integration. He announced this as promoting the South East Asian brotherhood. He also wanted SEATO and Spratly League to be not just mere regional organization with no specific objectives, but with a unifying purpose; unify Austronesia.


    The Spratly League Headquarters in Kebayoran

    His second policy was also a peaceful one, which reconciled with Europe. After the Australian Aggression, the people mostly either show discontent with European people or blatantly threw them out of the community. For several years, many European diasporas in Indonesia, notably Dutch and English, fled to isolated communities or sometimes left Indonesia-proper entirely. Thankfully, LKY’s blow in industrializing every corner of the nation gave them more places of refuge; Papua and Madagascar that would soon to be a thriving fresh region.

    This policy, however, was met with fierce resistance from fellow Indonesian citizens, many of which were traumatized by wars in the past. After his ‘European Speech’ in 31st January 1979, many of Javanese war veterans expressed their disagreement, and immediately criticize the government of being too pro-Western. It was ironical that just the previous presidency, Nasution was condemned as Western-bootlickers by most PPP politicians, now the tides had turned. During May and June of 1979, several demonstrations regarding the European Speech happened in front of the MPR, which also erupted into chaos several times.


    Johny Indo and Mathias Muehus in a movie, depicting as a convict involved in the riots in 1979

    The first chaos was caused by Islamist provocateurs. After the police had tried to disband the demonstrations which had extended their time beyond their limits, several youths attacked the police with stones, injured 5 people. The police immediately attacked the mob with force, suppressing all that was seen dangerous. This event was seen nationally as a start of police oppression, and most citizens started to vilify them. In before, it was the army that used to be loathed. Nonetheless, these demonstrations concentrated on high anti-Western population, like Bandung, Semarang and even Medan. Other cities, like Singapore, Walini City and Pontianak, shared a very comforting notion towards Westerners. In Friendly-European regions, like Papua and Madagascar, this type of demonstration was regarded as the opposition’s foul play on winning the upcoming election. Also, this demonstration was presented as a degrading factor for unity in Pancasila.

    Despite that, Subandrio’s troubling policy was caused mainly by his latter stratagems. In 1st October 1970, he announced that Indonesia would be the defender of Pancasila, which bear democracy at its utmost consideration. Therefore, Indonesia must decry all authoritative regimes, and all of those unaligned with Pancasila’s ideology. He at first denounce the militaries regime in Thailand and Myanmar and all the atrocities that the two nations had done. He also attacked China’s Jiang Qing totalistic regime. This policy satisfied most people in Indonesia because it elevated the PPP and the government as an ardent protector of Pancasila

    Even so, this policy was noticed by the educated youth as Subandrio’s hypocrisy. The fact was cemented with Subandrio’s endorsement with South American countries, most of which for cattle trade. Moreover, South Vietnam at that time was also a military dictatorship, a revanchist regime if some would say. This pushed forward more criticism against Subandrio, decrease the government’s credibility.

    Subandrio’s counter-measure if these other failed is Iranian Friendship. Since 1980, Subandrio had seen Iran as the only stable democratic republic that its people held Islamic faith. In other nations, especially the Middle East, most nations were either barely survived from instability inside their nation, or a regime took control for most of the nation’s administration. UASR for example, the Socialist Party of Arab controlled the government in all aspects. But then, Saudi Arabia was more radical, even controlling its citizens’ clothes and families. Regarding defence, Subandrio planned to just borrow military personnel and equipment from the United States. As Carter would want America to maintain their peace, while still preserving their large military budget, Carter would offer condottieri to other allies that needed more military defence.

    However, his initial policies changed dramatically when a crisis happened near Iran, exactly in Pakistan. In 1980, just months before the 1980 election in America was held, there was a bloody coup in Pakistan that overthrown their pro-Iran government, and pushed for a communist government. China allegedly was behind this, but fall short on enough evidence. To whatever extent, the United States must involve directly after the Hostage Crisis happened to kidnap several Americans from their embassy. That event instantly infuriated the pro-peace Carter and proceeded to launch a threat to Pakistan to release the hostage or total war.


    Communist Supporters burning the Star-Spangled Banner

    This change of events completely shattered Subandrio’s foreign policy. What was supposedly a passive presidency must change into an aggressive one. Subandrio had to aid pro-democratic rebels in Pakistan to appease the Americans. Also to fulfil their ‘quota’, Indonesia must send a few volunteer divisions to Pakistan. In 1981, American forces, also with Iranian and SEATO troops landed in Karachi for fighting with the anti-communist insurgency. The fight for Pakistan had begun. The second half of Subandrio’s term was reverting all deeds that he had announced at the first half. From its pro-peace, pro-democracy standpoint, he altered his foreign policy into making friends at any ideology, except those who supported the current Pakistani rule.

    Other policies he enacted was connecting with the United States in terms of trade. As trade was getting busier, Subandrio must secure routed to prevent their disruption. Indonesia’s Western route, which was the Pacific route, was uncontested. Meanwhile, Indonesia’s Western Route was surrounded by hostiles. The Suez was unfavourable to the United States, while South Africa embargoed Indonesia’s shipment to pass the Cape. It seemed that Indonesia must choose between the Suez or the Cape. With consideration, Subandrio eventually requested the United States to isolate the Cape, which they did on December 10th 1978.

    On that day, multiple American warships entered the South African sea area. The Sixth Fleet formally moved its base to Madagascar that day, as before in Wilhelmshaven, Germany. The American Fleet requested the South Africans to stop their harassment towards Indonesian ships that passed the Cape. South Africa refused, saying that the nation can do whatever they want in the Cape. Therefore, American troops start arriving in Angola and Mozambique to establish pro-American governments. The liberation from the apartheid regime had begun.


    The Sixth Fleet to South Africa

    For Indonesia to accept Subandrio’s change of policies, he quickly proposed the Federation Bill, promising the regional state to be granted more relaxation. Now, several states, like Majapahit and Pasundan, can promote Islamism with greater context. Also, he proclaimed the government as preceptor, not regulator.

    Subandrio’s first term was full of flaws, but he managed to escape from it because the opposition was shattered. Especially with PNI-R on a political disorder.

    Next up we would return to PNI-R.
    The Roaring 80s Part 11: PNI-R and Try
  • Leadership Changes: A Story of PNI-R Part 2

    It was truly ironic for a man to almost fulfilling its achievements but short of time. General Suharto was one of those people. He almost controlling the entire PNI-R by silencing its opponents and were preparing for the national election in 1983. With his power, money and connections, he had prepared a fight against Subandrio in 1983. Alas, he died in an accident. That moment, PNI-R knew that things would not go as planned. The state Suharto left was just broken glass plastered here and there. The PNI-R was openly on dispute after their fall. While Golkar-militarist faction was accused of benefiting power for building their enterprises. Purple Faction was accused of secretly allying with the PPP. The party was only unified by Suharto because of its former experience with bureaucracy. Most members also feared him, probably because his smiling charisma hid thoughts, one of the frightening aspects of being Stereotypically-Javanese.

    The remnants of the PNI were mixed on both factions, but the larger proportions changed as Purple Faction. In the Purple Faction, the supposed leader Suryadino with scientist Habibie determined that PNI-R needs a transfer of power. Yet, both of these politicians noted that their popularity cannot surpass Golkar members, which were all famous in respective battles from the Australian Aggression. As a result, not only they must give in to some members of the army but also shepherded by them. To minimize yet another Nasution, which in most occasion broke his promise to appease military generals. Suryadino contacted Police-General Hoegeng and General Ali Sadikin.

    During Suharto’s Premiership, several members of the Army criticized Suharto’s handling of the government as anti-democratic and pro-authoritative. Those members were then Chairman of the Police Department Hoegeng, State-Governor of Nusantara Major-General Ali Sadikin and then Leader of the 3rd Army Major General Pranoto. Although all of these members were pro-statist and militarist, they understood Pancasila’s ideological superiority above militarism, and therefore Pancasila must be prioritized first. In response, Suharto killed them off in various jobs. General Pranoto was replaced with Suharto’s friend Sarwo Edhi. The other two, however, showed resistance.

    Hoegeng and Ali Sadikin were only silenced five years later, in the latter 70s, as the PPP dominated-coalition rule the government. Ali Sadikin was first scoffed by Subandrio because of him controlling an influential region. Hoegeng, later on, was allowed to continue his generalship until his retirement, along with other conditions which he must not provoke any suspicious acts. Despite that, these gentlemen showed their greatest disgust with Suharto, because of how the Special Forces Leader exiled them among the party members.

    In 1979, Suharto conducted the PNI-R’s Extraordinary Party Plenary Session. With Nasution resigned as politician entirely, the party must elect a new leader to back. Former Premier Suharto became the sole candidate of the party; therefore, it would be an easy win. However, during the session, several members were prohibited in joining without reason. This brought past events into the discussion, which ended up the session in a heated debate between prohibited members and allowed ones. Later on, this plot was carried out by Suharto because General Sudirono, one of the prohibited members, was going to announce his candidacy in the session, giving Suharto a competition.

    General Suharto hated criticism and competition and favours absolutism. As more members have discovered this new ordeal, they were left with an option to either go with the flow or fight back. Unfortunately, most of them joined with Suharto. The party suffered a popularity loss in 1978. For most of the people in the session, Suharto was the only solution to change things. Suharto’s popularity was still high. If the party succeeded in targeting the government’s weakness, especially in foreign policy, the party would have a good chance.

    That was, and things drastically changed.

    After the sudden death of the candidate in April 1980, the party conduct yet another extraordinary session regarding the next steps. This time, the party decided to appoint Umar Wirahadikusumah, Suharto’s wingman, as the candidate from the party. But, as Umar was not as powerful as Suharto, his position as a candidate immediately shaken bit by bit. In December of the same year, an unexpected event enveloped the party’s activity.


    General Umar Wirahadikusumah

    In Christmas Day of 1980, most people in Cengkareng enjoyed this event as a national holiday, left out from work and enjoy leisure. However, a small community just across the Daan Mogot Street southbound were native Minahasa. Minahasa were predominantly Christian, and they celebrated Christmas with conducting a mass. That, was where the problems came in. Just barely three kilometres away, an Islamic Sundanese community inhabited near Pesing. They noticed the church’s bell were loud and clear. As the mass was held five in the morning, the rings alarmed most people that wanted sleep. The ustad living there decided to request the community to stop the bell.

    Not knowing who started it and how it became, civil displeasure soon turned out into a massive tribal war. Provocateurs fueled the fire with arson and burglary, burning the small community. A Javanese community neighbouring the burned Minahasa aid them and fight against the Sundanese. From a religious dispute, it became a Java-Sunda fight. More and more people get involved in brawling and hitting. Just barely noon fights proceeded with knives and swords. Daan Mogot Region had become a complete mess.

    President Subandrio, knowingly that this happened in the capital of Indonesia, decided to do the enactment that he had been avoiding, send in the military. Rather than places like in Banjar and Aceh, this is the capital city of the Federal government. As a nation of diversity, disintegrative attitudes was not supposed to happen. Subandrio sent in Kodam Jaya (Jakarta’s Regional Military Command) Forces in Jakarta, which was led by Try Sutrisno. Try Sutrisno was also Suharto’s wingman, and luckily was kept under the radar during Subandrio’s administration. Try thought that this crisis could be his moment of shine, at least until it doesn’t.

    In 15:23, Try’s forces already arrived completely in Cengkareng. Try Sutrisno tried to mediate the two conflicting sides, and demanded an immediate resolution. The people thought differently and kept holding on their demands of the other to give in. Try thought that in four o’clock things would end with peace, the truth was the riot continued until 19:00. He was getting frustrated at that time, telling the people that if the riot won’t end, the military would forcefully intervene. He declared the deadline to be 21:00 in the night. Yet, in 19:54, one military officer was stabbed to death by a full-fledged mob of civilians. Try, infuriated with this, started one of the most devastating periods in Indonesia history. In 19:58, he authorized his garrison unit to wipe out hostile civilians. Although it first was thought to be a good measure, the decision was heavily criticized by the media. In addition to it, some guards also allegedly killed innocent civilians that had fought with provocateurs. Cengkareng soon was under martial law, and that was only in the power of Try, and Try only. It became a slaughter in just a few hours, military officers killing off people holding lethal weapons, the situation was very dire.


    Cengkareng Riot, more known in modern day as Cengkareng Massacre

    The government did not approve or allowed any of this to happen. Subandrio announces this as the military’s lack of patience and full of jingoistic auras. LKY also declared Try as ‘warmongering’ bastard to its people. The government demanded Try to stop this military occupation but Try rejected with strong claims that the people must pay for his dead subordinate. Subandrio was not having more talks, and instead of calling the Kodam Kebayoran (Kebayoran’s Regional Military Command) Leader Andreas Wisnujaya, which was training in Cilangkap, to return for bringing Try’s garrisons out of the region. It was only until 12 in the night when the military occupation ended with Wisnujaya’s forces still monitoring the region.

    Try’s actions weakened Umar’s candidacy, as leaders like Hoegeng and Ali demanded Umar’s strong stance against Try. Umar, knowing Try also as one great junior partner, declined to express. Ali also starting to fight Umar’s candidacy by declaring himself as one and demanded another Extraordinary Session to be held. In 3rd of February 1983, another session was held. Unfortunately for Ali and Hoegeng, Suharto’s posthumous power was still apparent on most members of Golkar. Most military officials agree with Try’s reasoning when he was asked. Umar stayed as the candidate, and Ali and Hoegeng remained to be the party’s annoyance. In efforts of cleaning PNI-R from Suharto’s power failed, and Ali and Hoegeng remained mere minors.

    Not mere minors, now. This time, Suryadino and Habibie together negotiated with Ali and Hoegeng for a possible alliance. The Purple Faction, now completely shrank in size against Golkar, invited these two generals into the faction. Some other military leaders, like head subregion of Eastern Indian Ocean, Rear Admiral EWA Pangalila, joined in this faction. They brewed a scheme to start eliminating Golkar’s domination in the party.

    I'm sorry for the week's absence. I was in a training program, which drained all of my time and energy, especially for creating new posts in the TL.

    We would discuss more about PNI-R after the election in the next post.
    The Roaring 80s Part 12: Changes Circa 1980
  • Embrace the New Order

    The 80s identified Indonesia a change of the political spectrum. Where in the era before, the right-wing government controls indefinitely throughout the years. Indonesia then was having a return into left-wing policies, a mixture between socialism and centrism. The other fundamental shift Indonesia had was also how the society was changing from an agricultural power into a proto-industrialized one.

    In 1979, Lee Kuan Yew broadcasted publicly in the national public network that Indonesia would need a ‘total transformation’ to face the rapid change of the world. His speech would ultimately change how the community system works in Indonesia. LKY started to push Indonesia into a new chapter by instructing a few basic aspects. The first one is how to modernize public transportation.

    All across Indonesia, public transportation mostly consists of the low-frequency interregional train because the previous Nasution administration openly embraces cars like the new common in Indonesia. Expressways are getting busier, and their entrance fees had contributed much of the government’s surplus in transportation enterprises. Java and Sumatra had his road refurbishment already finished, along with plans to expand further. In Malaya and Papua, construction was nearing completion, and Subandrio’s surplus in economics gave these sites more boost. In Nasution’s presidency, other islands were treated less than the previously spoken ones. Fortunately, Indonesia’s surplus in the first Subandrio’s presidency gave these islands a chance to have their national expressways.

    Although infrastructure was good for a fast-developing nation of Indonesia, not can be said towards the people. Most wide city streets in Jakarta were still used by becak and delman, although mass transits were already available. People still optimized traditional and conventional transportation that predated Indonesia’s existence, LKY was worried that Indonesia’s advancement would reach a deadlock with society’s backwater habits. Subandrio gave LKY an easy solution; giving Indonesians a true-drive for change.

    Starting from 17 February 1980, almost every major city in Indonesia prohibited delman and becak into operation. Jakarta’s inner city had already expelled these modes since 1971, but not on the surrounding areas. The MPR passed the National Law of Societal Revolution in 31st May 1980, stating a detailed overview of the changes that should be done in Indonesia. In the law, the aim for the implementation was fast-forwarding Indonesia’s industrialization which according to Subandrio was too low to compete globally.

    In Federal Districts, students must pursue education until junior high school, that means it would be a 9-year compulsory to all citizens within the district. Other regions outside Federal District were granted grants to improve literacy, education and national intellectuals. Internship programs free for labour-intensive jobs, mechanical experts from federal districts to spread knowledge to rural fellows and 5-year credit for all industrial companies were other policies. For several people in Indonesia, this was thought as too fast and hasty, but Subandrio persisted on it.

    The last of the trio, Trihandoko, were never in part of politics completely but contributed the country’s money even until the millennia after. With apt bureaucracy and skilled leadership, Trihandoko as the Trade and Economics Minister expanded the BUMN into a much larger scale. From owning the largest oil and rubber corporation in Indonesia. BUMN opens more into logistics, steel and lumber industry. One-by-one, BUMN buys corporations in all sectors, and stimulate it for producing more money. Just by five years, Indonesia’s net-profit from BUMN itself reached 316 billion rupiahs. Still, despite for all those progress, Indonesia could not tank inflation less than 2% and even reached almost 9% in 1982. Another oil-scare from the Middle East soared the oil prices higher than usual in Indonesia, giving prices to increase in nearly all sections.

    Weirdly enough, Subandrio’s aim wasn’t intentionally infrastructure first, but his progress was even better than Nasution’s last term. It was especially felt in cities, which had all their new toys to enjoy. Jakarta had their first MRT opened in 1981, while Singapore had two of them opened in 1982. Surabaya opened its smaller transit that ran above-ground, called the LRT in 1979, which became a new and trending rail transportation model for the whole of Java, later Bandung, Semarang, Yogyakarta and Banjar. Commuter and conventional lines were being abandoned, used for mere regional or intercity lines. In Malaya, the local engineer constructed a weird one-rail model, which they called ‘Monorail’, it was used mainly in amusement parks in America.

    Madagascar, above all things, was prioritized by Subandrio. Located far-off than any other region, Madagascar would be prone in separatism groups, which luckily Subandrio had not encountered in his first term. However, he wouldn’t try to push the limits and instead prolonged that event as long as Indonesia can do. He would try expanding the agricultural industry first in Madagascar, then try to slowly transition the island as a manufacturer.

    Unfortunately, Subandrio’s presidency was not immune to one major disadvantage of Indonesia’s geography, natural disasters. Since 1979, Indonesia was hit almost at all times natural disasters on every side of the archipelago. The Madiun Region suffered famine from failed harvest and drought who followed after. In Malaya, heavy floods happened in Southern parts of Johor, with the island of Singapore extensively damaged. In Medan, monsoon bizarre weather brought pest towards the crops, also infecting farmers into a weird disease of rash and vomiting.

    Indonesia had two television channels in 1981, one being TVNI (Televisi Nasional Indonesia) and another being IndoTV. TVNI was a national broadcasting network established by Nasution government in 1975. People watching TV were rising rapidly, as the young electronics industry is booming and making the cost of all electrical appliances lessened.

    In science, Indonesia is expanding as well. From the medium already established even from Wilopo’s term, the science community in Indonesia was growing steadily. More and more research towards improving radio technology and space exploration were under progression. After the success of satellite launches with the help of the United States. Lembaga Antariksa Indonesia (LAI) programmed thirteen more satellite programs, and two of which were already shuttled out of Earth. In 1980, Indonesia finally surpassed China in terms of successful launches, and now we're competing with France although the latter numbers were way higher.

    Nearing the election of 1983, Subandrio had a successful first term, and few would shatter the common trend of winning the election. Still, despite guaranteed of winning, Subandrio met massive political shifts nearing the election of 1983. The first one, was from General Untung’s PRD plan, to correct several of Subandrio’s foreign policy.

    This is the last chapter for Subandrio's First Policy. The next chapter would be an election chapter, seeing how in 1983, Indonesia's politics started to form a new normal and system that would last for long.
    Indonesia Map Circa-1980
  • A surprise for y'all. I used the 8K MBAM Project, kiddos for the people who made the awesome detailed map.

    Indonesia Map Circa 1980 [Expect Changes after the Next Millenium]

    White: State Republic Borders
    Black: Provincial/District Borders
    Grey: Regent Borders

    Dark Red: Federal Districts
    Dark Blue: Kingdoms

    Federal Republic of Indonesia (4 State Republics)
    1. State Republic of Nusantara
      1. Province of Aceh
      2. Province of Batak
      3. Province of Minang
      4. Province of Riau-Jambi
      5. Province of Bengkulu
      6. Province of Palembang
      7. Province of Lampung
      8. Province of Bangka-Belitung
      9. Province of Malaya
      10. Kingdom of Johor
      11. Kingdom of Perak
      12. Kingdom of Brunei
      13. Province of Dayak
      14. Province of Banjar
      15. Province of Kutai
      16. Province of Banten
      17. Province of Sunda
      18. Province of Banyumas
      19. Province of Demak
      20. Province of Majapahit
      21. Provine of Madura
      22. Province of Malang
      23. Kingdom of Cirebon
      24. Kingdom of Surakarta
      25. Kingdom of Jogjakarta
      26. Province of West Sunda Kecil
      27. Province of East Sunda Kecil
      28. Province of Timor
      29. Province of Minahasa
      30. Province of Makassar
      31. Province of Kendari
      32. Province of Palu
      33. Province of Maluku
      34. Province of Halmahera
    2. State Republic of Papua
      1. District of West Papua
      2. District of Fakfak
      3. District of Timika
      4. District of North Papua
      5. District of South Papua
      6. District of East Papua
    3. State Republic of Melanesia
      1. District of Bismark
      2. District of Bougainville
      3. District of Kolumbangara (Western Province)
      4. District of Mahaga (Isabel Islands)
      5. District of Guadalcanal
      6. District of Matira
      7. District of Temotu
    4. State Republic of Madagascar
      1. District of Antananarivo
      2. District of Antsiranana
      3. District of Fianarantsoa
      4. District of Mahajanga
      5. District of Toamasina
      6. District of Toliara
    Federal Districts
    1. Malacca
    2. Penang
    3. Singapore
    4. Batam-Bintan
    5. Riau Islands
    6. Jakarta
    7. Kebayoran
    8. Walini
    9. Bali
    10. Biak
    Federal Territories
    1. Christmas Island
    2. Cocos-Keeling Island
    3. Chagas Archipelago
    4. Scattered Islands


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    East Asian Community Part 1: Prelude for 1983 Election-left
  • Facing 1983: The Left Situation

    Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, or PPP, was the ruling party which advocated the perks of democratic socialism, along with other left-wing rhetoric. Although currently owning the largest share of the Parliament, it’s leaders came from mostly two regions, Malaya and Madagascar. After the rise of LKY and the stagnating influence of Subandrio, the PPP was turning the party into more Malacca-ism than it used to be. Here’s how.

    For most of the populous in Java, nationalism spirit from both 45 and 65 were extremely high. Therefore, the populous remained loyal to PNI-R for those who do. In some parts of Java, mostly metropolis areas, where the people were diverse, PPP owns them because of their pro-diversity and pro-social welfare status, which was ultimately million times better than what PNI-R offers. Still, in just tens of miles beyond the city limits, Indonesians there were outright PNI-R voters. The 1978 election was an exception because, in some parts of Java, the PPP campaign was extensively programmed to influence the people. With also LKY charisma, most targeted campaigns, like the kingdoms of Jogjakarta and Surakarta, along with metropolia like Semarang, Surabaya and Jakarta, were all PPP-dominated regions. Moreover, PKI’s influence in Central Java was still extremely high, therefore marginalizing Java’s voters away from PNI-R. In the upcoming 1983, since the party became more fractured than ever, Subandrio had no doubts about winning the second term. The problem was not the old rivalry, but the new contender from their coalition.

    After the split of PKI between following the changes of the People’s Republic of China or retaining their Third Way policy. PRD, Partai Rakyat Demokratik, was the one successor of PKI which still coalesce with the ruling PPP Coalition. Despite a young party’s hope, nearly everyone knew that if Untung decided to retire, then the party would cease its meaning of existing. Budi Harjono was his apparent successor, becoming the Vice Chairman of the Party since 1982, despite his young age. Still, Untung manages to grasp a portion of Communist supporters from Semarang City and its surroundings. Yet, one that PPP feared the most was the rise of Partai Pekerja Indonesia or PPI.

    Isnaeni became the ruling power of PPI and immediately noticed PPI’s lack of powerful leadership. When PPP has LKY, PRD has Untung, Isnaeni was neither of those great leaders. He instead tried to resurge the Sukarno’s dynasty back to PKI. after Sukarno’s resignation, most members of the family left for their accords, leaving the party void for any presence of the proclamator. In December 1981, he invited Guntur Soekarnoputra, who was Sukarno’s first child, into the party. Guntur initially declined because of his fond of American music and pro-Western attitudes. But, in Isnaeni second attempt, Guntur seemed very intrigued and decided to immediately be the fore-runner of the party.

    Guntur was not alone in entering the party, all children of Sukarno which gained interests in politics, such as Megawati, Sukmawati and even Guruh, all joined in the party. The party’s aim was on workers individually, not on unions or communities. That purpose made the PPI became a more successful party in campaigning, because while the leader’s urge the members to vote PRD. PPI already convinced the proletariat to vote otherwise. In the campaign, this was not noticed by the opposing party of PPI but became a bomb for the PRD.

    On 13 September 1982, Guntur decided that he would become the candidate of the PPI. Although alone in government and politics, Guntur’s weapon was inherited – his father oratory skills. His bloodline with the first president also alleviates him into not such minor foe for the others. He, however, lacked strength in anti-American policies, which he intended to side as long as he could, and instead promote more pro-worker laws and regulations.

    In the giant PPP, this minor party was not detected because of PPP’s factionalism from the current leadership. Subandrio was still holding the chair, but LKY was the de facto leader. Because of that, the Malacca Faction dominated PPP’s agenda. Hatta’s Faction, currently led by Adam Malik, suffered a political reduction in left-politics. Involved in international relations for nearly ten years, Adam Malik completely unaware of the political drama when he returned to PPP. His idea was about becoming the neutral nation against the three superpowers, with his speech called ‘Mendayung diantara 3 Karang’, which gained poorly with the already pro-American Indonesians.

    Because of that, most PPP voters aligned with the Malaccan Faction. However, LKY is fighting his former ally Musa Hitam, which in 1982 contested him on ruling the Malaccan Faction. Musa Hitam was a Johor citizen. After LKY’s success and Musa Hitam’s negligence from the Singaporean, Musa Hitam intended to grow big, this time without LKY. He would fight against LKY for Malaccan leadership.

    In 1981, Musa Hitam unilaterally declared that he would contest LKY in leading the Malaccan Faction. Being a Malayan ethnicity and held Islamic faith, his status alleviates him far better than LKY did before. His Johor citizenship also gained more attention towards royal families. He adopted pro-monarchist policies, involving more autonomy towards unique regional governments and issuing a monarchial symbol for Indonesia. It was initially planned for improving relations with Middle East nations, which was predominantly monarchist. Then it is redefined to improve relations with Japan and the emerging monarchist bloc in Europe. He gained more voters from formerly British Malaya, which royal influence is high, also with Javanese sultanates like Jogjakarta and Surakarta.

    The rise of Musa Hitam is predicted by everyone except LKY, who still trusted him as his ally in Malaya. Despite this sudden manoeuvre, LKY grows no more ambition in ruling the Malaccan faction, and instead focus on the more important task; ruling the nation as Premier of the Federal Republic of Indonesia. He allowed Musa Hitam’s candidacy and even his ascension as the leader of Malaccan Faction from 4th September 1982. His problem was not from inside the party, but from outside, precisely on PPP’s arch party, PNI-R.

    For some time, the leader of the Purple Faction, Suryadino, with chairman Habibie, negotiated with Subandrio for a potential PNI-R and PPP Coalition once again. PNI-R returned as companions of the government would also mean that LKY’s ministerial position would be endangered, so do several key positions in the minister. Currently, LKY’s control within the PPP also helped him organizing various domestic issues. With added new parties involved, LKY must not only deal with the PRD alone, which caused problems already but also the large nationalist PNI-R.

    Without Subandrio’s consent, LKY conversed with Trihandoko about this matter. Trihandoko also agreed on not sharing the cabinet with PNI-R politicians. The current system allows both people to manage the government with fast-paced movements. In general progress, Madagascar had become countless times better than it used to be. It has become New Papua in terms of development in the area. As for Papua, the perpetual influx of foreign and national immigrants boosted the development there, also profiting more from the island’s national resources.

    PPP met with the party’s greatest troubles when January of 1983 arrived, just months before the election happens. Madagascar locals fought with Islamic Sundanese, with the latter exclaiming that the people living there were animist believers, ‘satanic’ for Abrahamic religions. Christians and Catholics also agreed, therefore bringing the entire island of Madagascar to the Supreme Court in Jakarta.


    Nothing lasts perfectly, not even Subandrio's presidency and LKY's premiership. Entering the second term, we would see some neglected policies which start to backfire to LKY and Subandrio. Also, fate has stated otherwise for Indonesia, and fate should give Indonesia rough times to survive. What do you think would happen? (Hint: Uncle Sam went blue)
    East Asian Community Part 2: Election of 1983 - PNI-R Downfall
  • 1983: The Election Everyone Had Anticipated; But not the Aftermath


    Unlike the previous elections, which Indonesia had some interesting dynamics and events. This 1983 was an absolute PPP ownership. The PNI-R fracturing itself within and other parties struggled to maintain inside the national stage. Luckily for the establishment, besides the split-up of the PKI, no newcomers arrived in the national stage. Fair foreign policy and exceeding domestic policy, boosted the PPP into the second party to rule above 50% after PNI-R.

    In both DPR and DPD, the PPP owned big and great. The party rules both seats without needing a coalition, and that was very convenient for Subandrio and LKY. Assuredly, the PPP controlled the entirety of Madagascar and Malaya. It also seized PNI-R seats from Eastern Java and PKI votes from Central Java. The PNI-R attained several permanent seats from Northern Sumatra and parts of Eastern Java. But mostly it lacked in everywhere else. Even in Papua, BKDT voters invaded the island, taking over several constituents. In Western Java, PUI voters kept expanding.

    In the Presidential election, Subandrio won with almost 70% of the vote, with Guntur rose until the 23% and Umar lagged at 7%. From the presidential election, PNI-R realized how humiliating their defeat was, and the aftermath for them was dramatic.

    As Subandrio formalized his Second Cabinet on September 1983, the PNI-R conducted another Extraordinary Plenary Congress. This time, rather than countless others, the congress lasted for nearly 7 days. It was targeted to finish in just one day, but politicians that cannot resolve in the middle line prolonged it. Firstly, Police-General Hoegeng declared that the Golkar party failed the PNI-R. The Golkar’s unquenchable desire to return as President have caused them both popularity and dignity. This accusation was widely supported by fellow members that were present in the congress. The Purple Faction opposed Golkar on staying as the leader of the party, and the nationalist eventually sided with the Purple Faction.

    In the supporting side of Umar’s Golkar, there were few politicians and one NU faction. With the help of Idham Chalid, who become one of the NU’s highest members, he became the kingmaker behind Umar’s nomination. Fortunately for Umar, Idham kept endorse him even after the one-digit percentage. In 21st September 1983, Idham as the incumbent leader of the NU faction defended Golkar’s credibility in front of all the sitting members, therefore starting a war against the Purple Faction. Suryadino and Habibie knew that combating with the NU would be an extremely difficult task. Eastern Java, where the largest shares of PNI-R voters lives, was one gift of the NU dated since the 1950s. Fighting with NU meant that the Purple Faction must in an alternative way, appease PNI-R’s largest voter share without NU being negotiated. Suryadino finally thought of one way, trying to fracture the Golkar within.

    The current situation within the Armed Forces was that the power was almost equivalently divided between fourt powers, the Army, the Navy, Air Force, and the Coast Guard. The Army was definitely under the Golkar camp, as most Golkar members were Army officials. The Navy and the Air Force, however, also had a significant percentage inside the Golkar, but most of them were outside of Golkar’s leadership. Some of them were Rear Admiral EWA Pangalila, Air Commodore Suryito and Air Commodore Haryono. The Coast Guard remained unaffiliated towards politics and did not have any members inside any party. As a result, the Coast Guard mostly deflected any political questions and focused on safeguarding the nation from piracy and territorial violations.

    However, neither the Navy nor the Air Force had one distinctive politician which can fight the currently established Army dominance. Instead, the resistance must start from inside the Army, when General Ali Sadikin, General Pranoto and later General Moerdani. Together, they formed a pact to unite against the ruling Umar cronies, such as Try, Edi, and Sarwo Edhi.

    When Habibie recognized this situation, it could bring the Purple Faction finally back in favour of the government. Therefore, since 1982 he would try to communicate with these opposing leaders to join the faction. But then, Habibie never thought of having them lead the faction, at least after Guntur had shown the successes. The 1983 election was a massive success for Isnaeni’s PPI, as he just brought a young politician to win as second in the highest position ever in Indonesia. Since then, Suryadino had even reconsidered their original plan, and instead, give the position to one of the generals.

    With the short, quick, decision, General Ali Sadikin proclaimed himself on 25th September 1983 as the successor of the Purple Faction and would rename the Faction as Nusantara Faction, to reduce the faction’s exclusive name for intellectuals and scholars only. Habibie and Suryadino still controlled a strong influence in the party, but the real deal was that army officials can be inside the faction without feeling like an outsider. The Golkar Faction came tumbling down as several members switch allegiance into the renamed Nusantara Faction. This Faction, under General Ali Sadikin, would contribute more into the nation’s unity issue and would manoeuvre within this fragile international world.

    Outside the building, supporters from each faction massed with their unique uniforms, and even chanting their insults towards other factions. As the Golkar Faction lost heavily, the supporters felt that the Purple Faction cheated with a traitor. The NU’s youths also involved in surging tension, as they supported the Golkar’s stance. After the news spread outside that PNI-R was overtaken by the Nusantara Faction. Upset Golkar members staged a riot against the Nusantara Faction, and the NU faction also comprehended. The PNI-R Headquarters was involved in a tensed fight between factions which burn the building and nearly cripple all historical records inside. The police arrived three hours after the incident, on midnight 23 September 1983.


    The 23rd September Riot, or Slipi Riot

    The aftermath was a disaster for PNI-R. The remaining Golkar Faction that opposed Ali fled towards the PRD Faction, where Untung still had great tolerance. Untung still had ambivalent relations with Suharto, but other’s he had great relation nonetheless. Furthermore, FDR was inside the government party, which those hungry generals may have a piece of share. From the 59 Golkar seats in DPR and 12 seats in DPD, 31 and 7 seats fled to PRD, increasing their percentage.

    As for the NU, Idham Chalid, with the future-heir of NU, Abdurrahman Wahid, the faction decided to reconcile with their Islamic brothers in PUI, and finally unite to push for better Islamism in Indonesia. Not all NU constituents in DPR and DPD moved towards PUI, some of them stayed and declared themselves as the Nationalist Faction. They mostly didn’t move to Nusantara Faction as that would be a total suicide for any future elections they would campaign, as these politicians won in high Islamism territories. 4 members in DPR and 1 in DPD stayed inside the PNI-R after this ruckus.

    For the first time, the right-wing party of PNI-R was nearly shattered by the events unfolding. Yet, in Ali’s ‘A New Hope’ Speech, he promised that PNI-R would endorse meritocracy, and further promoting the great importance of unification, centralism, and strong government into the republic. In one small talk, he also wished for changing the constitution into a presidential republic. Yet, despite the similarities with PPP's Malaya Ideas, PNI-R was reluctant on joining them, as PRD had invited Golkar cronies inside the party.

    From Subandrio and LKY’s perspective, this was a total party for them, as their largest opposition was technically ceased to exist. However, this celebration was short-lived, as the United States ordered Indonesia to do military campaigns on Pakistan and Africa.


    People's Representative Council of Indonesia (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Indonesia)
    2020-08-06 (18).png

    555 Seats

    Partai Nasional Indonesia - Raya (National Party of [Greater] Indonesia) - 63 seats - 11.35%
    • Fraksi Nasionalis (Nationalist Faction) - 14 seats
    • Fraksi Nusantara (Ali-Suryadino Faction) - 49 seats
    Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (Progressive Union Party) - 283 seats - 50.99%
    • Fraksi Hatta (Hatta Faction) - 31 seats
    • Fraksi Malaya (Malayan Faction) - 229 seats
    • Fraksi Madagascar (Madagascar Faction) - 23 seats

    Partai Rakyat Demokratik (People's Democratic Party) - 83 seats - 14.95%
    • Fraksi Untung (Untung Faction) - 52 seats
    • Fraksi Umar (Umar Faction) - 31 seats

    Partai Pekerja Indonesia (Indonesian Worker's Party) - 70 seats - 12.61%

    Partai Umat Islam (Islam People's Party) - 30 seats - 5,41%

    • Fraksi NU (NU Faction) - 13 seats
    • Fraksi Idham (Idham Faction) - 17 seats

    Barisan Koalisi Daerah Timur (Eastern Coalition Front) - 21 seats - 3,78%

    Melanesian Alliance Party (Partai Aliansi Melanesia) - 5 seats - 0,91%


    People's Regional Council of Indonesia (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Indonesia)
    2020-08-06 (19).png

    114 Seats

    Partai Nasional Indonesia - Raya (National Party of [Greater] Indonesia) - 15 seats - 13.16%
    • Fraksi Nasionalis (Nationalist Faction) - 3 seats
    • Fraksi Nusantara (Ali-Suryadino Faction) - 14 seats
    Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (Progressive Union Party) - 58 seats - 50.88%
    • Fraksi Hatta (Hatta Faction) - 20 seats
    • Fraksi Malaya (Malayan Faction) - 26 seats
    • Fraksi Madagascar (Madagascar Faction) - 12 seats

    Partai Rakyat Demokratik (People's Democratic Party) - 17 seats - 14.91%
    • Fraksi Untung (Untung Faction) - 10 seats
    • Fraksi Umar (Umar Faction) - 7 seats

    Partai Pekerja Indonesia (Indonesian Worker's Party) - 13 seats - 11.40%

    Partai Umat Islam (Islam People's Party) - 7 seats - 6,14%

    • Fraksi NU (NU Faction) - 3 seats
    • Fraksi Idham (Idham Faction) - 4 seats

    Barisan Koalisi Daerah Timur (Eastern Coalition Front) - 2 seats - 1,75%

    Melanesian Alliance Party (Partai Aliansi Melanesia) - 2 seats - 1,76%

    Presidential Election 1978
    1. Subandrio - 69.12 %
    2. Umar Wirahadikusumah - 7.07 %
    3. Guntur Soekarnoputra - 23.81 %

    It would be a hard time for Subandrio and LKY to manage PRD, as the troublesome generals are there. We would see more in US Intervention in Africa and Pakistan.
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    East Asian Community Part 3: Intervention Stories
  • December 15, 1983

    Toliara, Madagacar State-Republic

    Anzhar Ibrahim is Subandrio’s foreign minister. When Subandrio declared that Indonesia must assist the United States in foreign intervention in Africa and Pakistan, Anzhar Ibrahim could only mutter in disbelief. Barely on the campaign promises, Subandrio spoke to the mass that Indonesia would never send Indonesian men out into warzones. Now, it was just nearing December that Anzhar Ibrahim must now converse with Secretary of State Walter Mondale for discussing the intervention.

    In 1981, Subandrio broke his promise of sending any volunteers out into war, by sending volunteers into Pakistan. On that year also, the United States defended Indonesia in South Africa’s harassment on Indonesian ships. Showing superiority in air, sea and land, Carter Administration moved the Sixth Fleet base to Toilara, Madagascar, only to threatened South Africa. Carter knew that going into war is a suicide, as home even members of the southern groups still supported segregation. Involved in a war against segregation means more protest from the South. It would be 1968 all over again.

    Still, Anzhar Ibrahim had predicted that Carter’s indecisive options between liberating African natives and not confronting South Africa must inevitably end with one way. In December 2nd 1983, Carter finally declared that the United States would stand by African natives in efforts of liberating them from tyranny and oppression. Today, he would see General Ronald P. Harden for the first time, along with Secretary Walter Mondale. Anzhar was currently accompanied by Najib in his stay at Toliara, his vice minister could not resist looking Madagascar’s outstanding view from the villa.

    “I just knew that those trees are the baobabs. I always know that those were Adansonia trees.” “Adansonia was the nomenclature version from baobabs, nothing different.” Anzhar knew this information from a friend of his, currently the head professor in Institut Pertanian Bogor. That university was famously for its biology forte, and now his friend was having multiple safari trips to Madagascar, as they noticed Madagascar was homed to endemic species, competing Papua in terms of quantity.

    His mind, however, was not thinking about the beauty Madagascar had, but on what’s to come with those gentlemen from the West. His question was soon answered when those gentlemen came finally to his villa from a Jeep. They entered to his villa, giving a brief overview of the house. Then the gentlemen proceeded for talks. He was trying his best for his Sundanese hospitality when the General quickly addresses the elephant in the room.

    “Foreign Minister, I reckon that you have not fulfilled the wanted quotas of the intervention sought from your nation. My boys in Quelimane were waiting for a three division-reinforcements from Indonesia, when it finally came it was one. What is going on? I thought my and your government had agreed on this.”

    “Apologies, General. But my President had instructed me that one division was all you can have for now.”

    In this time, the Secretary added. “The Carter Administration has agreed with your President on sending three divisions. If it was fulfilled as such, Quelimane would not be a bloody siege right now.”

    “As said before, Mr Secretary. I can’t give you more, giving the circumstances and conditions domestically. Indonesia’s populace is not keening of sending men abroad, especially where scars of the former war still prevails in elder generations.”

    Anzhar was trying to input several persuasions for the Americans to be considerate. But the General retorted back.

    “Foreign Minister, we have a war going on just across this island. I command 7 Divisions, three in Quelimane and four in Lobito. The South Africans were trying to invade from the Western side because those were the greatest resistance are. The Portuguese were out of context, and most of the raw power came from the apartheid regime. They have succeeded in splitting the separatist movements from Nyasaland, and the Mozambique independence movement was being pushed back hard. Mozambique is just across Madagascar. Why don’t you start helping our you will have a hostile enemy just next door?”

    As the tension rose across the room. Anzhar could only stay silent because of the truth it unfolds. Subandrio was stupid enough to use the peace card as a campaign promise, even though the war is all around us. Pakistan was also our ally, and now it’s gone into the red revolution. For Anzhar, Subandrio is the worst in foreign policy, and Anzhar is the foreign minister. He is seeing the greatest humiliation in his life starting to express.

    Fortunately, Najib returned from a phone call to report some good news. “Minister, I think Subandrio is giving more men.” ”How much?” ”Five more.” “Five more? Are you serious?” “Yes, I think Subandrio has succeeded in persuading the MPR. More and so because the opposition was ultimately doomed.”

    Anzhar knew that PNI-R was barely holding after their recent events from Slipi. Now, anti-Ali were roaming inside the government as PDR, and also PUI. To be frank, Anzhar would whole-heartedly support Ali. Having met him a few years prior, Ali was an honest politician and was friendly also. He stated directly that Indonesia doesn’t have to question each time where to side amongst the three powers. Side with the truth and law, and let them guide our policies. The collapse of PNI-R was such a despondency for General Ali, but he had promised to struggle and fight.

    Anzhar quickly sided the current thought, and immediately inform those Americans the great news they were all waiting for.


    The Subandrio’s administration was keeping its secrecy about their involvement with those interventions from the public. The divisions they sent were Kopassus Divisions, currently led by Brigadier General Wiranto. In 1982, only reports of volunteering armies reached the media, but neither of the media knew that those volunteering armies were not volunteers, but rather Kopassus, Marinir, and Army Divisions disguised as such. There were currently 3 Divisions in Pakistan, and 9 Divisions in Africa.

    Carter’s Presidency was nearing its end of 1984, and Carter would hold the longest-serving term, before Franklin D. Roosevelt himself. His last term was technically his third term, serving his first afterHaldeman’s Presidency in early 1976. Unlike other presidents who served at 8 years, Carter would serve nearly 9 years. As being a moderate Democrat, Carter would eventually side with Ronald Reagan for appeasing the Conservative voters. But then, because of appeasing those fellows, Carter’s third term presidency was full of war-effort policies, which was completely outside from Democrats agenda.

    In 1981, his opening for his last term was waging an intervention against two fronts; Pakistan and South Africa. Rallying for the liberation of democracy in those countries, Carter would indefinitely try to show dominance that the United States would become the beacon of freedom all across the world. The first troops arrived in Quelimane to support the Mozambique Liberation Front. Later in December, more troops arrived to assist other separatism groups, like Angola Freedom Movement, and Namibian Liberation Organization.

    In Africa, the trouble got the Soviet Union into interest. The Democratic Angolan Movement, a communist militia, was funded by the Soviet government to establish the friendly Angolan Democratic Republic. For now, the Democratic Angolan Movement was cooperating with the Angolan Freedom Movement of expelling the Portuguese. They worked with each other to repel the pro-fascist traitor of King of Portugal.

    While the Soviet Union was cooperating with the United States in Africa, China was helping Pakistan’s communist revolutionary government to fight against the democratic resistance. The bloody coup resulted with mass democratic volunteers, coming from democracies all across the world, into helping Pakistan’s miserable present. The stakes were extremely high that both opposing sides, the United States and China, were giving their optimum efforts in winning. The Soviet Union had not been involved firstly, because it seemed that they were eyeing on Afghanistan. However, China wanted Pakistan to be the newest ally, and possibly reconcile with its larger neighbour India.

    I want to do something new on the next chapter, possible explaining the brave men who fight in those contested regions.
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    East Asian Community Part 4: Those Who Fought
  • Tempo Exclusive: The Patriotic Boys Who Fought Abroad

    The second half of Subandrio’s policies would be a massive throwback to all the promises which he kept. In his consideration, which was publicized recently, he sternly answered that Indonesia would be a nation which protects democracy, either within or without. The wars in South Africa and Pakistan broke the fundamental values of Pancasila, which was Subandrio’s main objectives.

    General Bambang Wiranto, or mostly known as Wiranto Sr, was a man born from Blambangan in 1929. He would enter the military at the age of 18 when the Independence War was ongoing. His service as Kopassus personnel was very astounding for such a young man, having to repel numerous Australian ambushes in Timika, Merauke, and in Jayapura. He received Satyalencana Penegak, which was awarded for those who contributed extraordinary services in the war. He transformed from a mere recruit to an army Captain at the end of the war. He would also expand in influence and power inside Kopassus, by allying with Kopassus’ longest-serving General, Suharto. Beneath Suharto’s influence and charisma, he would become one of many subordinates of his, and finally reclaim the Kopassus’ Leadership after 1977. Conveniently, Kopassus was expanded under Nasution’s and Subandrio’s presidency, which would accommodate two divisions and one general as the chief of staff. Wiranto Sr. was the only man to be awarded as such.

    With his wit and neutrality, Kopassus was proposed to be expanded more with Subandrio’s permission. Because of this also, Kopassus would become the early army divisions which were sent abroad to fight in Africa. Wiranto Sr. would benefit from his lack of involvement in politics, practising the neutral stance between PRD’s Golkar and the current PNI-R. Kopassus currently is the largest sub-Army section, which holds a neutral stance in political activities. Yet, although neutrality in politics was considered to be extremely popular, General Wiranto was having problems with his theatre in Africa.

    Two Kopassus Divisions, which was the entire organization, was sent into Africa to assist the insurgents in winning the South African War. General Wiranto immediately divides the fronts. One holds with Angola, the other with Mozambique. He appointed Major Colonel Sudirjat as the commander in the Mozambique Front, while he proceeds on-hand with his troops in Angola. The whole army arrived on their predestined places in 1982, and the process of liberating the natives began.

    Firstly, General Wiranto had successful trends on the first year, with the assist of General Harden of the US Army, both forces would knock the Portuguese troops almost out Africa. They would capture the entirety of Angola by 1982 and be marching towards Walvis Bay in early 1983. However, the coalition forces were shocked when the South African forces had suddenly naval invaded Luanda, crippling the separatist government. After the enemy succeeds in splitting the anti-Apartheid Movements into halves, General Wiranto must pull back his troops to defend Angola itself.

    The case for Major Colonel Sudirjat was different for the worse. Sudirjat never actually acclaimed such victory akin to his boss. Rather, he discovered great difficulties as the separatist organization in Mozambique has contested the leadership. Even though Angola has two resistant groups with opposite ideologies, it wasn’t as destructive as what was happening in Mozambique. At first, Ferdinand Mombueso was commanding the group, later ousted by Gawa Sitoe, and later again by Langan Nhantumbo.

    In 1983, the British finally consolidate itself, and finally started helping Portugal in terms of its colonial defeats, along with Spain. Thus, the front was collapsing against the rebel forces, which the United States completely feared for the scenario. Indonesia also feared this, as a withdrawal without a win was a humiliation towards Subandrio’s Presidency.

    Despite the current decline of the war effort, General Wiranto accomplished several heroic victories in his campaign. His most famous victories of them all, was the Encirclement of 6 South African Divisions in Zenza do Itombe.

    It was 12th of November 1982, Lieutenant Colonel Firdaus Buwono’s regiment was stationed at a small town called Luare. I commanded the division from there, as the other three regiments were still marching from Kimilina after a difficult victory from a South African encircled regiment. Those war prisoners were captured by the rebellious forces and Indonesian regiments helped them transfer to Ebo, where Lester Maputo, the leader of the Angolan Freedom Movement is. We knew that the Democratic Angola Movement had pushed the Joint-Portuguese and South African forces from Tala Mungongo.

    We had former intelligence reports that they would retreat North towards Negage. But, immediately upon arrival in Luare, we have new reports that the South African divisions were retreating to Luanda itself, probably passing N’dalatando. The South African troops were withdrawing more from Angola as they wanted to add more into Mozambique.

    When I received the news, my conscience immediately was drawn towards intercepting them. We, although were out speeded by the South African motorized cars, still had a big advantage in the distance. I instructed the rest of the brigade to immediately march to Dondo.

    In the 14th of November, the Indonesian troops have prepared for their ambush from the forest when the South African troops have just arrived Canhoca. The communist militia had gathered themselves in Golungo Alto and was preparing for the green flag. It was on 15.00 that the battle finally starts.


    Memoir of Aryo

    Specialist Aryo Budiatmodjo was at the first line of an attack planned today. We would face four African divisions that were planning to retreat to Luanda. We were reported to hold the line until reinforcements came. Around three communist divisions from the North, and half of the intervention forces from Indonesia and the Americas from the South. Our final objective was to halt their retreat as long as possible.

    His squad consists of four men; he was the squad leader. He should have become a lieutenant, but his current rage with higher officers prevent him. He allegedly attacked Sergeant Didik Budiharto, none other than the youngest son of former General Suharto. Luckily, he wasn’t a Kopassus man, he came from the 2nd Marines Brigade. His fiasco with Kopassus would later explode into a big proxy fight between the Navy Marines and Army Kopassus in terms of participation.

    Aryo was lying on the mud with the tall grass blocking his figure. He was watching the other scouts, who will report of the incoming division. He had Putra, Rudi and Rhorom on his left side, each carrying their rifles to combat. Aryo as the specialist granted him an M60. We bought from the Americans after the Nicaraguan War, and now we have full of those ready to arm.

    I was trying to enjoy my fish rations when the recon has returned to alarm us all. Not long, we would hear motorized cars rattles from the rough road that we were hiding from. I hushed all my men, and so do others. Not long, what was a busty forest became dead silent. We were waiting for the whistle.

    The moment when we were all silent was where I remembered the times during the victory in Windhoek. Although that was a strategic defeat, it was a tactical victory. The South African forces were surprised at us when we out-flanked them. But, I still remembered the killing that we have done towards those racist whites. I never felt satisfied with killing them. Instead, I want this war to be over soon.

    My distracting thought was cut abruptly when the sound we were expecting was a whistle. Just five hundred meters in front of me, a bomb explode on of the division convoys. It was confirmed that the communist militia has attacked the retreating forces first. As the battle started, our entire platoon kept stay still on the attack, we wouldn’t dare oppose our commanders. The commanders also shared similar confusion about the turn of events.

    Our forces were getting anxious when the fights moved further Northeast. I think that the South African forces were pulling back from the superior numbers. I didn’t know what the hell the commands were thinking of. We were losing our chances. I saw more and more fellow marines feeling irritated on the retreating forces. They want action, and it seemed that we’re blowing the chances.

    I try to charge against the enemies. But then, Putra intervened and pull my arm back towards the mud. ‘Are you insane?’, he whispered loudly. ‘Yes, I can’t stand seeing them losing.’ ‘I don’t bloody care they are losing, as long as we followed the orders. I’m not risking another punishment from your reckless attitudes.’, he snapped.

    Just as I would retort back, the whistle blew. Putra was surprised about that, and immediately we went for a charge.


    Indeed, the communist forces were instead a decoy planned by General Wiranto to lure them northeastwards. Wiranto was trying to attack the back of the retreating division, which was the artillery division. Unlike the motorized ones, the artillery division holds the supply for all those divisions. The communist rebels would lure the motorized ones into thinking that the main forces were there, not noticing the Indonesian forces back.

    The results were an absolute genius, the entire 6 divisions were either caught or killed in the progress. A small brigade escape, but they escape towards the east, back where they came from. It became a military embarrassment towards the South Africans, yet a drive for their revenge. In 1984, the South African War would eventually be stuck in a stalemate, especially with the incoming election.
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    East Asian Community Part 5: The Formation
  • East Asian Community

    The second term of Subandrio was either helpful or hurtful towards the PPP socialist-leaning party. The early half of the second term, fortunately, was another great moment for Subandrio’s presidency. It happened when Japan invited Indonesia in an economic community, an East Asian Community. The LDP party is having its super-majority since 1955. The merging between the Liberal Party and the Japanese Democratic Party merge into the Liberal Democratic Party. The opposition party, the Japanese Socialist Party, never has the needed majority to rule the government. But then, they have the perfect opportunity in 1983, when the snap election was held in favour of the current crisis.

    After the rapid economic boom happened in Japan post-Korean War, the living conditions of the people have risen significantly. In just barely 10 years, Japan has become a bustling industrial nation, and by another 10 a regional power in East Asia. The LDP had benefited from this, giving them more and more popularity. Corporation profited greatly, and become giant corporations that spanned their company world-widely.


    Japan in the 60s, considered to be the start of the Economic Miracle Era

    Problems emerged from this industrial society when Japanese youth asked for the improvement of minimum wages. When the living expense rises after the industrial revolution of a nation, Japan has not touched the minimum wages and even the workers' condition. Japan has also a worrying trend in culture-westernization. The JSP gain benefited from this. JSP leader Yakamoto Kuniaki determined that Japan has eroded itself from its cultural identity, and instead of pushing too hard towards Westernization that national identity has not become significant anymore. He also promoted minimum wages, an improvement of the worker’s living conditions. This policy has given the JSP party quite a boost in popularity, and the casus belli happened later on, in 1981.

    The Shinkansen Railway Network, built since its first route opening in 1963, has invited millions of workers into this transportation field. The high-speed rail has invited millions into service works, and another million into construction labour. The 1968 Olympics, both winter and summer, intrigues the LDP government into constructing the high-speed network faster and better. Currently competing with France’s TGV, the Shinkansen is fighting for high-speed superiority. The recent development is that people who work as a train conductor, rail workers, and service jobs have low wages. The Shinkansen workers in Sapporo has increased in protest. The Seikan Tunnel is under construction and projected to be finished at 1984. However, the general disaster happened.

    In September 18th 1981, an earthquake had strike Japan. It was around 7.8 Richter Scale and was not the deadliest in Japanese history. However, the shockwave has crippled part of the Seikan Tunnel construction, killing around 15 workers, and injuring almost 100 workers. It was a national incident and caused most attention on the national news. The implications, however, really do favour the JSP after the government’s actions. Three days after the incident, the workers demand government insurance, which had never been included in the worker’s protection rights. The government, partly because saving money due to the fright of another Oil Scare, declined the demand and instead of giving cash compensation. The other workers felt very anxious about this and defended the victim’s plea into demonstrations. The JSP gained momentum of this and promised the workers for better rights, insurances, and wages. For the first time, the JSP could win the election.


    Seikan Tunnel Construction, three days before the earthquake.

    The LDP was not preparing for such a backlash from the people. Therefore, they corrected their statements a day after the previous declaration. Yet, their party’s popularity kept shaking after another scandal rises. Prime Minister Incumbent, Prime Minister Hashida Yokiso has received slush funds from the largest syndicate in Japan, Yamaguchi-Gumi. Yamaguchi-Gumi was involved with human trafficking, and drug trade. Yokiso received almost a million Yen in efforts of the syndicate’s immunity in law enforcement. LDP had tried so hard to maintain the majority. However, the public had chosen their fate. After another series of scandals inside the LDP, and also corruption ties with the Yakuza clan, the LDP lost the election with a slim margin, a 53% lead for the JSP. The 1955 System failed with a twist from the heavens itself. Japan needs a real change.

    Prime Minister-elect Taiyo Mimura immediately set a pro-people government. The first policies he ordered was improving the worker’s conditions bypassing the worker's Act. The Japanese labours were given healthcare insurance and insurance from termination of employment due to possible company bailouts. And then, he would implement a minimum hourly wage of almost 240 Yen, the highest minimum wage in the world. The next idea he proposed, unexpectedly, was to leverage the tariffs caused by trading towards South-East Asian nations, which Japan was trying to expand there. As Japan’s market soared in Indonesia and South Vietnam, so does trade which increased greatly. Within the South East Asian market, the SEA trios formed a SEATO and Spratly League, to affirm their economic and defence integrity. Japan gained interest in an economic rapprochement. The Prime Minister decided to do such.

    After almost two years of negotiations, Japan has reinforced to an economic organization called the East Asian Community, which Japan had invited several nations into membership. The first one was SEA states, which Japan was aiming for. However, Korea and Taiwan also wished for joining. Japan welcomed Korea, but suspend Taiwan’s wish because of China. The dispute about which China is the real China was still hot amongst the two rival governments. siding with Taiwan would mean that Japan would confront with China, which was a great disturbance for Japan’s future.

    In October 18th 1983, the East Asian Community had become a working economic regional organization for East Asia’s trading. It helped boost Japan’s economic influence towards Indonesia, and probably becoming more dependent in Japan. Several politicians, especially PPI and PNI-R, decided that this move was another attempt of Japan’s imperialism efforts. Alas, the people of Indonesia was not paying attention to the risks EAC could give towards Indonesia. it was because Indonesia had another problem domestically, a monarchial problem to be precise. This time, the kingdoms around Indonesia has started another intense feud between families.

    The next would be a Middle East chapter, and how they enhance the intense clash between royal families in Indonesia.

    Happy Islamic New Year folks.
    East Asian Community Part 6: The OIS
  • Emit smoke from seven orifices: A Story of Religion, Allegiance and Royalty

    In the year 1983, 5 sultanates conferred provincial status in the federation, the Sultanate of Johor, Perak, Brunei, Yogya and Solo. Besides these official kingdoms, other notable sultanates, like Sultanate of Pontianak and Sultanate of Banjar, were not in a provincial status, but still noted influential in their regions. Other illegitimate sultanates, like Sultanate of Aceh, were also notable for national politics, as their existence would determine the mutinous spirit of Serambi Mekkah.

    Since the founding of Indonesia itself, Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX, the sultan of Yogyakarta, was the de-facto leader of the monarchs in Indonesia. however, after the admittance of three Malayan Sultanates into the federation, Jogjakarta could not utilise the privileges it had before. Mostly, the fight of dominance was between Sultanate of Johor and the Sultanate of Jogjakarta. Nonetheless, this competition was a mere rivalry, much like a friendly match, therefore no bitter sentiments were felt between other kingdoms. Well, at least before they discussed events in the Middle East.

    In the Middle East, politics and religion had become massive mayhem. The balance of power was divided between three regional powers, each aligned with three opposed superpowers. Currently, the most powerful in terms of quantities is the Soviet Bloc; Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Yemen, with Oman also under influence. In terms of impact to the world, however, holding the largest oil reserve in a nation didn’t assist Saudi Arabia on controlling diplomacy in the Middle East. Instead, the power in the region was balanced between democratic-aligned Gulf States Initiative and the UASR. Baring from its main strength, Saudi Arabia was nothing momentarily. Besides, the nation’s lenience to the Soviet Union only fruited further communist uprisings in Yemen and the Horn of Africa. Still, Saudi Arabia had no option. After Shafer’s international embarrassment against Saudi Arabia, no one in the democratic world, also France, would pursue a diplomatic friendship. However, Saudi Arabia had one tool yet to exploit: Mother of All Settlements, Makkah al-Mukarramah.

    Never one can assume that Mecca has nothing related to Islam; Mecca is the birthplace of Islam. As the city of Muhammad itself, Mecca holds the Kaaba, the holiest site in Islam. All Muslim’s qibla directed towards this city. On account of the city’s importance, the contribute everything towards the Muslim world. In addition to the city’s crucial status in the Muslim society, that said city also had its appeal, the Islamic hajj rituals. Annually, the city programmed a mass pilgrimage in the historical sites of Mecca for religious necessities. Saudi Arabia had a lower influx after the political embargo happened in the 70s, the king attempted to revert the situation. Supporting it, King Khalid of Saudi Arabia determined to organize an Islamic Organization for religious purposes. He invited all Islam-majority countries to the discussion that he would hold in Mecca on 17th September 1983. As delegations from Indonesia, President Subandrio would appoint Sultan Hamengkuwono IX and Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddien III, to participate in the hearings. Three days before the discussion, both sultans would arrive in Mecca.

    The Mecca Conference was held in that 17th of September. Delegations of nearly all Muslim-majority countries, even including rivals of Saudi Arabia, arrived at the city with a noble cause. Even delegations from UASR and Nigeria arrived. Other non-national delegates, like French Muslims in Africa, also present. The only nations which were absent were Pakistan and Chad, both had civil wars with conflicting enemies that the conference would not dare to invite. The first day, the delegates of the Muslim world had agreed on one time, establishing the Organization of Islamic Solidarity, or the OIS.

    The establishment of the OIS did change the events in the Middle East. Because of it, Saudi Arabia had become a universal beacon of the Islamic World. After the creation in 17th of September, nations had directly proposed themselves for membership. The first member was, ironically, Saudi’s archrival United Arab Socialist Republics. Iran and the GSI also sought membership. African nations also starting to join. In Indonesia, the membership question must be asked towards the MPR, according to the 1973 Constitution. The two delegations of the Mecca Conference thought that Indonesia would gladly accept the OIS membership. How wrong they were when the debate proceeded on the 8th of October, 1983.

    The session concerning the membership of OIS began at 8.00 in the morning. The MPR had become comprehensive, the DPR on the further, more seats while the DPD on the central, lesser seats. PPP Representative from Jakarta Adam Malik expressed a fair monologue about the benefits of OIS. He said that OIS would improve our struggle on the first principles of Pancasila. The organization would also increase friendship towards other nations, especially on the Muslim World. With a slight addition, he continued that the OIS would invite us into more friends in Africa, giving an attachment for Malik’s Non-Align Movement dream. The opposition, PPI Senator for Majapahit State Guntur Sukarnoputra, gave one of the exhilarating and controversial speeches of the decade.

    My dear friends from all of Indonesia. The OIS membership would not portray us as a Pancasila-ist nation that we all proud of. The OIS memberships would portray Indonesia as a Muslim nation. Even when my father signed the independence in 1945, Indonesia is not a religious state, yet an Islamic state. Indonesia is a nation of diversity, a nation of richness. Although we believe in God, we are not a religious state. The entrance of the OIS would be Indonesia’s greatest mistake, because it would not strengthen the first principle of Pancasila, but will break the third principle of Pancasila. The PPI party had agreed that Indonesia must decline the membership towards OIS.

    Guntur Sukarnoputra enunciated his reasons with clear and precise accounts. Indonesia just appended Madagascar, the largest animist region in the world, under Indonesia’s sovereignty. The idea of believing in God truly depends on one’s viewpoint. Some politicians even considered Madagascar as a cynic region and progressed to propose a massive conversion campaign on the island. Let alone the small yet significant Jewish presence in Madagascar. The idea of admitting OIS would increase Islamic radicalism in Indonesia. The MPR resulted in a staggering 500 nays for OIS membership. It seemed that even some PPP members also voted nay for the OIS membership. Saudi Arabia immediately expressed disappointment towards Indonesia, with reducing the quota for hajj migrants in favour of OIS members. Still, the people of Indonesia were insouciant of this matter, they were focused on developing the nation. The royal families, however, were anxious.

    Sultan Hamengkubuwono, with Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddien III, campaigned for Indonesian citizens to urge the government to accept the suspended OIS invitation. Several ulama and Habib, especially from the PUI party, supported this campaign with their preaches in mosques and pesantren. But then, this campaign was foully spat by another royal kingdom, Sultan Iskandar of Johor. Sultan Iskandar wholly denounced the acts of Sultan Hamengkubuwono and Sultan Omar, stating that Indonesia ‘was not entirely Muslim’ and ‘would not be force into Muslim organizations’. The Sultanate of Perak, under Sultan Idris II of Perak, also supported Sultan of Johor’s opinion about this interest.

    Soon, the battle became not a political resolution between OIS membership, but a royal vendetta between kingdoms. Sultan of Solo and Banjar remained neutral on their stances of the OIS membership. But after Sultan Hamid III, the Sultanate of Pontianak, proclaim his support to Sultan Hamengkubuwono, Banjar Sultanate entered on the opposing side. The illegitimate Sultan of Aceh also helped Hamengkubuwono’s cause, also with smaller Cirebon and Tidore royals. With the arrival of Pontianak and Banjar on a conflicting side, riots and provocative efforts soon erupt. The political dispute expanded into racial ones when Sultanate of Brunei announced his Bruneian people to not visit the regions that in dispute with the King. Banjar, in particular, felt very insulted in this manner, and start to provoke unrest on Bruneian and Dayak places. More tension erupts in Singapore in December 1983. Sultan of Brunei was having a negotiation with the foreign minister of Japan regarding oil investment efforts, and the Subandrio Cabinet choose Singapore as their meeting place. Johor had a great influence in Singapore Malays and considered informal Malay leaders. Brunei received dark faces from Singapore Malays and was even threatened.

    The other effects of this were the weakening of the PPP. With Malacca Faction currently in power, LKY had given difficulties on gaining party support outside of Malaya. The PRD supported Jogjakarta, which also stated the rumours about PPP-PRD split. Moreover, Adam Malik also supported Jogjakarta. LKY was put under a tight spot, being a Malayan under a party which supported Jogjakarta. Furthermore, his attitude on not answering OIS-related questions gave him a wrong perspective, making him more of a Johor supporter. However, the spark for this feud finally begins, when the past fights emerged once more, this time with new reasons. Another riot happened on the border between Dayak and Banjar. The OIS membership dispute worsened after the riot and even incited infighting between Malay and Java on behalf of Johor and Yogyakarta respectively. In 4th January of 1984, just days after the new year, the city of Palangkaraya entered into yet another chapter of racial riots.


    Sultan Hamid III is Prince Alkadrie. Sultan Omar did not abdicate as OTL. King or Sultan Khalid didn't suffer a heart attack as OTL. In summary, Subandrio's years of an attempt to deflect any religious matters really started to backfire slowly.
    East Asian Community Part 7: BUMN and the Age of Economic Miracle
  • Zaman Ekonomi Mawar: Indonesia’s Age of Economic Miracle

    The government of Indonesia during the 70s was a financial-derived one. Nearly all quarters of the government were aimed at one thing, sustaining a better economy for the nation of Indonesia. BUMN had become the greatest achievement of the decade, contributing almost 70% of the budgetary revenue of Indonesia. The BUMN itself had only seven businesses with different areas. The first and the most profitable of all was Perusahaan Karet Nasional.

    Officially outdoing Pertamina by August 1983, Perkanas was the largest and richest company in Indonesia. Perkanas main products were crude rubber, but the company was stirring towards manufacturing processed rubber into tires and other goods. Perkanas had gone public in 1973, also holding the largest share in Jakarta Stock Exchange. Perkanas owned almost half a million employees, most of them work at the farming sector.

    Perkanas was also the largest plantation company in Indonesia and the largest rubber plantation organisation in Southeast Asia. It consisted of small local rubber plantations which offered themselves to work with the government. It monopolized the rubber economy of South East Asia and had become a major patron in the world’s rubber economy. However, some Western nations had shifted into synthetic rubber, which undermined Perkanas influence in rubber economics. Because of that, CEO of Perkanan Tantowi Kurniawaan urged the company to shift faster to industrialize the company. Perkanas’ main production located in the Western Indonesia Region, specifically on Java, Malayan and Sumatran area.

    Perkanas’ raw industry initiated various local elites to establish processed rubber factories, with the assist from the company itself. Perkanas gave subsidies and five-year partnership for any entrepreneurs who would build rubber manufactories. In 1975, a group of bourgeois families from Surabaya had bought almost 30 hectares of land for an industrial complex. Located near Sidoardjo itself, the location advantage is the town has toll access. However, in the recent progress, some entrepreneurs opted to live in cities of the plantation’s area and constructed the factory there. As a result, small towns like Banyuwangi, Kedah and Pekanbaru, all evolved into a city hub for these rubber complexes.

    Coming towards the 1980s, rubber industry in Western Indonesia Region was at its peak throughout history. Yet, the society was not interested in building there anymore, because there was another fertile land for rubber, Southwest Papua, that Indonesia recently realized. After the Herman Brothers founded the Herman Papuan Plantation in 1978, the siblings were shocked at how productive rubber can be in Kota Mappi, in the estuary of Digul River. Around 150% comparing to the Javanese rubber productivity, Herman Brothers’ success intrigued more entrepreneurs coming towards the Land of Thousand Cultures.

    The second-largest was the child of Trihandoko itself, Pertamina. The oil economy which fluctuated around the events in the Middle East coerce the world to prepare alternative means. When the UASR and the Middle East embargo the United States after a series of a diplomatic disaster, the nation had requested allies to trade more. That strengthened Iran’s importance in oil trade for the Americans, and relatively invested in Indonesia’s decent oil reserves. Since 1980, the United States has funded oil rigs project all across Indonesia.

    Despite the plenty of investment that flowed into Pertamina, the company’s greatest strength is also its greatest weakness. The investment of the American government into Indonesia oil forced Subandrio to relent several of the oil drills to be directly administered by American companies. Although the president promised for nationalization, that cause was eventually dismissed as threats of stopping the investment was very unappealing for the government. Mere 35% of the total oil blocks were owned by Pertamina, while 30% was owned by Pertamina with foreign influence, and the rest commanded by American oil enterprises like Chevron.

    Pertambara was the national corporation in the coal sector. Coal was relatively the second-highest profitable commodity in Indonesia’s economy, yet Pertambara remained the third largest with reasons similar to Pertamina; competition. The coal industry was partly nationalized by LKY because local enterprises had already developed their industry. Large groups in Southern Sumatra and Kalimantan had traditionally owned their coal mine, sometimes older than Indonesia itself. Some of these people, unlike those in Perkanas, were reluctant to cooperate with the government, and instead, maintain their private companies.

    Indopalm was the fourth most profitable national corporation, which held the palm oil sector. Unlike crude oil, palm oil was used for food consumption. The plantations located at Sumatra, Malaya and Kalimantan. Rather than the other three, Indopalm cooperates with conglomerates to processed their raw palm oil production. Therefore, despite being the fourth most profitable, palm oil was the largest commodity traded in Indonesia.

    Pelni was the fifth in the most profitable. Pelni was the national cargo company that directed national non-military ships for goods. Founded in 1952, Pelni would expand massively due to Indonesia’s archipelagic geography. However, since the rise of aeroplane enterprises, Pelni had a loss in a high-class ship towards long journeys. Still, Pelni thrived in transporting cargo across Indonesia, and the most profitable would be Java to Papua and Java to Madagascar. Pelni also held the monopoly in strait ferries, and other cruise travels.

    Perserikatan Pelabuhan Distrik Indonesia or PPDI was the newest form of BUMN that was established in 1979. This enterprise was a federation of four most active ports; Jakarta, Singapore, Jayapura and Toliara. These four ports, Singapore in particular, stood the weight for profiting from international trade. Singapore was preserved by Subandrio to stay as a world port, with Batam was constructed to ease the traffic. Toliara was being expanded starting from 1983, to accommodate civilian vessels that came from South Africa, to replace the Cape. As most pro-American vessels were exposed to hostile nation passing the Suez Canal, America had attempted to start bypassing the Suez entirely and find other alternate means. The first one, quite a habit from the Old World, was shipping from South Africa. The other, more breakthrough means, was not crossing the Atlantic, but going through the Pacific.

    Angkasa Pura was the seventh most profitable company. Most of the profit came from Garuda Indonesia and other international airlines which flew to Indonesia. the company itself was split into two in 1980, officially becoming Angkasa Pura I and Angkasa Pura II. Angkasa Pura I owned airports on the east of Bali, while Angkasa Pura II owned the West of Bali. As aeroplane travel kept rising with Indonesia’s geographical condition, Angkasa Pura was forced to expand also in airport capacity and frequency.

    The other three, not quite profitable in the meanwhile, was Nurtanio Aerospace Company, which was currently headed by BJ Habibie. Nurtanio would suffer difficulties on making planes, as they could not understand jet propulsion back then, and stayed on propeller-based aeroplanes. Garuda Indonesia, the largest airline in Indonesia. finally, the last and the least of them all was Indochemical.

    The ten enterprises would come as an initial move for Indonesia’s economic miracle. As privatization was partly allowed in LKY’s premiership, a steady trend of growth kept happening in Indonesia. As islands like Papua and Madagascar industrialized, they too have started to being incorporated by Indonesia. The society’s prosperity also increased, and poverty was reduced to nearly 10%, the highest so far in Indonesian history.

    Private life for average Indonesia had grown so great from the war-time 1960s. The growth Indonesia had was so fast that even other nations like India and Iran partly envied the growth. Meritocracy of the bureaucrats, serious means of improving the lives of the common, and the stern posture of LKY’s premiership had helped the government to acquire what the previous government had never done; the economic boom in Indonesia.

    Yet, despite the economic advantage the government had, this government also came up with serious flaws. The most notable of which, was the fracturing of the coalition itself.

    The next chapter, as said, would see the Coalition tries to break up. Try to guess who.
    East Asian Community Part 8: Golkar
  • May Golkar Rises from the Death of Suharto: A Tale of Post-Golkar Suharto


    Golkar Faction is a popular faction in Indonesian politics. This faction yet had obscure boundaries of their ideological intentions, but most of them supported two things throughout history. Firstly, the faction backed more centralization of the state of Indonesia. The concern that federalism, especially unbalanced federalism, may cause significant regionalism inside a nation, and may later provoke separatist incidents shortly. There were great models of unitary nations, such countries like France, and Iran. The other thing that Golkar Faction supported is the connection with Suharto issues. Starting from the General itself, Golkar never loosened their bonds with the Cendana Family. The growing politician in 1983, is Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana.

    Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana

    Siti was nearing her forties in age, but she was able to negotiate conflicting people. Being a businesswoman herself, Siti also owned traits inherited from her father. However, she had an ambition that her father, Suharto, had desired: being the number one scene in the Federal Republic of Indonesia. Her dreams of becoming the President of Indonesia was entirely her father’s. Her father died unexpectedly upon his rise and caused the current presidency to rule Indonesia. Siti sought to try and instil the Suharto’s way of governing into Indonesia.

    The 1983 Election gave Siti an extraordinary start in a political career. She was elected as DPD for the Yogyakarta Kingdom. With her initial congress in DPD, she was exposed to the trending topic of the year; the events between Banjar and Dayak. The DPD would experience almost a fistfight among the Dayak representative and the Banjar representative, which was seated near each other. Sometimes, congress must be paused due to these two sides picking a fight every time they congregate. Siti Rukmana then lectured the crisis with a remarkable opinion.

    Back during my childhood, there would be no bickering as unnecessary as this because of the imminent war. People had a clear reason why must they unite. Now, it seems that that source of unity decays between regional agendas that try to strain against one another. The origins are not at the grounded divide between ethnic Banjar and ethnic Dayak, but the political perspectives behind this.

    As a young politician myself, we may intrigue on using all means of promoting ourselves. But, this spring of hatred, that I believe came from the most eminent of the local politicians, must desist in a diverse nation of Indonesia. The Sultans from Pontianak and Palangkaraya itself must stop feeding this crisis. Also, the government must not give one eye on this.

    The opinion shared by Siti never altered the current crisis about Banjar and Dayak. However, she rose in fame from that. She gained balloters among the middle-aged and the old, which wounds of the old war still endure. Still, PRD of the Golkar leftovers preserved Siti for the future candidate. Golkar had, however, the Next Generation of Suharto, a post-65 general.

    Edi Sudrajat was a General in the Indonesian Army. After his honourable campaign in Vietnam, he was asked to return homeward and manage domestic duties. He hung the Papuan separatism as one of the field chiefs and later rise steadily in popularity. Edi Sudrajat was a colleague of Try Sutrisno, yet unlike his buddy, he was more cautious and subtle in his approach. He was one of the first who declared a back to basic concept into the Army, returning generals to military affairs only.

    Yet, despite his true-militarism doctrine, he took notice of the administration’s lack of understanding with the Armed Forces of Indonesia. Since the rise of Subandrio, Police Force was the only principal player in Indonesia’s defence policy, while the Military was diminished. Also, he grew tired of the unnecessary military campaigns in Africa and Pakistan, concluding that Indonesia should serve Sukarno’s neutral policy since the start. PRD’s party base, which was essentially pro-Untung supporters, passed a likeable attitude on this candidate and quickly condensed with the newly embedded Golkar. Having a similar history also helped PRD to fully unite with the Golkar Faction. But, because of the insertion of Golkar, the PPP itself grew notably bothered of this.

    On 9 December 1983, Premier Lee Kuan Yew announced to pass a government decree. The feuds in Kalimantan deemed a high preference for fixing the growing racial tension. After the conflict between monarchies, racial tension had become a means for performing one side’s needs. Lee Kuan Yew finally took a report of the menacing threat and started to sweep the issue. He instructed that hate speech among other ethnics were restrained on Indonesia, and the island of Kalimantan itself should be put under government surveillance. This, however, upset all the ethnics in Kalimantan, as peaceful places should also be under watch. Also, this dissuaded the PPP party, because it involved the military itself. Although temporary military administration was important for the region’s security, PPP politicians completely differed as that would give militarist more authority in the nation. PRD, on the other hand, was excited about the use of military power in Kalimantan, as that would repair the image of Golkar into pre-Try’s blunder. Also, PRD would try to infiltrate more into Kalimantan to gather more electors, competing with the dominant PPP yonder.

    The government decree appointed Colonel Jusuf Wanandi and Colonel Joko Sukardinoto to commence having a joint civilian-military work on the entire island of Kalimantan. Jusuf Wanandi ordered an entire brigade in Dayak, Brunei and Sarawak State while Joko Sukardinoto commanded the rest of the region. The plan was efficient in controlling the mass, as racial riots slowly decline, along with the tension it brought.


    Kolonel Joko Sukardinoto


    Arrival for Military Supervision

    On 3 January 1984, LKY abruptly withdrew the government decree and said that military command was no longer fit for managing the region. It was clear that the PPP politicians charged the Premier to stop the decree. Also, military control decreased local investments, which had a bad contact with the military businessman. The suspension of the law immediately gained criticism from Prosperity Coalition’s PRD, who supported the supervision. PRD’s leader General Untung spoke against this move and criticized the government’s haste actions. Untung’s opinion was reinforced when the racial riots started immediately after the removal of the decree. Regrettably, the government insisted on stopping the law.

    This started the Prosperity Coalition to fracture slowly. PPP and PRD began to fight for each other, as hard-Golkar politicians never aligned with PPP-social liberal Malacca Faction. Nevertheless, one small dispute wouldn’t be enough of splitting a coalition. Unfortunately, foreign events do prefer the Prosperity Coalition into faltering.

    It is this coalition that is failing first. About the other coalitions, we would see later on.
    East Asian Community Part 9: Three Troubles
  • 13th March 1984

    Kelantan, State of Malaysia

    Colonel Tan Sri Mahim Hussein, or better known as Hussein, enjoyed his cigarette on the beachside of Kelantan City. As a Johor Bahru nationality, Colonel Hussein does love the monarchy as he loved his closest ones. Still, he maintains professionalism on the military as it seemed that he was needed in this particular place.

    Not long ago, after the new year, more tension rose on the borders of Thailand-Indonesia. The ongoing Pattani rebellion was being heavily suppressed after the French arrived in the Kra region. As a means of protecting the building canal, Thailand junta government announced that it was finally happening; no more resistance in the South. As Pattani was dominated by Malays, the locals had thoughts of uniting with the Malaysian dominated south. As Malaysia is fully Indonesian, the Pattani's determined on being incorporated as Indonesian citizens.

    As the suppression went on, a major influx of immigrants arrived in Malaysia, especially the City of Kelantan. Located not far from the border, Kelantan possessed a strategic location of a metropolis near the border, easy for the army to manoeuvre. There were other locations like Penang and Kedah, but its status as a kingdom and federal state did hamper military movements. As a result, Colonel Hussein, with an entire Army division, was residing in Kelantan for further information.

    According to General Lutfi Hakim, Thailand was making another attempt to increase the tension on the border. It seemed that Thailand wants to provoke us with a massive influx of refugees, also with their horrifying stories. Indeed, most of Hussein’s men were almost ecstatic to stand and fight instantly. But, as army doctrine said ‘Instructions come first’.

    But then, Hussein afraid not of the invasion Thailand presented, the army was rather weak. He thought that his regiment alone would superiorly compete for the Thai counterparts. However, he was more concerned with what was happening inside the army. For some time, the Army had shown yet another battle since the PNI-R split. This time, however, it was certain that the extent was large. General Abdullah Nahrowi (1), the General which rose as the Iron Heart of Aceh. He was responsible for the suppression of Aceh during Nasution Era. General Nahrowi, expressed in his book ‘Purification’, meant that the military must stop multitask in other sectors unrelated to the Army. This, however, gained criticism on General Umar Wirahadikusumah, along with Try Sutrisno and Edi Sudrajat. Major General Poniman (2) also supported General Umar.

    As each faction held a significant portion of the army, the divide deepened slowly. Colonel Hussein, although he supported General Lutfi Hakim, a staunch supporter and friend of General Umar, Colonel Hussein endorsed General Abdullah Nahrowi. General Abdullah Nahrowi later cooperated with General Ali Sadikin, the ousted General, along with General Pranoto. Fortunately, young army personals, officers like Yudhoyono and Prabowo Djojohadikusumo, were supportive with the purification of the Army.

    Premier Office, District Capital of Jakarta
    It has been three whole months since Trihandoko had ever met Lee Kuan Yew in person. His tactile approach towards assembling factories in all ends of Indonesia did prevent him from coming home to Jakarta, his birth city. Also, because of that, Lee Kuan Yew was busy in more social-domestic affairs, the situation in Dayak and Banjar had returned into its hostile, provocative state. Trihandoko, overwhelmed with mere economic aspects of the nation, were antipathetic with entering into the conflict regions, and prefer going to Melanesia instead last week.

    Still, Trihandoko must return to Jakarta, as LKY had requested him to convene as soon as possible. According to him, LKY was unlikely disturbed. But the Premier’s anxious call with Trihandoko agreed otherwise. Trihandoko heard of some frictions inside the party members, especially as the PRD had incorporated those Golkars into their party. Subandrio, for the last two years, has been anything but consistent. Initially, he would cut the defence spending, and curb all military influence in politics. Yet, as time progresses, Subandrio began returning these individuals more attention towards the government. Especially with Subandrio’s aid for intervention in Africa and Pakistan, the military spending currently on par with Nasution’s budget arrangements.

    Despite defence cost at an all-time high, the government never actually solved the problems inside the nation. Myriad of cases emerged after the riot clashes between Dayak and Banjar; the dispute between Java and Sunda, Malay and Batak, and even a plethora of rivalling tribes in Papua announcing their feud as well. Moreover, the government did an undertaking about resolving the growing religious competition in Madagascar. Although apparent chaos never surfaced, Trihandoko could already see uneasy small Northern Jewish population sowing discontent with a thriving Muslim community in the South. All of this inadvertently happened as most animist population in central Madagascar announced their conversion into Christianity.

    Trihandoko had just arrived at the Premier’s office. He would see the second man of Indonesia resting in his hand. He saw Trihandoko in the room, his frown immediately turned into a smile.

    “Hello, Trihandoko. Please take a seat.”

    Trihandoko then took the left sofa to sit, while LKY scurried into the opposite. Trihandoko felt very perplexed with LKY’s weird gestures.

    “Yes, Mr Premier. Why you call me here?”
    “I told you for nearly twenty years now, call me Lee.” He answered with slight hospitality. “I assume that I can trust you.”

    Trihandoko froze. This was nothing like the LKY before, the strong, strict and vigorous Premier. He instead saw a frail politician, felling a shape of terror Trihandoko have not to discover.

    “There is a massive movement under the party. Possibly by our political rivals, to oust us from holding our seats. I, truthfully, may goof regarding the situation in Kalimantan. But, they tried to kick you, too.”
    “Kick me? I have done nothing but building our economy as it is.”
    “I have no idea, but the party keeps putting me into decisions that I alone reject. When I successfully passed the Military Intervention Act, I thought the military would work according to their principle. As the field officers were really serious about their work, the high commands do abuse their powers. The Generals seized some coal mines owned by Banjar and has taken part of Dayak land to convert it as productive farms. They too start military schools in those areas, and without my consent, develop strong militias from there.”

    Trihandoko thought this method as a good measure. The conflicted areas had never seen the shining light of peace ever after the Kesultanan of Pontianak declares rivalry towards Kesultanan Banjar. The regional divide causes more regional divides happening elsewhere. As his father used to say, to kill the tree wholly, you need to kill the roots.

    “Well, at first glance. I thought that was not as I was hoping for. Yet, I realized that it too may be a practical solution for our problems in that region. And peace would come. Yet, when I arrived in MPR, they discussed differently.”
    “Mr Premier, this is just mere inconvenience. I know that our faction dislike having military back in power. We need not worry about this.”
    “I don’t know Fed, I just think something was going on inside our Faction.”

    Before he can continue, the Premier office filled with the telephone sound. Premier Lee went to his table to reach the handset. He neared the object to his ear. Much to Trihandoko’s observation, the Premier’s emotion fluctuated between perplexed, vexed, and later utter horror.

    After the premier hangs the call, Trihandoko is trying to ask about the problem LKY is facing. Instead of answers, Lee turned on the only television in the room. After a brief static voice, the TV unveiled one of the worst news LKY could ever hear.

    … The reports of new riots are happening in Palangkaraya as we are seeing now. They are burning down homes and vandalize government buildings. The military are on spot, willing to disobey orders from the government to fight these provocateurs. According to Kolonel Sukardinoto, the government has failed to understand the severity of the tension in Palangkaraya, and the military will continue without question. However, it seemed that the PPP politicians are now supporting for an intervention, and blame the withdrawal of the law as a personal decision of the Premier itself…

    Not long after the last statement finishes. The Premier is already fuming. Trihandoko perplexed at the news for a while, until it is revealed in his eyes. The PRD is trying to discredit LKY.

    Siuna Regional Airport, Nicaragua
    The four seasons never really happen in Nicaragua, actually only two according to Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Cardenal. Now as the leader of the Sandinista Front and his nation, President Pedro is arriving at this airport for convening privately with party members. According to his subordinates, Managua has been breached by CIA agents. As the Carter Administration is extremely professional and strong, even with the Democratic candidate as the throne, weaker party members intrigued with money for information. President Pedro, along with politician Ortega and Castro, all convene in this airport for discussion.

    “Daniel, we must quickly retaliate. The gringos are infiltrating our party members. If we don’t act quickly, we all fated be my brother back in Cuba!” Raul shouted with anxiety.
    “This is no small matter, Raul. We are nothing compared to American men, guns and even technology. We alone cannot even control our population. How can we fight? Comrade Pedro, we must decide. We are losing ground even in our home nation. The Contras are building forces as well. Our friends in El Salvador also feeling quite bad, isolated and in recession. The American game is lethal to our economy.”

    Pedro is no apt politician. He was a journalist. All of his life was dedicated to criticizing Sonoza’s dynasty, along with the dictator’s deeds in the past. Yet, as the Sandinistas won, he was invited into the party, become one of the popular representatives, and indeed won the Presidential seat without much effort. Raul, the much more active one, cannot be this nation’s president because he was a Cuban in the heart. Besides, a Cuban nationality as the leader of Nicaragua would weaken Nicaragua’s stance.

    Nevertheless, Pedro gained interest in one young man, around his twenties. He was eerily similar to Pedro, a journalist. However, his younger counterpart would report situations in America. In one evening, much to Pedro’s surprise, this young man managed to convince him of a long way of victory against the Goliath. Pedro, firstly disappointed that maybe he would die before seeing the freedom of Nicaragua from the Northern foreigners, still preferred this option as no other can offer an alternative.

    “Comrades, I want to introduce you to Jose Armando Centeno (3). He is currently a Nicaraguan journalist travelling towards America. I believe he has something big to offer.”

    Centeno arrived on his frail body. He is very young comparing to other men in the room, probably a generation younger. Yet, Centeno’s figure stayed confident, as he explains his plan like what a strategist could be. After his explanation, Ortega immediately baffled and replied.

    “What you are telling me is distant future, junior. We cannot possibly predict the future, especially as far as your plans are.”
    “No, el señor. But from my predictions of the US politics, and a slight glimpse of what is happening all across the world, a similar condition would happen, albeit not the same. But, I believe that this strategy of mine can be powerful in the result.”
    “Still, comrade Centeno. Your plan needs distraction for the gringos. Who do you think you would suggest?”

    This time, Pedro finally expressed one idea that he is excited. “Comrade Castro and Comrade Ortega. As Contras are anti-revolutionaries of our movement, they do are dealers of substances. His ally in Latin America is none other than Colombian cartels. We have already had a small supporter there, why don’t we start there? Colombia may be dictator currently, but the dictatorship is brittle rather than Chile and Argentina. We just need Belisaro’s false steps, which he always does. Then, we could see the entire Liberal faction crumble into our ideology.”

    “When can we start, then?” Ortega remarks.
    “Now is a good time,” Pedro replied.

    (1) and (2) are fictional characters, but they mainly figured to portray's Indonesia slow incorporation of Malaya into army groups.
    (3) is also fictional, and will be very prominent in the 2000s

    Centeno's plans are not directly about Colombia, remember that this nation was only for diversion for something bigger. I bet Centeno was making Colombia a bait to keep the predicted Conservative America busy, while they focused on the real blow.
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    East Asian Community Part 10: Initial Troubles
  • The Realm Under Fault

    For several years, the presidency unchecked the kingship, as they were the ring’s most faithful of supporters. As federalism under Subandrio was sustained supportively, the power of the region grew gradually. As the government gazed on economic alone, local authorities were taking ventures to seize political rule on one realm.

    The premiership, meantime, had already taken intimation on this discrete shift of power. It was felt by Education Minister Bambang Kamil when he tried to implement a national curriculum in Indonesia which Subandrio had enacted the law back during his early terms. The locals loved the government-funded public schools to educate. As the Multilingual Act was passed in 1979, the region can have a particular choice in language compulsory lessons. Singaporean curriculum and Papuan were supposed to have a limited selection, as of almost every province of Indonesia. Alas, when Indonesia sought to teach her citizens English, the locals differed in the government. They later changed English into their proposed languages. At first, parts of Aceh and Minang replaced English with Arabic. In Southern parts of Papua, some small inrush of schools taught Dutch. Some parts of Malaysia also opened Japanese and Chinese schools and replaced English with these two languages.

    The idea of English could be changed into other favoured options dawned from Subandrio’s press conference regarding freedom of tongues. In 1981, Subandrio asserted that everyone could speak a language they intend to learn, and the government will not interfere on the matter. However, the locals read the address relating to the Multilingual Act, some changed into their languages.

    At 15th July 1982, at the inception of the new study year. Dozens of academics joined up on protest on the new bill in Surabaya. This new bill was meant to substitute English with Arabic, yet the PPP politicians determined nay for this resolution. Teachers demanded that Arabic is essential for children’s maturity in religious values and norms. The protesters highlighted sins against the First Verse of Pancasila in this affair, yet the PPP Politicians stood solidly on their opinions. Aceh, in 1983, under a conjoined military-civilian administration, declared that English as a compulsory language was not optimal for the people of Aceh. They legislated that Arabic should replace English. LKY reacted with slight criticism, as that would violate English as supposed ‘compulsory international language’. Yet, Subandrio stated that they were permitted. LKY and Subandrio later conversed heatedly about this matter.


    Schools in Singapore, it compels English while also put Mandarin into context.

    Not long, the idea that this government can be toyed around spread rapidly, and nearly most of the locals had their agendas. Then, it would expand into not just cultural matters, but also political. In August 1983, Cirebon was trying to form a Sultanate, portraying the old Sultanate of Cirebon before its demise. This was probably a monarchist attempt to expand influence all across Indonesia. Still, during the discussion in Bandung, the Pasundan State, legislators mostly pro PPP supporters, disagreed staunchly.

    Entering 1984, the politics of Indonesia was starting to look like a modern model of feudalism. The difference was this government check the economic matters indefinitely, while others not literally. This fired massive criticisms from PNI-R and PPP. PNI-R spokesman Suyadino said that the idea of government not owning political authority on the nation is ridiculous. Guntur Sukarnoputra, meanwhile, expressed the Subandrio’s lack of ‘work’ lately and blatantly accused of disclosed play amongst the bureaucrats. Subandrio replied with a simple shrug. LKY, on the other hand, tried everything to make sure that his name was not discredited on this matter. He pushed the government in accomplishing more economical feats, along with social advancement to establish an equal distribution. Regarding political and defence matters, LKY could not do much, as that was under the hands of the President.

    The second term of Subandrio, as he articulated earlier on his campaign, was to prepare Indonesia in the international stage. At least in the space age, Indonesia has beaten China. China was always Subandrio’s parameter of successful. Lately, this argument had been judged as irrelevant, as China was under Jiang Qing. Everyone agreed that China was going backwards under Madame Mao. Later, Subandrio announced the crowd that we would start expanding as an economic power. He saw Japan as the optimal partner for it, and he would open as large as possible for Japan to invest in Indonesia.

    If we achieved more than China, we can compete with the bigger powers. –Subandrio, 1988

    Subandrio’s second objective was to not displease the Americans. Having the US as a close friend for almost twenty years now do violate Sukarno’s previous urge of neutrality. Yet, under the world where the choice is either democratic or communist. Subandrio saw that siding with the US was already the best option. As a result, when the Americans urged nations to send more volunteers to Pakistan and South Africa. Subandrio immediately deployed more than it should, to give an image that Indonesia is American’s friendliest ally.

    Out of all things, Subandrio neglected the events within his nation. As a result, the government were on hot water after the election. On Monday, the 12th March 1984, the people of Palangkaraya did not go to their workplace. Instead, they marched on the streets and kept confronting the Dayak small community living there. The natives plead for extra status from the government, especially as Pontianak and Palangkaraya had tried to reinstate their kingdom level demands. A week ago, both the local leaders of Dayak and Banjar were in a mere dispute about their monarchy status in the national governance. Thus far, the Sultanate from Java supported Pontianak while Johor supported Banjar.

    The fight happened when a small group of Banjar teenagers provoked their same age in the Dayak Community. After that, the fight emerged into knife battles. Just barely reaching the night, the Dayak had deployed their Mandau warriors and killed 30 Banjarese men. The Banjar majority responded with the killing of the entire neighbourhood with Parang Nabur. Riots turned into arson and killings, with more and more communities determined to cross their regional borders and fight a direct war. This crisis was not cooled by the local government, as the Sultanates were the largest influencer in the region. In one occasion, Sultan Hamid III hardly called a patriotic war for the Dayak tribe killed in Palangkaraya.


    The riots in Palangkaraya

    People dwelling in Palangkaraya were those from Java and Sumatra. The migrants staying there were remarkably frightened in the recent developments and leaving the island for good. Foreigners also fled the region, along with the chance of investments on the area. The stop of work in Central Kalimantan does strike coal mining there. LKY was extremely unsettled that the mines stopped working. The Banjarese mines, although owned by the locals, produced ample money to build Kalimantan. Still, LKY’s moves were late, as the military acted first.

    Kolonel Sukardinoto acted first, stating that the region must be pacified with or without the government consent. He also expressed upset towards LKY’s administration, which was ultimately the PPP’s ploy in taking down LKY. Kolonel Sukardinoto was a close friend of Musa Hitam, the leader of the Malaccan Faction. Musa Hitam was entirely opposed to LKY’s authoritative economic policies; telling the locals to do this and that. He wanted more flexible measures towards the locals, and let them improve their productivity. Also, Musa Hitam was backed by PRD’s Golkar Faction. They cooperated to seize power, unbeknownst to LKY.

    Still, the events alone in Palangkaraya tainted LKY’s marvellous premiership. And, as the heavens might have been in part of it, LKY’s leadership was more under threat after recent events in Indonesia’s largest cities.

    More and more troubles to LKY and Subandrio. We'll see a few of those later.
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    East Asian Community Part 11: Westernization
  • Liberalism in Indonesia: A History of Western Influence

    Sukarno ever stated that liberalism was not Indonesia’s elemental ideology. Instead, liberalism is a virus that could destroy the nation’s diversity. He never mentioned Indonesia having a society which endorsed freedom. But, Sukarno mentioned that Indonesia was a nation of communities. With socialism and social democracy, Pancasila would be rooted in such beliefs.

    Despite Indonesia’s initial set-up, Indonesia currently has shifted towards a freer civilisation and more unrestricted express of beliefs, opinions and thoughts. Ever since Subandrio’s presidency, what was determined to be a pro-community one, has become entirely economic approach, giving the rest of the sectors thrive wildly. In some context, the eras of Indonesia can be divided into three time periods, the War Era, the Prestige Era, and the Economic Era. The War Era was entirely focused on rebuilding Indonesia from conflict and entering another one. The short Prestige Era, just strengthened Indonesia’s image that it has just won a war. Finally, the Economic Era was seen as entirely focused on economic, building this young nation to greatness.

    Even LKY is concerned about such negligence in other sectors, he also fully understands that Indonesia is farfetched in the economy. Emerging from struggling independence into one of the top 10 largest nations in the world comes at a great cost. Countless others, nations and rivals, intend to disrupt unity. LKY noted deeply that Indonesia’s greatest weakness was how primitive the economic system is.

    Indonesia, before LKY meddled in the system, was a semi-autarchy system. After the War, even Nasution did not intend to revise the system and just continue as it is. While massive rice self-sufficiency commonly occurs in parts of Indonesia, most of them never actually profited money anywhere outside the nation. As the government keep spending on imports, and never really export well, debt rises, and the economy was weakening.

    LKY’s solution was simple, entirely change the system to form a new one. He briefly mentioned it as ‘The Singaporean System’, as he found it in his hometown. Singapore, far before Indonesia’s name was even invented, has become a trading port by the British. Markets have become the bane of the island’s economy, and business was highly promoted. In the national context, this Singaporean System would change dramatically the de-facto ones. As taxes were regulated to be pro-business, Indonesia must maintain a healthy number of corporations as a government-owned, while smaller others were given to the individuals. Foreign investments were a valuable source for Indonesia to grow, while local ones were instructed to assist in factory-building. As investments come with a bargain, the government mostly give foreign companies broad entry towards the Indonesian market, immediately flooding the local to foreign influences.

    In the end, this system would determine private-owned business in the middle to low scale business, while the higher ones were either government-owned or having a close connection with the government. Koperasi, a government organization for lending money, as all other organizations build before Subandrio, was diminished in cities as it grew ineffective. Because of that, metropolises were becoming an image of Asian liberalism, killing off the former pro-community organizations that once stood. Sectors that were left untouched by this growing wave of capitalism were education and healthcare.

    Immigration has already been a question asked by fellow Indonesians since the 70s. After Kennedy openly attached to Indonesia’s importance in South East Asia, more American immigrants grew in parts of the nation. When America joins, immediately the European Alliance nations accompany. As a decent influx of people came to Indonesia, they brought all kinds of traditions back home. In Merauke, the entirety of the town, formerly a Papuan village, was transformed into one of the most Western cities all across Indonesia. People with suits, skirts, and modern clothing became the norm there, so does the people. Passersby have become whiter as along the years, with the white population almost 20% of the total city population. In Jayapura, Javanese immigration eroded the locals. Fortunately, some cities like Timika and Manokwari, experienced acculturation, combining the local customs with modern Western ones, effectively becoming one of the most foreign-tolerant cities in Indonesia. For the time being, pockets of immigrant communities starting to develop in populated Federal Districts. These workers taught Indonesians to be as skilled as others. Other objectives could become high levels of corporatist, whose power is expanding in the nation.

    These immigrants brought their own opinions and beliefs: liberalism. They brought their culture into cities. As they were amongst the highest elites in the cities, they incidentally shifting the culture in cities. Midtown has shown more people into casual clothing, unlike kebayas. In suburbs, traditional houses are torn apart, paving the way towards more modern ones. Pop, rock, and jazz music were becoming common in street night pubs, and alcohol was starting to infiltrate in Indonesia’s night business. In addition to it, female brothels have opened up since the arrival of foreigners, mostly located in border towns like Kemang in Jakarta, Dolly in Surabaya, and Geylang in Singapore.

    This caused clergies to be infuriated with the demoralization of the youth. Ulamas and Ustads all across cities decry this Western infiltration. Mosques now campaigning for parents to restrain their children for more Western openness of society. Soon, social campaigns turned into social discontent. The first mob emerged on Kebayoran Baru when fundamental communities from Tebet marched their way towards East Kebayoran Baru. East Kebayoran Baru was full of shopping malls, and with Kemang nearby, so does pubs with alcohol display. However, unlike Kemang, East Kebayoran Baru was majorly Indonesian inhabitants, not foreigners. Allegedly instigated by ulamas, the mob turned violently after the police arrived. As Tebet inhabitants considered the police to cooperate with degenerate infidels, the masses who have arrived there commit brawls, unwilling to offer peace with the demoralization of the society. As Tebet initiated their first brave act, more and more fundamental urban communities also followed their footsteps. In Koja, adults and sometimes even faithful youth attacked more open communities in Mangga Dua.

    Started in Jakarta, these ‘correction’ mobs have expanded into other towns in Surabaya, Bandung and Semarang. Although most of these communities are active in Java, some of them have caused serious upheaval in Malaya. In some cases, even the police forces teamed up with the protesters, shutting down liquor shops and even some foreign companies.

    Sorry for the long wait, I had some issues to catch up in school.

    For the next topic, we would try to explore deep into Indonesia, how the city has changed and such.
    East Asian Community Part 12: Changes in Cities
  • Hustle and Bustle: A Story of Cities Classical Age

    Peace and business were two crucial things of settling metropolises. After the Australian Aggression, there were few upheavals occurred. The Papuan insurgency, later, died off, also with Aceh and few others. As those realms became peaceful, the others thrived in figures. Immigration, economic boom and high growth in the society marked Indonesia cities’ augmentation. A fragile lasting peace on East Asia, unlike other regions, which were smoking on fire, also helped newcomers to flock around these areas.

    Plans of the Old, Constructed by the New

    Indonesia’s cities, throughout the years, had risen in the number of public transports. Commuters have grown dramatically, and outskirts are constructing to have their outstations. Although most of the construction occurred in the first term of Subandrio, the concept of it came as early as Nasution’s 100-day commitments. Some of it was completed in Nasution’s rule but majorly were either redesigned or refurbished by Subandrio. Nasution’s planning period was mainly adopted precisely from the American culture, while Subandrio may alter to promote some of Indonesia’s local culture later on.

    The start of American inrush into Indonesia marked the first extension scheme of three main areas, Jakarta, Batam and Tembagapura. These three cities were Nasution’s top priority, an Indonesian clay since the 50s and had already assimilated fully to the Indonesian culture. These three cities were arranged to become Indonesia’s gate into the world. The government intentionally forsook Singapore, the largest port in South East Asia, mainly because the island is still influenced by British politics.

    Jakarta was grown with Setiabudhi’s Grid Project. It is an enormous office complex designed for Jakarta’s Central Business District. It would connect Jakarta with Kebayoran Baru. The government would outline blocks, and sell them to foreign investors. While drawn lenders constructed fancy buildings, Indonesia would aid on covering the public transit, providing MRT access and bus terminals. Later, Subandrio abandoned this project, and Setiabudhi’s ambitious masterpiece was left half-finished, as only the Northern parts were leased and fully access-provided.


    BNI 46 Tower, later named as Sudirman Tower, became an icon on Setiabudhi Grid's Classical Era

    Jakarta also had a wide expansion of industrial complexes, some of it even exceeded the boundaries of the Federal District. Cengkareng and Pulo Gadung became Jakarta’s industrial strongpoint, covering both ends of the district. Textile industry flourished in Cengkareng, enterprises established almost 100 factories in the region. Pulo Gadung, however, was interested in electronics and chemical companies. As per 1971, nearly fifty businesses flocked to build factories on that area. While Cengkareng and Pulo Gadung grew, the surrounding regions quickly populated with hopeful workers to a promising prospect.


    Businessman and Politician Suharto before his death, oversight his franchise automotive company (Honda) in Pulo Gadung

    In Batam, the Malacca Strait Military Base had become Indonesia’s greatest military base. An extensive military base, consisting of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force itself, was built to protect the valuable Malaccan Strait from hostilities. As Indonesia owns absolute control of the strait, Indonesia wanted to perform control on the region, while also oversight multitude of shipping in and out from the nation. From a modest volume of 5000 personnel, the former administration expanded the base to exceed 45000 by 1990. This swelling in numbers may cause Batam’s surrounding towns, Tanjung Pinang and Kota Batam had been exploded in numbers, majorly of them immigrated from Java and Sumatra.

    The champion of growth of Indonesian cities located almost everyone in Papua. Both presidencies acknowledged the island’s importance; abundance in mineral resources, strategic location and untouched nature interested nearly everyone to migrate to the Bird Island. Two cities that gained the highest in population growth was Kotabaru and Tembagapura.


    Timika Municipal in 1984

    Kotabaru is located at the Northern side of Papua. Situated East from Biak, Kotabaru was a crosspoint between anywhere in Indonesia, to anywhere on the Pacific, granting the city’s popular name as ‘last point’. The city grew inhabitants after the discovery of multiple precious mines in Papua’s northern mountain region. However, due to the city’s rough terrain, most of the populous build a new town West of Kotabaru, where Liberty Space Station was transformed into a bustling city.

    Tembagapura was popular because of one enterprise: ‘Freeport’. As Freeport found gold near the town, a massive influx of American mining companies, with also locals in competition, joined the pursuit in searching for gold in the Southern part of Papua’s Maoke Mountain Range. Tembagapura outshone Timika by the start of the 80s, that Timika was organised as one of Tembagapura’s municipalities. The city’s expansion started to move West, while East remained blocked for civilian construction due to Lorentz National Park.

    Albeit those two locations, Southern Papua has started to gain trends for the next wave of Papuan immigration. With relatively flat lands in the South, the Carter Administration has invested nearly a billion dollars in constructing a new Space Center. Merauke, Tanamerah and Kota Mappi has been flooded with immigrants, seeking for having a fortune in the most profitable region in Indonesia.

    All of these cities, designed architecture that completely copied the Western-style in the 70s. As most of them were purposed to appeal to foreign investors to feel like ‘home’, Federal Districts new development plans have been drawn similarly to American architecture. Sometimes, European architecture was also involved, particularly in lowlands such as Jakarta, when LKY’s governance even proposed a Dutch canal system.

    Jakarta, Batam and all of the examples was nicknamed as ‘first-tier cities’. These cities were already in progress from Nasution’s government, and Subandrio agreed on continuing as it is. They were constructed in ‘layers’ of zones, each zone was distinctive. Central cities, Zone A, was full of public transports, compact roads with red lights, and massive pavements. Zone A would be filled in office spaces, government buildings, and most national monuments. Zone B, residential zone, would have roads as broad as possible, common interactions with layered interchanges, and massive bus network. Such as Grogol and Cempaka Putih, houses filled the vast lands, and toll roads connected the city centre with the houses. Zone C, industrial zone, would have designated truck lanes, and a heavy network of public transport. Seaports, airports and cargo stations would be located here, giving less pollution towards the inner cities.

    Plans of the New, Integrate it with the Old

    Meanwhile, cities that were planned after Nasution’s downfall was called ‘second-tier cities’. These cities, ultimately, was far more complicated than their older generation. LKY mirrored from Singapore and decided that old blends with new were enticing and fascinating. Therefore, he invited local engineers to construct an exceptional style of architecture, that only Singapore can have it. This era of building was called ‘Nusantara Architecture’ and has gained prominence after Subandrio’s term.


    I Gusti Ngurah Rai Airport, in Denpasar, Bali. It blends native Bali pura with modern architecture

    These second-tier cities would erect structures that would increase the city’s allure. As a result, they assimilate modern architecture with traditional ones and combine it to create a unique style. Originated in Singapore, they built apartment complexes that were typical and captivating. This variety of architecture spread throughout new booming cities. Jogjakarta, Surabaya and Semarang started to decorate their cities with amazing touch, giving Indonesia much more colour than monotonous first-tier cities.

    Unfortunately, these type of cities were still uncommon in 1984, as they just gained attention on the start of 1980s. Moreover, the government prioritize spending in Federal Districts, which most of them constructed by the first-tier ideas. In addition to it, 1986 would mark a point of change in Indonesia.

    This would be the penultimate chapter for East Asian Community, as the next chapter would wrap up the EAC Organization. The next chapter would focus on foreign events all across the world. Trust me, the world post-1984 is interesting.
    East Asian Community Part 13: Benefits and Growth of an Organization
  • East Asian Community: A Good Start for East Asian Integration

    East Asian Community is an economic bloc to reduce trade tariffs. EAC originated as a Free Trade Bloc amongst anti-Chinese sentiment across the West Pacific, and to increase relations with pro-American nations. As a start, the EAC also paved way for PATO or Hawaii Pact. In the early years of EAC, the organization was led by dominant Japan. In later years, more and more successor have risen to become equal.

    Barely a year of existence, the East Asian Community has contributed so much into the fast growth of East Asia. Initiated by Japanese Prime Minister Taiyo Mimura wanted to decrease economic tariffs to close friends, especially as the JSP agenda was mainly about fixing the nation’s welfare and healthcare. Moreover, Taiyo Mimura was the first prime minister of Japan, which suggested open borders for immigration, the first time any Japanese leader proposed in history.

    After the Korean War and the Vietnam War, Japan was the first Asian nation to be in full speed for developing. As the country proceeded to experience a prolonged economic boom, Japan needed more resources to continue the trend. Korea was Japan’s first target to befriend, but the Rising Sun never knew that the significant Japanese market originated elsewhere; Indonesia. Indonesia was the Japanese largest market that they can get; proximity and history may bond Indonesia into a better relation, although history may reveal dark Japanese histories. Due to that, Japan also preferred this economic friendship as one way to give its best apology towards the nations tortured during WW2.

    Moreover, Indonesia was not alone. As part of the Spratly League, Japan also invited South Vietnam and the Philippines to join the EAC. Although the Philippines initially wasn’t eager on economic integration, they reluctantly accept as South Vietnam agreed. Fortunately, Marcos had determined his greatest choice, as Japan has outstandingly aid economic boom on Maritime SEA for the last two years.

    Korea, as time passes by, has become Japan’s junior partner in EAC. As Korea has been industrialized the nation rapidly, its status has risen to be on par with Japan. Korea has built the devastated the former-communist lands into southern development equals. A united Korea has made the nation experienced an economic miracle, a miracle much similar to Japan years prior. As Korea thrived in constructing electrical companies, they too started to arrive in the South East Asian market, competing with the dominant Japanese base.


    Suncheon in 1978

    Japan and Korea, in 1984, was an industrialized-based nation. Industry, processing and heavy-metal machinery had become the largest economic sector in those nations, and they can be said as new first-world nations. However, due to the high industrialized society, they require high raw products. These products can be found, conveniently, in South East Asia. Although Indonesia was catching up in terms of industrialization, it was nothing comparing to Japan. Moreover, South Vietnam and the Philippines was even trying to get out from outdated agriculture systems.


    Saigon 1980

    The trade was simple, Japan and Korea would assist South East Asian nations to build their industry, while in return they receive lowered tariffs in raw resources. Besides, multinational companies, especially from Japan, may enter into the markets of the south, dominating them in several sectors of the market. For example, as there was no widespread automotive industry available anywhere around South East Asia, Japanese car manufacture had used this opportunity to expand the market there. Toyota, Nissan and Honda all are competing for the same market, and Japanese cars flooded to Indonesia. In the last semester of 1984, Toyota had launched almost 100,000 cars to be sold in Indonesia. In industry, Toyota had also leased thirty hectares of land in Cakung, a new industrial zone Subandrio government had just opened.


    Toyota factory in Cakung, 1984
    The other one was electrical appliances industry. Companies like Sharp, Panasonic and Nikon had infiltrated the market as the leading electronic appliances enterprises. Nikon specialized in optical instruments, such as a camera. Another business tends to expand its specialities, ranging from home appliances like refrigerators and air conditioners to office uses like computers and telephones. They flooded the market in EAC. Just barely a year, Indonesia has seen momentous effects.

    Despite all the benefits EAC could give, some felt EAC was Japan’s discreet methods of neo-imperialism. In Korea, a small radical group despised Korea’s entry to the EAC, seeing as Japan’s new imperialism method. In the Philippines, several anti-Japanese demonstrators had burnt offices. Fortunately, in Indonesia, this protest was minimum to no existence.

    The EAC was all fine and dandy and were peaceful also. Meanwhile, Japan introduced its plans regarding expansion. In 7th October 1984, Japan’s EAC committee declared that Australia was invited to the EAC. Although Australia’s political force was mainly southern-drive, some Labor-Liberal bureaucrats approved of an economic gift from the land up North. Moreover, Australia was feeling jealous of Indonesia’s rapid growth inside the EAC, while Australia still had ongoing political crises that harmed its economy. Most of EAC members approved Australia’s entrance, except Indonesia whom for some hatred still dwells.

    The anti-Australian sentiment in Indonesia came from old-guard politicians, mostly from PNI-R and PRD members. The war was still evident and plain for old politicians. Some elder, although felt the cost of war, forgave the enemies, and later joined up with a younger generation of politicians. This faction became the liberal faction of Indonesia, mostly as PPP and PPI politicians. So, PNI-R members orchestrated demonstration demanding Indonesia to reject Australia’s entrance towards the EAC. The government neglected the demand, stating that we all could never pick. Moreover, friendship is better than conflict. Luckily, the protesters were not as sound or organized, therefore its struggle immediately vanquished in vain.


    Anti-Japanese Protestors in front of the Governor Building in Majapahit State
    Another issue that comes up with EAC membership is Taiwan’s appeal on joining the EAC. Japan never really processed the offer, as they still were afraid of China. Although how weak China has become due to purges Madame Mao has held, China is still a strong nation. Moreover, Japan’s politicians had even determined to make China in EAC, as it would give Japanese corporation a huge market expansion. Chiang Ching Kuo, Taiwan’s President, had tried numerous times to make his nation a part of EAC. However, Japan never really listened to his request. Besides, Japan preferred to have good relations with its primary trading partner in South East Asia, all of them had grudges with Taiwanese actions in the South China Sea.

    The EAC, despite just being established, has granted a boost for economic growth in South East Asia. It kept the trend for most of the decade, as East Asia stayed calm and peaceful.

    As promised, next chapter would be entirely about foreign events.
    Independence Day Edition
  • Independence Edition

    16 August 2045; 11.30 PM; WS -8 UTC
    Nieuw Amsterdam, Federal State of Suriname, Federal Republic of Indonesia

    Adhif is playing with his brother on his home. His father is the Governor of Suriname, and he is attending the incoming 100th Anniversary of Indonesia. In this day, most children would stay at home and celebrate in the morning after. However, officials need to follow exactly the time in Jakarta, which was 10.30 AM at Western Indonesia Time.

    Adhif notices the city’s roads full of national flag holograms, speeches about presidents before. What he notices quickly is one certain President Raymond Hutahuruk, the man who incorporated Suriname into Indonesia.

    We welcome Suriname, who have wished to join us on the recent referendum. We shared a common history, the Netherlands as our colonizer, and also centuries of colonial oppression. They were granted independence after the decolonization efforts of the colonizer, yet the people were still oppressed by the government successor. Even if the people of Suriname control their own country, they do not control the government.

    I hope when we conjoin ourselves as citizens of Indonesia, we would experience better and thorough progress of all, especially for the people of Suriname. We will progress equal growth amongst all spans of Indonesia, regardless of distance from the capital.

    He later changes his broadcast news into a more recent one, this time with Governor Muhammad Adhimaz Fikatan, his father, as the centre of attention. His father is wearing Javanese clothes, suitable for Adhif’s family descendants. He hears the next sentence, which in the surprise of Adhif, he finally could see what he has wished for.

    For the President of the Federal Republic of Indonesia, Mr Muhammad Jonathan Trihandoko, please stand into the independence podium.

    He can see the President rise from his seat, it was almost noon in Nusakota. Adhif can see the President’s wife, and also the Vice President. The Vice President, unbeknownst by Adhif, is an elderly woman. But then, when he sees the Vice President’s husband, he will elate in gladness, as all Indonesia would ever chant for.

    Former President Maximillian Bambang Hendarto!

    He remembers what his father had told him about the Former President, the youngest presidents of all time in Indonesia, barely passed 40 upon his election. He was a savage in foreign relations, killing those who mocked and insult Indonesia, and even incite infighting amongst enemies. He was the one who restored Indonesia’s image, after being tarnished with years of instability, corruption, and stagnation. Moreover, he was the first Chinese-descendant president and the first Catholic president.

    He could speak on and on for the Former President, but the news cut his thoughts.

    Preparation for the Ceremony of Commemorating the 100th Anniversary of Indonesian Independence. Ladies and Gentlemen, please stand up.

    He, along with everyone in the living room, stand up. His mind also is assured, that he guaranteed no one by this city does not stand up on this.

    17 August 2045; 08.00 AM; WIB +8 UTC
    Hendarto Lunar Station, Federal Territories of the Moon, Pacific Scientific Alliance (Part of PATO)

    Located on the dark side of the Moon, Hendarto Lunar Station is busying themselves with antenna-checkings, satellite feeds, and monitor re-adjustments. The location is exactly three miles from the historic Bahari IV Landings, the one that changed the course of Pacific history. Now, the three hectares of productive space is used for scientific research, industrial mining, and outer-space defence initiative.

    Engineer Elan Baturah is eating his mutton steak. For the first time in a few years, he can savour anything outside of potatoes, chickens and weeds. Recent launches from Liberty Space Station granted the Indonesian habitants extra meals for enjoying the independence day. Elan is just finishing his chilli sauce when the intercom sounds.

    Hello, this is Station Administrator Colonel Dmitry Chernyshevsky. In commemorating the independence day of the Federal Republic of Indonesia, all workers of the said nationality may have their day off for today. The Union of Soviet Democratic Republics sends their highest regard to the state of Indonesia.

    Hello, this is the Radio Administrator Major John Stanford Willows. The radio for the next four hours ahead would be dedicated fully for commemorating Indonesia’s independence. Therefore, all satellite and transmitter must be a 030 heading. On behalf of the North American Union, we express the highest regard for Indonesia’s independence commemoration.

    That’s all for today folks, thank you and God Bless.

    Just after the intercom stops abrupt, nearly all Indonesian personnel shout in cheers. But then, the intercom immediately interrupts.

    Remember that you need to follow the ceremony in Nusakota.

    Elan, and his other friends, sigh in despair. Although weak gravity makes standing an easier task. Elan must go out, with other dozens of Indonesians, to the Northeastern side of the base, where the Indonesian flag stands tall. They should stand there, probably for half an hour.

    Just after that, the base went just into normal. Elan is stopped by Aimi, his coworker and girlfriend. She stops his move. “Elan, your mother is reaching for you.”

    Elan sighs, his mother reaching him is not the greatest celebration. It would be another session of motherly rants.

    17 August 2045; 09.00 AM; CST +8 UTC
    Haishenwai, People’s Republic of China

    Foreign Minister of China, Yi Chen Xiong, feels great envy towards the Indonesian upcoming celebration of independence. Every 1st of October, the entire nation would rally up for the National Holiday of the worker’s struggle. Almost nearly every China people would stand up and sing the anthem. Every 17th of August, not the entire nation of Indonesia would celebrate for their Independence Day. But, after their bravery and perseverance, that day is gained interest by other nationalities. In conclusion, the Independence Day of Indonesia was celebrated also in other countries. Yi is seeing the direct implications of it when the Soviet RT News publicize the proceedings for the independence ceremony of Indonesia.

    China is currently one of the superpowers of the world, becoming a model for internationalism and socialism, along with her allies. Yet, despite that, China could not convey a similar frightening power, like those during the British times, and the Soviet vs US times in the post-WW2 stages. China is now struggling in Asia itself, with influence everywhere East of Yunnan would be under PATO’s umbrella. They almost succeed their hyperpower ambitions, yet destroyed by a single man, none other than wretched Hendarto. Now, the chances are all gone.

    ‘Sir, the Indonesians do celebrate their day with style, especially that other countries are watching it also. We China are embarrassed by it.’
    ‘Don’t lose spirit, comrade. China will always be the number one nation in the world. We will portray ourselves as true socialism. We have succeeded in many parts of the world. We will succeed again someday.’
    ‘Sir. I thought the ones that made China such this is none other than the traitor itself.’
    ‘Yes. Facially Chinese, but heartily Indonesian. I can’t stand of that name Hendarto.’

    Now, Yi is trying to negotiate with Foreign Minister Kim, with attempts to ally Korea into the Chinese network of an alliance.

    17 August 2045; 02.30 AM; EET +2 UTC
    Dybbøl, Kingdom of Denmark

    Ambassador Rita Antaria is driving towards the Denmark-German border and stopped at Dybbøl for an Indonesian friend there. Although Rita is trying to improve with the Germans, many people still shocked on the past betrayals of Germany towards Denmark. Scars of wars hurt also for these people, that because Germany ever invaded Denmark in 1864, and later after Germany’s betrayal.

    Indonesia’s Law must oblige politicians and government officials to stand perfectly for commemorating the independence day of Indonesia, regardless of time zones. She is trying to her friend to do the necessities.

    17 August 2045; 10.30 AM; WIB +8 UTC
    Nusakota, District Capital of Kutai Negara, Federal Republic of Indonesia

    ‘Everyone, attention!’

    President Jonathan Trihandoko, along with Vice President and all his companions in the podium, stands up for the celebration of the 100th anniversary. They waited for the National Flag Hoisting Troop (Paskibraka) to prepare the waving of the flag. While three Paskibra march for the long way towards the pole, Trihandoko flashed towards the Indonesian histories.

    His father would have a Muslim wife and gave birth towards three sons, Iqbal, Richard, and Muhammad. Being the last of the three, he was cared the most by his father. In the father’s devotion towards the country, his mother would take care of all of the children, instilling Muslim values and preaches towards the next generation.

    The death of his father would trigger him into entering politics. His father’s party endorsed his father’s policies, but he was annoyed with his father’s party stances against then leader. The leader was a corrupt official, yet he ascended into the central government, and even to the highest of the leadership.

    He switched into the enemies of the party. And rise within the ranks of the party. He was a close associate of Hendarto, with that his popularity rises also.

    He is trying to remember the past when the commander immediately speaks. The flag has been set.
    ‘Everyone, Present Arms!’
    Everyone then sings the national anthem.

    Indonesia tanah airku,
    Tanah tumpah darahku,
    Di sanalah aku berdiri,
    Jadi pandu ibuku.

    Indonesia kebangsaanku,
    Bangsa dan tanah airku,
    Marilah kita berseru,
    Indonesia bersatu.

    Hiduplah tanahku,
    Hiduplah negeriku,
    Bangsaku, Rakyatku, semuanya,
    Bangunlah jiwanya,
    Bangunlah badannya,
    Untuk Indonesia Raya.

    Indonesia, tanah yang mulia,
    Tanah kita yang kaya,
    Di sanalah aku berdiri,
    Untuk selama-lamanya.

    Indonesia, tanah pusaka,
    Pusaka kita semuanya,
    Marilah kita mendoa,
    Indonesia bahagia.

    Suburlah tanahnya,
    Suburlah jiwanya,
    Bangsanya, Rakyatnya, semuanya,
    Sadarlah hatinya,
    Sadarlah budinya,
    Untuk Indonesia Raya.

    Indonesia, tanah yang suci,
    Tanah kita yang sakti,
    Di sanalah aku berdiri,
    Jaga ibu sejati.

    Indonesia, tanah berseri,
    Tanah yang aku sayangi,
    Marilah kita berjanji,
    Indonesia abadi.

    Selamatlah rakyatnya,
    Selamatlah putranya,
    Pulaunya, lautnya, semuanya,
    Majulah Negerinya,
    Majulah pandunya,
    Untuk Indonesia Raya.

    Indonesia Raya,
    Merdeka, merdeka,
    Tanahku, negeriku yang kucinta!
    Indonesia Raya,
    Merdeka, merdeka,
    Hiduplah Indonesia Raya.

    At the end of the song, the President can see all the 100 years of history unfolds in his eyes. It is truly an exhilarating moment.

    Happy Indonesian Independence Day Folks!

    Next up, we would return on foreign situations all across the world circa Subandrio's second term.