Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL

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Blue Revolution Part 1: UNCLOS
  • Blue Revolution: How Indonesia quickly succeed Japan as the Asian Master of the Seas
    Prabowo Purnawan


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    KRI (Kapal Republik Indonesia) Col. Heru Hendropriyono , a Bonjol-Class (adopted from US Adams-Class) of Navy Vessel of Indonesia. Commissioned in 1969, famous for several of his sea campaigns, and the first destroyer to exist in Indonesian Navy

    The forthcoming of 1970 was truly an amazing progress for the livelihood of every person in Indonesia. From then a guerrilla society fought for anti-imperialism and colonial discrimination, now an extensively large native nation already growing as a regional power. Similar to what the United States of America had grown during their early independence years, Indonesia fought a war against a great power. The difference was, Indonesia won.

    After the Treaty of Darwin, Indonesia extended to more than two million square kilometers in area, yet disconnected due to various sea in between. The land was effectively Indonesia, but the seas were still international waters. In Indonesia, the territory of the Republic of Indonesia then still referred to the 1939 Dutch Indies Ordinance, namely the Zeeën en Maritieme Kringen Ordonantie 1939 (TZMKO 1939). In the Dutch East Indies regulations, the islands of the Archipelago were separated by the surrounding sea and each island only had a sea around 3 miles from the coastline. This means that foreign ships can freely sail the sea that separates the islands. Therefore, potential naval invasion was clearly possible, and the government of Indonesia could not do anything about it. Djuanda, years before the Darwin Treaty, had pressed that the law prejudiced maritime nations, and a revision must be created, which he declared Djuanda’s Declaration.

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    The Sea Borders according to the TZMKO 1939

    The contents of the Djuanda Declaration, drafted on November 13, 1959, revised on April 4 1961, state:
    • That Indonesia states as an island nation that has its own style
      [*]That since a long time ago, the archipelago has been a unity
      [*]The provisions of the 1939 Ordinance concerning Ordinance, can divide the territorial integrity of Indonesia from the declaration containing a purpose:
      [*]To realize the shape of the territory of the Federal Republic of Indonesia which is whole and round
      [*]To determine the territorial boundaries of the Republic of Indonesia, in accordance with the principles of the Archipelago
      [*]To regulate the shipping traffic that is more secure ensuring the security and safety of the Republic of Indonesia.

    In the midst of the war with the Commonwealth, the borders of Indonesia expanded in the seas. As a result, justified attacks towards Australian and British convoys were legalized for the Navy. With British superiority on naval theater, the Indonesian Navy managed to sunk a sum of convoys during the mid-stage of the war. Yet, progress was still few, as Wilopo was scared of the annihilation of the entire Navy if they convened a high-risk raiding. When the Americans intervened things went exactly on the favor to Indonesians. The joint US-Indonesian Navy conducted battles in these ‘Indonesian seas’ and mainly won. United Kingdom requested a UN embargo to Indonesia, as they were attacking on international waters. But, since the Americans were involved, the UN decided to back down the issue, but condemn the UK that had been having atrocities in Papua.

    After the Treaty of Darwin, the United States was revealed on how important sea borders was to the integrity of the nation. Besides, the US still owned a number of islands in several oceans, and notable of them located strategically on geopolitical rivals. Kennedy already promoted an international agreement regarding the sea problem in 1962. But because the situations in Europe and in the midst of the war, the projected convention largely turned into a failure. In the second Convention, the United States gave a total attention, and it replied with the UNCLOS II 1968.

    The convention set the limit of various areas, measured from a carefully defined baseline. (Normally, a sea baseline follows the low-water line, but when the coastline is deeply indented, has fringing islands or is highly unstable, straight baselines may be used.) The areas are as follows:

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    Internal waters
    Covers all water and waterways on the landward side of the baseline. The coastal state is free to set laws, regulate use, and use any resource. Foreign vessels have no right of passage within internal waters. A vessel in the high seas assumes jurisdiction under the internal laws of its flag State. Pursuit of a ship by the Coastal State may only take place in the internal waters and is required to end when reaching the contiguous zone.

    Territorial waters
    Out to 12 nautical miles (22 kilometers; 14 miles) from the baseline, the coastal state is free to set laws, regulate use, and use any resource. Vessels were given the right of innocent passage through any territorial waters, with strategic straits allowing the passage of military craft as transit passage, in that naval vessels are allowed to maintain postures that would be illegal in territorial waters. "Innocent passage" is defined by the convention as passing through waters in an expeditious and continuous manner, which is not "prejudicial to the peace, good order or the security" of the coastal state. Fishing, polluting, weapons practice, and spying are not "innocent", and submarines and other underwater vehicles are required to navigate on the surface and to show their flag. Nations can also temporarily suspend innocent passage in specific areas of their territorial seas, if doing so is essential for the protection of their security.

    Archipelagic waters
    A baseline is drawn between the outermost points of the outermost islands, subject to these points being sufficiently close to one another. All waters inside this baseline are designated Archipelagic Waters. The state has sovereignty over these waters (like internal waters), but subject to existing rights including traditional fishing rights of immediately adjacent states. Foreign vessels have right of innocent passage through archipelagic waters (like territorial waters).

    Contiguous zone
    Beyond the 12-nautical-mile (22 km) limit, there is a further 12 nautical miles (22 km) from the territorial sea baseline limit, the contiguous zone, in which a state can continue to enforce laws in four specific areas: customs, taxation, immigration and pollution, if the infringement started within the state's territory or territorial waters, or if this infringement is about to occur within the state's territory or territorial waters. This makes the contiguous zone a hot pursuit area.

    Exclusive economic zones (EEZs)
    These extend 200 nautical miles (370 kilometers; 230 miles) from the baseline. Within this area, the coastal nation has sole exploitation rights over all natural resources. In casual use, the term may include the territorial sea and even the continental shelf. The EEZs were introduced to halt the increasingly heated clashes over fishing rights, although oil was also becoming important. The success of an offshore oil platform in the Gulf of Mexico in 1947 was soon repeated elsewhere in the world, and by 1970 it was technically feasible to operate in waters 4,000 meters deep. Foreign nations have the freedom of navigation and overflight, subject to the regulation of the coastal states. Foreign states may also lay submarine pipes and cables.

    Continental shelf
    The continental shelf is defined as the natural prolongation of the land territory to the continental margin's outer edge, or 200 nautical miles (370 km) from the coastal state's baseline, whichever is greater. A state's continental shelf may exceed 200 nautical miles (370 km) until the natural prolongation ends. However, it may never exceed 350 nautical miles (650 kilometers; 400 miles) from the baseline; or it may never exceed 100 nautical miles (190 kilometers; 120 miles) beyond the 2,500-meter isobaths (the line connecting the depth of 2,500 meters). Coastal states have the right to harvest mineral and non-living material in the subsoil of its continental shelf, to the exclusion of others. Coastal states also have exclusive control over living resources "attached" to the continental shelf, but not to creatures living in the water column beyond the exclusive economic zone.


    Since the enaction of these sea laws alleviate the importance of Indonesia’s two armed forces, the Navy and the Coast Guard. In before these branches found difficulties in optimizing their tasks. Now, nearly everything inside the archipelago is Indonesia. Navy would repel any hostile ships, while the Coast Guard skirmishes any piracy along the coasts. However, the sea laws that was put into effect also resulted into the largest crisis in the history of South East Asia, the Malaccan Crisis, which happened on 23rd March 1971. Nevertheless, UNCLOS gave a new meaning on sea exploration, and thus also legalize further off-shore drilling in observed potential zones like East Kalimantan Coasts,or North Brunei Coasts.
     
    Blue Revolution Part 2: Hatta's Revelation
  • The 1969 Election was beginning to hype up. Political parties had started to campaign again. The Political Act of 1967 diminished any provocative measures of campaign that could be done by parties. A distinct characteristic of a military-led government was mainly stability as the foremost, therefore the act was immediately passed. Nasution, as President, was mainly predicted to win the election. But for Hatta, he was resigning.

    For him, the age of 60 was a demoralized number. Mostly in Indonesia, the age of 60 was old. The physical capabilities on that age was far from their youth eras, and mainly would affect the work performance of one’s abilities, especially when the man was the Premier of Indonesia. So, he had informed his party that after the election had been held, he would resign and left politics. In Hatta’s mind, however, the reason why he left was affected by what had happened to Sukarno in 1963.

    --------------------------------​
    Brother,

    It has been a long time that I have involved in politics, and met you in person. My exile to Ende, my old house-arrest mansion, have been a pleasure to my retiring life. It is already six years of my exit, and I felt relaxed, actually. Indeed, my resignation was controversial. Abandoning the nation in the state of war, surely no war leader has ever performed. Neglecting my duties as President of Indonesia, is an infamy indeed. But, this was not why I wrote this letter for. Instead, I want to reveal the true reason why I left politics.

    Back then in 1962, I was a leader at the utmost eclipse of popularity. Leading a war that was finally winning, a war against the largest European empire in history of mankind. Struggling to fight against the true core of imperialism, truthfully that was my awaited dream. Because of that, you may have noticed my tendency towards left-wing or left-leaning politics. Communism, likewise, was the ideology you loathed, but I adored. For me, Communism could go hand in hand with Pancasila. Our core virtues of an Indonesian Culture lives within Gotong Royong, which was one Communist values.

    Me entering into PKI, was my choice. I really aspired a strong left government with the help of PKI, the best party for me. I was achieving to create a great PKI for Indonesia, akin to Yugoslavia, and China. These two nations, with two great leaders, became my both inspiration and prospective allies. But that soon changed.

    What I really upset for is China. China, under the leadership of Mao, ruled under the system of a communal society, what I had tried to succeed. The solidarity and persistence of the Chinese people I adored. Nevertheless, after our ambassador reported Mao’s move for the rapid change of allegiance of Mongolia, led to China’s future annexation of it. It initially disgusted me as a democratic leader. The rough ‘coup d’état’, although still maintain the sovereignty of the Mongolian People’s Republic, they concluded with a promise of China’s annexation in 1970. The previous Jamsrangiin Sambuu was pro-Soviet leader, albeit close friends to Mao. He advocated a strong communist alliance with all supporters, but also advocated the reunification of Mongolia’s lost territories, which were held by China. Mao, livid by it, decided to teach Sambuu a lesson, which then overthrew him ‘democratically’ by a Great Khural vote and elected Yumjaagiin Tsedenbal, staunchest pro-Mao. As an act of gratitude, he promised a Mongolian admission to PRC, and bargain with Yumjaagiin’s position for Secretary for Mongolia Autonomous Region (Inner+Outer).

    PKI’s allegiance to support the new Chinese expansion was not my deepest concern. We also trialed that cause, with the Aggression War to Australia, and the Treaty of Darwin confirmed it. I before dreamt for a united Austronesia, from Madagascar to Easter Island, from Taiwan to Tasmania. However, as the circumstances had given, my ambitious vision went nowhere. On the contrary, there were two subsequent actions which left me in total frustration for the ideology.

    After the success in Mongolia, China decided to abandon Russia’s, her northern ally, and form a similar-but-different communism. For Karl Marx, which application was re-introduced in Khrushchev era, the proletariat were the urban working class, which was determined in the revolution by which the bourgeoisie overthrew feudalism. For Mao Zedong, the proletariat were the millions of peasants, to whom he referred as the popular masses. In other words, while Marxism called for the laborers, Mao called the entire Chinese mass as proletariat, meaning there would be no difference in all of China. So, his actions led to believe that religion was against his views, and that led to the first wave of genocide in Sinkiang.

    Yes, since 1962, projected plans of eradication of stubborn Uyghur faithful has been conducted. It was estimated that by 1970, Islam would drastically reduce in the region. Other similar plans, like removing the Dalai Lama from any influence, was also created. In other words, China was communist on front, but extreme fascism on their interior. It is highly disturbing that my so-called comrades were killing beloved believers of Muhammad only to declare them pertinacious on their belief.

    Then, not long after the projected plans was leaked, Yugoslavia too, had somewhat similar plans. I yet unconfirmed whether Tito had briefed such plans, but the Serbs planned a discrete eradication of ethnic Albanians from the Kosovo region. For the ethnically diverse European nation, Kosovo was the largest thorn of them all, uttering all means of separation from Yugoslavia, especially from Serbian hands. After that, we would note several killings that have been done, and maybe someday those sin would be exposed.

    Since then, I questioned communism. The Soviet Union, famous for seize Poland, a friend and ally of him, was truly a traitor too untrustworthy to partner. China was too greedy to befriend. Yugoslavia was too prudish of their forms of diversity. These nations were all examples of a ‘successful’ Communist nation, and I truly regret of joining as one of them.

    I hope you still weren’t mad at me after all this time, and hope for a reconciliation between our older selves. For the end note, I hope your retirement will go as planned.

    Sukarno

    --------------------------------
    After Hatta read the letter, he immediately caught up a plan for his ending. It later was addressed on the Assembly months before the election, and his same address would mark the start of a PUP-PGI drama, which revolved around Indonesia until the 1990s. The plan would affect greatly on one region that was having their greatest crisis, and open up for better tolerance in Indonesian society.

    ===============
    I, having read again my own TL, has decided to finally clear up what had made Sukarno resign. The reasons before then were unspoken, but now, at least this is viable. In other words, he regret having involved in communist policies, the same policies he supported even since post-independence.

    For the cliff-hanger on the ending, here's a quick spoiler.
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    Blue Revolution Part 3: PUP
  • PUP, 28 May Incident, and the Rise of Subandrio

    If the Indonesians wanted to determine the start of a new system, the 1969 was a good start. The election would have a three months long duration, from the Legislative Election for the Regional and Representative Council in August, and the Presidential Election in November. Both of those elected officials, legislative and executive, would be inaugurated in January 6. And campaigning was restricted to as long as one year prior until as short as one month prior. Because of that, during those campaigning years, many parties competed in attracting ballots.

    The Progressive Union Party was one. As a party essentially ‘crabbed’ by the PGI. The PUP had sworn to change this by the next election. As a party of Hatta, the PUP never actually struggled to gain voters. A strong base for Revolutionary Spirit of 1945 - the one those fired during 10 November 1945 in Surabaya, or Bandung during the Bandung Sea of Fire, and during the General Offensive of 1st March- had been established for five years.

    For now, the PGI have introduced the 1965 Generation, a generation where Indonesians felt their proud and prestige in overcoming the United Kingdom in a war, and unifying most of Melayunesia. However, the 1965s would sometimes clash with the 1945s, mainly because of several differences. For once, the 1945s were people of the independence era. They stood up against allied aggression, and made their way towards independence. In other words, they were strictly anti-imperialism, and also non-aligned folks. The 1965s were slightly different, they also hated imperialism, but not nationalism. For them, uniting Austronesia, like what had done in Treaty of Darwin, was a natural act of nationalism. Furthermore, they also advocate a strong centralized government, differ from the 1945s which prefer a decentralized government.

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    Linguistic Map of Austonesia, in PGI context, Australia and Papua were often included to unite them as one Austronesia Realm. In some devious ways, PGI named their own manifesto Pax Australia (Not to be confused with Australia, an UK Dominion)

    Other strong distinction of these two generations was how they treated the little continental bit in South East Asia, Malaya. For the 1965, Malaya must be kept on their own. The former British Malaya was better than Indonesia in all aspects, except race-equality. Nearly everything, infrastructure, administration, industry and even farming was already accommodated by the former colonial government. For instance, that specific reason was why the government, particularly 1965 PGIs, thought that incorporating Malaya roundly into the Indonesian realm would contribute great consequences, one of them was shifting the power to Malaya, rather than Java. For the PGIs, Java was a sacred symbol for Indonesia. They would do everything to stop asserting Outer-Java influence from the government, that also included Hatta’s presence as Premier. As a result, PGI’s main policy towards incorporating the region, was ‘give them space, until we can out-pace them’.

    For the PUPs, they had a different drastic approach. The reason why we should avoid Malaya was the same reason why we should hurry in incorporating it. Malaya’s resources were sufficient enough to run their own, but that could be diverted to assist Indonesia’s growth as a whole. As one example, the rubber and oil industry in Malaya was already developed to actually sustain US foreign demands in constructing Papua. So, what PUP had thought of was giving in some places for Malayan public figures, which Hatta would later on… The 1945 Spirit was thought to be reclining, Hatta thought. The 1965 had nearly swept the whole archipelago, mainly increasing an expansion view to a certain place in Africa. In addition to it, the whole Java was seemingly ‘sanctified’ by the PGI. No other islands combined were much importance than Java itself. For Hatta, a new discrimination was getting out of hand, and it must be contained. Luckily, he knew exactly how because of a certain crisis.

    The crisis of Malaya, had already happened back from the colonial years. For some time, a general gap between ethnic Malays and Chinese had taken place. Ethnic Chinese lived majorly in the small islands south of the Peninsula, Singapore Islands. Ethnic Malays dwelt everywhere else, in the mainland Peninsula, or even the Borneo portion. Chinese were extremely crowded in the island, not like the sparse Malays. Therefore, the population proportion in total was quite equal. Indeed, the Chinese had traditionally better economic affluence and the Malays tended to be poorer.

    The plan on granting a Federal Malaya from the British really scared these two ethnics. However, those were scrapped after the Indonesian had acquired them. As a compromise between these two ethnics, Malaya and Singapore was split apart. However, what the Malays unable to accept was the status of Singapore as SEZ, while in Malaysia, only Penang and Malacca were given. Even Penang, located north-east of the peninsula, were also had high Chinese diaspora. In Singapore, groups of Malays living there had growing tension with them now as the minority. Lee Kuan Yew, a Singaporean political activist, adopted non-communal politics whereby it called for equality for all regardless of race or religion. However, the Malays demanded the provision of exclusive privileges for the bumiputeras (indigenous Malays in Malaya). For provocative purposes, these ethnic bubbles were supported by those in State of Malaya, where led by Governor Abdul Rahman. Then, not long, the riots began.

    The 28 May Incident, happened after the celebration of Mawlid (Birth) of the Prophet.

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    According to the NOC official report, at around 6 pm, fist fights broke out in Setapak between a group of Malays from Gombak travelling to the rally and Chinese bystanders who taunted them, and this escalated into bottle and stone throwing. News of the fighting then reached the gathering crowd in Jalan Raja Muda, and shortly before 6.30 pm, many Malays broke off from the rallying point at the Chief Minister's house and headed through adjoining Chinese sections. The Malays, armed with parangs and kris, burned cars and shops, killed and looted in the Chinese areas; according to Time, at least eight Chinese were killed in the initial attack. Once violence broke out, it spread rapidly and uncontrollably throughout the city within 45 minutes,to Jalan Campbell, Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman (Batu Road), Kampung Datuk Keramat, Kampung Pandan, Cheras and Kampung Kerinchi.

    Not long, the entire region turned into chaos. Police forces were deployed to Singapore and a state of emergency was being given. Hatta, Premier at that moment, was already knew how to handle the situation, and he gave to his party associate Subandrio.

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    Subandrio was born in Malang, East Java, and educated at the Sekolah Tinggi Kedokteran Jakarta (GHS) in Jakarta. As a medical student he was active in the movement for independence. During World War II, while practicing medicine, he worked with anti-Japanese resistance forces. After the war he was appointed secretary-general of the information ministry.

    After 1945 Subandrio became a supporter of Sukarno, and was sent as Sukarno's special envoy in Europe, establishing an information office in London in 1947. From 1954 to 1956, he was ambassador to the Soviet Union. During this time, he developed strong left wing views, although he was never a Communist as later alleged. After 1956, he was immediately sent home to manage Indonesia’s war effort against UK. During that time, he met Hatta, and quickly became great companions. After 1963, he joined the PUP, and mostly become Hatta’s right-hand man in every occasion. He rallied the people on encouraging socialism, civic nationalism, and social conservatism in his later years. After the war, Subandrio would stay in Indonesia longer, becoming a Malang Senator, or Regional Representative.

    He was given a simple but troubling task by Hatta, settle a compromise in Singapore. For him, this was not an easy task, especially involving two ethnic groups that before had clashed against each other. For three days, he was given time to think about the crisis. For every day he delayed, the crisis spewed even broader. In 4th of June, he given a negotiable peace concession from those battling factions. For the Malays he offered a special treatment from the Indonesian government itself by giving money and regulation subsidies especially for Malay merchants. As a counter-balance, the Singaporean Chinese-descendants were given increasing political rights. Although the Malays refused to accept, they ultimately decided for in the end, and finally peace returned to Singapore.

    For several years, the little Malayan diaspora in the region was slightly funded by the government, called the Bumiputera exclusive rights. However, this was only given in five-year’s time. For the Chinese, their struggle for equality was halted, but by this they also promoted a rising star into Indonesian politics, none other than Lee Kuan Yew.
    Lee Kuan Yew, already an established politician with a conservative view, would join as a PUP member in 1969. An even after just his brief entrance, he would become PUP’s golden boy, by placing him an extremely strategic position in Indonesia, one seat that would cause extensive dramas to the PGI. By the end of the conflict, Subandrio was enacted as national hero of equality, showing the true vigor of just and equal judgement towards the two disputable ethnics.

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    Lee Kuan Yew during a short speech about Singaporean's future in Indonesia
     
    Blue Revolution Part 4: PKI
  • PKI Reformation

    One thing was certain for Indonesia’s politics back then, which was PKI would wrinkle if they kept implementing their same strategy all over again. Although PKI’s had almost a tenth in the Representative Majority, it was a dwarf comparing to the three other parties. In addition to it, PKI’s survival was so dependent on D.N. Aidit, that any controversial issues he had make during speeches, the party’s popularity trembled and fluctuated.

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    Portrait of Dipa Nusantara Aidit

    The other perturbing habits of an Indonesian Communist Party was their revolts. In the course of history, the Communists had revolted two times, in 1926 and in 1948.

    In May 1925, the Exec Committee of the Comintern in a plenary meeting ordered communists in Indonesia to form an anti-imperialist front united with non-communist nationalist organizations, but extremist elements dominated by Alimin & Musso called for a revolution to overthrow the Dutch colonial government. At a conference in Prambanan, Central Java, trade unions controlled by the communists decided that the revolution would start with a strike by the railroad workers who would signal a more general and broad strike for the revolution to begin. This will lead to the PKI which will replace the colonial government.

    In November 1926 the PKI led a rebellion against colonial rule in West Java and West Sumatra. The PKI announced the formation of a republic. Together with Alimin, Musso who was one of the PKI leaders in that era was not in Indonesia. He is in talks with Tan Malaka who does not agree with the rebellion's move. This rebellion was finally brutally crushed by the colonial authorities. Thousands were killed and around 13,000 detained, 4,500 imprisoned, 1,308 of whom party cadres were largely exiled, and 823 were sent to Boven Digul, a detention camp in Papua. Some people died in custody. Many non-communist political activists were also targeted by the colonial government, citing the suppression of the communist uprisings. In 1927 the PKI was declared banned by the Dutch government. Because of this, the PKI then went underground.

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    A picture of the First PKI Generation in Batavia/Jakarta months before the revolt

    During the signing of the Renville Agreement in 1948, the outcome of the Renville negotiation agreement was seen as favorable to the Dutch position. On the contrary, Indonesia has become a disadvantaged party by the narrower area it has. Many Republican armed units returned from conflict zones. This gave some of Indonesia's right-wing beliefs that they would be able to rival the PKI militarily. Guerrilla units and militias under the influence of the PKI were ordered to disperse. In Madiun the PKI military group refused to go along with the disarmament of members who were killed in September of the same year. The murder sparked a violent uprising. This gave a reason to suppress the PKI. This was claimed by military sources that the PKI had announced the proclamation of the 'Soviet Republic of Indonesia' on September 18 by referring to Musso as president and Amir Syarifuddin as prime minister. At the same time the PKI condemned the rebellion and asked for calm. On 30 September Madiun was taken over by the TNI from the Siliwangi Division. Thousands of party cadres were killed and 36 000 jailed. Among the executed leaders included Musso, who was killed on October 31 while captured in Niten Village, Sumorejo District, Ponorogo. Allegedly when Musso tried to escape from prison. Aidit and Lukman went into exile in the People's Republic of China. However, the PKI was not banned and continued to function. Reconstruction of the party began in 1949.

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    The Madiun Revolt in 1948

    In 1950, the PKI resumed its publishing activities, with its main organs being Harian Rakjat and the Bintang Merah. In the 1950s, the PKI took the position of a nationalist party under the leadership of Aidit, and supported anti-colonialist and anti-Western policies adopted by President Soekarno. Aidit and the surrounding groups, including young leaders such as Sudisman, Lukman, Njoto and Sakirman, gained control of the party leadership in 1951. At that time, none of them was more than 30 years old. However, the slow-and-steady PKI rise must be halted with PGI meteoric rise, nearly wipe out PKI chances of further expansion. The lucky PGI managed to seized the position as a better nationalistic party under the leader of Ignatius Joseph Kasimo Hendrowahyono. Even farther, the insult from this party was duplicated after they promoted pan-nationalism and pro-Western policies, everything the PKI hated. Even with Aidit and his wonderful speeches, PKI must bow to PGI since 1950s, until now.

    During the war, PKI’s popularity was gradually increasing. The problems led by a British blockade promote the PKI into discussing several matters against people’s prosperity. As food, money and trade dived low during the war, the PKI had used this opportunity to gain more supporters. Nevertheless, after the war ended, their bases were completely disintegrated as Indonesia deify the PNI as leader of the war, whom which also allied with the PGI. Lost for almost 20 years, and no important seats to ever acclaimed, PKI was anxious. Inner party leaders convened a lot to talk over this situation, and nearly all presented plan ended up with failures. In the eyes of PKI, the PGI party seemed to be indestructible from the outside, and even harder from the inside. The PKI had attempted infiltration to PGI’s base, and no significant results had been given.

    As the election day was nearing, D.N. Aidit was nervous enough of his party’s survival that another extraordinary congress must be held. A 35th Extraordinary Congress in Jakarta, March 3 1969, to consider all issues regarding the party. During the congress, thousands members of PKI were present, and none of them was as appealing as Colonel Untung bin Syamsuri.

    During the war for independence Kusman joined the Sudigdo Battalion in Wonogiri, Solo. Next Military Governor Col. Gatot Soebroto ordered the Sudigdo Battalion to be moved to Cepogo, on the slopes of Mount Merbabu. Then Kusman went to Madiun and joined his friends. After the Madiun incident, Kusman changed his name to Untung Sutopo and entered the TNI through the Military Academy in Semarang. Before being drawn to the Cakrabirawa Regiment, Untung was once the Commander of Battalion 454 / Banteng Raiders based in Srondol, Semarang. This battalion has the same quality and level of legend as Yonif Linud 330 / Kujang and Yonif Linud 328 / Kujang II. During the Australian Agression, Untung would command his battalion into many fights in Papua. The most famous for Battalion 454 was becoming the first Army to arrive and secure the Christmas Island. After the Battle in Christmas Island, he would later be promoted to Colonel.

    After the war ended, he would later gain interests in politics, especially on left politics. He strongly bolstered libertarian-communism, which explains a broad range of economic and political philosophies that emphasize the anti-authoritarian aspects of Marxism. It was a reaction after the authoritarian measures by Mao and Stalin. Thorez was also one libertarian-communism follower, also idolized Rosa Luxemburg, and Untung seemed to favored him.

    Indonesia, was naturally socialist. Gotong Royong, our national symbol, have proved them exactly. Now I ask to all my comrades: Why us, a party supporting socialism and communism, must lose to our arch nemesis of neo-imperialism and pan-nationalism?

    Here is how, my comrades, because we are too inclined to Moscow and Beijing at the same time. Opposition to any policy of the government is our sounding objection to decrease the equality, but also same time leading communism to only a stagnation.

    Join me, comrade Aidit, comrade Djoto, and all comrades in this hall, to threw Comintern to the bin and instead be our own communism, a Indo-communism.
    Colonel Untung bin Syamsuri


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    Colonel Untung with a Military Police escorting him

    During his speech, he also commented that ‘Indo-communism’ will be an upgraded relic for former Sukarno-ism. With his initial Extraordinary Speech, he would rise in the ranks of PKI. This speech also reformed the PKI as a whole. Aidit, completely amazed by his vision, declare a reformation of the party. However, the aftermath of this reformation would start to affect nationally after the PGI’s contentious argument about their post-1969 plan.
     
    Blue Revolution Part 5: '69 Update
  • TEMPO 1969 EXCLUSIVE BEFORE AND AFTER

    The legislative elections of 1969 is here and hot, as four parties has contested in Indonesia, with once extra local party for Papua. With a divided left and one strong right party, Indonesia is given a hard choice when 1970s is on the stake.

    The Party of Greater Indonesia is currently the largest party in Indonesia. Holding nearly two-fifths of the population, the party endorsed a nationalistic stance. If it were established in a fascist era, PGI surely would become one of the largest members of it. Albeit its nationalistic stances, PGI is relatively tolerant to minorities, and actually practices notable socialist economic policies, especially the Golkar faction, which consisted mainly of the military. The radical version of it, the Purple Faction, includes intellectuals and scholars. Many of those people, in fact, react Indonesia’s clear potential greatness as imminent future, and proceed in involving themselves in most ambitious projects nationwide. In spite of the party’s, solid pseudo-secular stance, there is a tiny portion of it, called the ‘Ulamas’ which advocates religious values.

    PGI’s junior partner, the PNI, is another nationalistic party. However, rather than the capitalist, less regulation PGI, PNI strongly views regulation and government control in economic sectors. On the other hand, the PNI favors federalizing more of the nation rather than PGI’s centralizing attitude. In foreign policy, PNI has the greatest advantage as a non-aligned party, something the founding fathers of Indonesia had keen on. So far, PNI still cooperate with the PGI. Within the PNI, there are some factions growing within. The “New Faction” led by Fajar Lubis, is a democratic faction. The faction’s staunch opposition towards Indonesia’s leaning towards the US has make them famous. This faction believes that democracy is not meant to lean only one side of the world, albeit represent the whole world. Therefore, France, Germany and many of South American nations (which were democratically elected until ‘American junta’ arrives) are all a valid nation of democracy and must not be hated. Meanwhile, Wilopo’s bases sticks to pragmatism and instead to real-politics. There is no distinct policy when it comes to Wilopo, it is only maneuvers on opportunist stances.

    PUP is a splinter party from the government, dissatisfied with PGI’s authoritarian behavior and even meddle in domestic policy, when it was actually PUP’s responsible. A center left party, this Hatta party is also a neutral party, uninvolved to any political affiliation happening outside. This party grew up to own a different character of socialism, which is in Indonesian characteristics. The slogan ‘Gotong Royong’ have become somewhat a god spoken symbol and motto for supporters. Nevertheless, this party is nicknamed to be the most ‘racist’ ones, as they are reluctant to appeal Javan and Papuan voters and attract more in Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi, and Lesser Sundas. This strategy still is not a problem because of Hatta’s proclamator status that is widely known in Java. Interestingly, there were no tangible differences that may differ PUP from PNI. Because of that, usually these two parties are considered as half brothers, only to separated with how their relationship with PGI. The party is united under Hatta, and there are no factions forming inside the party.

    PKI, the largest sole communist party in Indonesia, is clinging on for its survival. The Second Phase of the Cold War, which the communist is deeply divided, also gives an effect to the platform. There are three types of Communism, Maoist, Thorezians and Marxist-Stalinist, all of them create the factions in Indonesia. In order of authoritarian measures, Thorezians are definitely the last, because of its libertarian components. Maoist and Soviet’s Marxist-Stalinist, are difficult to distinguish. Nevertheless, both of them compromise between a total government control on political matters, or economic and social matters. The former is worryingly progressed, as their ‘Great Leap Forward’ continue to inspire people.

    After the election night, there are no surprises to contain inside those ballots. But, because of PGI’s contentious declaration about the status of Amir Syariffudin, the party is the one who declined in votes. During the independence wars, Amir Syariffudin was a national hero who became the Second Prime Minister for Indonesia. However, after the disastrous Renville Agreement, he decided to left the government and build a new one in Madiun. This movement is now widely known as “Madiun ’48 Revolt”, a communist movement destined to established a red regime opposed to any Allied negotiations. When the party was asked for its opinion, Lieutenant General Suharto misspoke his words, saying that Amir Syariffudin is a ‘hero turned villain’ and yet we still must remember him.

    The reactions about what had he spoken was dire, as the party convened itself to have a minor ruckus. In one moment, the Purple Faction, had thought of expelling him. But surely, expelling him would he the end of PGI. Suharto was on par as Nasution, or even stronger. His connections inside the Army, and his lobbying effort was efficient indeed. Therefore, party’s unity was shaken a bit, and it affect the popularity as well.

    In 1969, there are two councils to contest. The first one, proportionally elected, was the People’s Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat). The body was so far the largest among three. There are three different councils, Indonesia, Papua and Melanesian councils. Indonesia had 320 seats, Papua 100 and Melanesia 50. Each of those council were eligible for nationally ratified parties, except Eastern Coalition Front, which owned Papua specially. The DPR would become the stem for a Premier’s Cabinet, holding the power to rule the government. The winning coalition or party shall elect a leader, which will become the Premier. The Premier, according to 1959 Constitution, will control domestic issues within the government. The councils are limited each of the Republics, therefore Indonesia ‘s Council should not interfere Papua’s ones, or Melanesia’s ones, or vice versa. For SAR Councils (Papua and Melanesia), their leaders are called not a Premier, but a Deputy Premier. Still, a Deputy Premier still owns a special cabinet and administration.

    The other one, was the People Regional Council (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah). This body however has only one body different from the former. For each regional states will have four representatives, each Special Economic Zones will have five representatives, and each Special Administrative Zones’s regional states will have six representatives. This body is on par to the President, although holds also as part of legislative council. Therefore, this body mainly convenes on foreign issues, and oftenly discuss with the President instead of the Premier. There are 34 regional states in Indonesia, 5 regional kingdoms in Indonesia, 5 SEZs in Indonesia, and 6 regional states incorporated to SARs. That makes a total of 217 seats. This seats were permanent, rather than growing DPR, and would mainly stayed up that way even until the 21st century ends, except there would be more expansion.

    When the night had finished, the election was hardly amusing, because the results were extremely close to what had predicted. The one that intrigued political experts was the factions within the parties. The PGI, for instance, were dominantly ruled by Golkar faction. After the 1969 election, the Purple Lists had a growing percentage, even matching with the Golkar. The PKI, secondly, now had a Untung owning half of the party, along with his communism with Indonesian characteristics akin to Thorezian in France. However, in the DPD we would see a decline in PGI's power, and that should also affect the Presidential Election up next.

    People's Representative Council of Indonesia (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Indonesia)


    DPR.png


    320 Seats

    Party of Greater Indonesia - Partai Indonesia Raya - 110 Seats, 34.38% (-14)
    • Golkar Faction - 57 seats
    • Purple Faction - 41 seats
    • Ulamas - 12 seats

    Indonesia National Party - Partai Nasional Indonesia - 71 Seats, 22.19% (+5)
    • Old Faction 'Wilopo' - 52 seats
    • New Faction 'Fajar Lubis' - 19 seats

    Progressive Union Party - Partai Persatuan Perubahan - 105 Seats, 32.81% (+6)

    Indonesia Communist Party - Partai Komunis Indonesia - 34 Seats, 10.62% (+3)

    • Pro-Mao - 15 seats
    • Pro-Soviet - 7 seats
    • Unique Communism "Untung" - 12 seats


    ---------------------------

    People's Representative Council of Papua Special Administrative Region (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Admnistrasi Khusus Papua)



    Papua DPR.png

    100 Seats

    Party of Greater Indonesia - Partai Indonesia Raya - 55 Seats
    • Golkar Faction - 45 seats
    • Purple Faction - 3 seats
    • Ulamas - 7 seats

    Indonesia National Party - Partai Nasional Indonesia - 7 Seats
    • Old Faction 'Wilopo' - 4 seats
    • New Faction 'Fajar Lubis' - 3 seats

    Progressive Union Party - Partai Persatuan Perubahan - 1 Seat

    Indonesia Communist Party - Partai Komunis Indonesia - 2 Seats

    • Pro-Mao - 0 seats
    • Pro-Soviet - 1 seat
    • Unique Communism "Untung" - 1 seat

    Eastern Coalition Front - Front Gabungan Daerah Timur - 35 Seats

    ---------------------------

    People's Representative Council of Melanesia Special Administrative Region (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah Admnistrasi Khusus Melanesia)



    Melanesia DPR.png


    50 Seats
    Party of Greater Indonesia - Partai Indonesia Raya - 40 Seats
    • Golkar Faction - 38 seats
    • Purple Faction - 1 seat
    • Ulamas - 1 seat

    Indonesia National Party - Partai Nasional Indonesia - 1 Seats
    • Old Faction 'Wilopo' - 1 seat
    • New Faction 'Fajar Lubis' - 0 seats

    Progressive Union Party - Partai Persatuan Perubahan - 0 Seats

    Indonesia Communist Party - Partai Komunis Indonesia - 1 Seat

    • Pro-Mao - 0 seats
    • Pro-Soviet - 0 seats
    • Unique Communism "Untung" - 1 seat

    Eastern Coalition Front - Front Gabungan Daerah Timur - 8 Seats

    ---------------------------

    People's Regional Council of Indonesia Federal Republic (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah Republik Federal Indonesia)

    DPD (1).png



    217 Seats

    Party of Greater Indonesia - Partai Indonesia Raya - 77 Seats, 35.48%
    • Golkar Faction - 51 seats
    • Purple Faction - 18 seats
    • Ulamas - 2 seats

    Indonesia National Party - Partai Nasional Indonesia - 46 Seats, 21.20%
    • Old Faction 'Wilopo' - 29 seats
    • New Faction 'Fajar Lubis' - 17 seats

    Progressive Union Party - Partai Persatuan Perubahan - 62 Seats, 28.57%

    Indonesia Communist Party - Partai Komunis Indonesia - 26 Seats, 11.98%

    • Pro-Mao - 13 seats
    • Pro-Soviet - 9 seats
    • Unique Communism "Untung" - 4 seats

    Eastern Coalition Front - Front Gabungan Daerah Timur - 6 Seats, 2.77%
     
    Blue Revolution Part 6: '69 Closing
  • When the Legislative Elections had secured the PGI-PNI in a majority, although how slim it is, Nasution was finally had the green light to go for the election. But, since Lieutenant General Tahi Bonar Simatupang was redirected as the leader for the DPR, Nasution needed to find another successor. General Suharto was one option, but then declined due to strategic party purposes. PGI wanted, needed, General Suharto as the Premier. His strong stance for his policy, and the extensive stubbornness of his may enforce PGI’s influence over Indonesia, and for decades to come. Suharto also was cooperative with businessmen, suitable for Indonesia to boost its economy from business.

    Therefore, Nasution decided he would accept a Vice-President from PNI. To be fair, PNI had been a keen follower for PGI, and rarely express much squabbling about any of the PGI’s policy. In truth, PNI was still Wilopo-affiliated, which were largely pragmatic and realpolitik politicians, so the lack of opposition. Suharto would call Wilopo into politics again, as Ministry of Interior, so he would not become Vice President. Choosing a person for such seat was hard. Nasution wanted a person to be PNI, but was moderate enough to not block him about his actions. He would seek his second-man to be helpful for him, while also giving reasonable critics in case his judgement was so slanted. Interestingly, he would find a man in PNI. He was called Idham Chald.

    Since childhood, Idham was known to be very intelligent and brave. When he entered school he immediately sat in second grade and his speech talent began to be seen and honed. His oration skills will become Idham Chalid's main asset in pursuing a career in the political platform.

    After school, Idham continued his education to Madrasah Ar-Rasyidiyyah in 1922. Idham, who was growing and infatuated with knowledge, had many opportunities to explore Arabic, English, and general science. Then Idham continued his education to the Gontor Islamic Boarding School located in Ponorogo, East Java. The opportunity to study at Gontor was also used by Idham to deepen Japanese, German and French.

    Graduating from Gontor, 1943, Idham continued his education in Jakarta. In the capital, Idham's fluency in Japanese made Dai-Nipon invaders very impressed. The Japanese also often asked him to become a translator in several meetings with religious scholars. It was during these meetings that Idham became familiar with the main figures of NU.
    When Japan lost the war and the Allies entered Indonesia, Idham Chalid joined the struggle bodies. Towards independence, he was active in the Regional Indonesian Independence Committee in the city of Amuntai. After the Proclamation of Independence, he joined the Indonesian People's Union, a local party, then moved to the Indonesian Muslim Union.

    In 1947 he joined the Central Kalimantan Indonesian Rebels Organization, led by Hasan Basry who was also his student at Gontor. After the war for independence, Idham was appointed as a member of the Indonesian Provisional Parliament representing Kalimantan. In 1950 he was re-elected as a member of the DPRS on behalf of Masyumi. However, after the Masyumi loss in 1950, and what had become of it disintegrates. Most Masyumi members split and spread out, although most of them return as PGI’s Ulamas. But, Idham was not one of them. He joined the PNI in 1954, and continued to be fond of Indonesia’s struggle into the world stage. He once also criticizes Wilopo’s Asia-Africa Agreement, saying that it was utterly ‘racial’ and increase Western-homophobia. But, since he mastered in foreign policy, especially during the Australian Aggression years, when he would three times become acting foreign minister, 1956-1957, 1959-1962 and 1964-1965. After the war, he would remain a critic for Wilopo’s base, also not supported Fajar Lubis’ base, a suitable companion for a PGI.

    By 21 September, Nasution would announce Idham as his running mate. And the ticket of PGI-PGI was officialy announced.
    The PUP and PKI on the other hand, had difficulties on each own. For PUP, Hatta was retiring, and he would not budge to nominated himself as a 1969 candidate. He had explicitly stated his age was consuming his energy, and being as a government official for another 5 years was already too much for him. Subandrio, his announced successor, was having another trouble, as he urged PUP to cooperate with the PKI, something the former members were not happy upon. Chairul Saleh, was one oppose, stating that ‘we would not once cooperate with those bastards who abandon us at war!’.

    Subandrio, after his initial candidacy, was taken down by its party members. He also thought that maybe after Untung took over PKI, maybe he would retry it again. Instead, the party gave Adam Malik a chance, along with Sjam Kamaruzan, a fellow PKI defected to PUP. This was said to be the weakest candidacy of them all, as neither of the pair could even cooperate itself. Adam Malik was keen on improving Indonesia’s relations to European nations, while Sjam Kamaruzan opted for increasing rebellions in Africa and Asia, thus damaging the European relations.

    PKI, voted for a more popular approach, they would bring forth Aidit and Untung as a pair, hoping that maybe a miracle would come. Sadly, it did not.

    ----------------------------------------------------
    1969 Presidential Elections

    Total Population 111,8 million
    Eligible Votes 66,753,315

    1 Nasution-Chalid - 37,676,285 - 56,44%
    2 Malik-Kamaruzan - 4,513,164 - 6,76%
    3 Aidit-Untung - 24,563,833 - 36,80%

    ----------------------------------------------------​
    PUP was torn to shreds after the election, and seek immediate changes from the party. Yet, much of the changes would be better effects after 1973, especially after a certain acquisition.

    BONUS:
    Guess what will happen based on this quote:

    "Remember, it's not the size for the fight – it's the size of the fight. Overcoming challenge, confounding the skeptics, reinventing ourselves, this is what we do. It's called leadership. Quality precedes quantity, we will improve it not by numbers, but by specifications. Therefore, by this we shall win in Africa."

    "We started ourselves with Pax Nusantara, and we will complete it with a Revolution, a Blue Revolution. A revolution to change the Indonesian characteristics as a whole, still old but enhanced, traditional and modern, all for the glory of Nusantara."

    "I can't believe we let them take Malagasy just like that."

    "Damn Nasution. Let us teach them a lesson."
     
    Last edited:
    Blue Revolution Part 7: Order 65
  • General Suharto folded his arms. Truly, becoming a Premier was always his dream, along with Golkars’. However, observing the slim majority PGI-PNI had for the Fifth Congress, he knew that one way or another, he must back down several policies to not angry them.

    It’s actually your fault Suharto, you make the mess because of your hasty declaration against Amir. You could have just ignored it!” Nasution remarked with a higher tone.

    It’s not my fault that a traitor ever ran our government. It is history, who are we to rewrite it!” Suharto replied back with his arms.

    Just find something that can solidify our party and I will have your support.” Nasution said and then sat harshly on the chair.

    For nearly weeks after inauguration, Suharto and Nasution had been, well, in a dispute. Nasution only wanted to maintain his Presidency, which was already seemingly well during his first term. His Pax Nusantara was like his best work for Indonesia. In five years, Indonesia had become from scratch to a decent infrastructure stage. It is so outstanding that, Trans-Java is almost done with all the railways and road maps. Even in Jakarta and Singapore, plans for digging a metro have already been planned. However, all of this was actually assisted by the help of the super-majority Indonesia had during his first term. Even with the super coalition, the PKI also gave in some support in some of Pax Nusantara, which ended up nearly total assembly support.

    Since the entrance of Suharto, however, things were not so good. Indeed, the PUP had always wanted to left the coalition. But if it was not Suharto’s provocation against one of the members, we would still have them in our pockets. Suharto was one strong folk, he aimed to rule with iron fists. For him, it was time for Indonesia to enter a higher stage, not just as a mere junior for the US. If there was an embodiment of power hunger, Suharto was the one. In the minds of Suharto, cooperation on all sides was not an option. He wanted his government policy to be as purely right as possible. Grant business subsidies to increase capitalism and corporatism, give more lenience to investors, both domestic and foreign. And also, one controversial, is expanding the armed forces again. The last bit had become a problem in the Assembly, because of the existent influence.

    After the initial expansion of the armed forces during the Australian Aggression, a significant increase in armed force that influence Indonesia’s politics. With PGI as the outright platform for them, more and more personnel had joined in as government officials. For several people, especially those inside the PUP, the government was going dangerously towards ‘military junta’, with just a little bit of push. The populace also afraid of such futures, therefore there was a little disturbance in the PGI base when Suharto was appointed Premier. Nasution thought that Suharto must not be chosen. His hard idealism about ultra-nationalism and militarism was a threat to the upcoming term. He even directly stated his support for the Chilean and Brazilian junta, both of those created after Nixon’s aggressive policy about Pax Americana, and the increasing military presence in Argentinian and Nicaraguan politics. Nasution, an army himself, never liked Indonesia to become another Chile or Brazil. For Nasution, democracy isn’t a disease, it was Pancasila’s dream, and so be ours. In the other hand, he was needed by the party to express a strong government. His strong will was similar to what the haram Hitler, but the difference was there was no genocide in planning, only militaristic society.

    This Green Revolution you proposed, indirectly rose military presence in the government. We have already caused problems with us as government officials, now you are seemingly created a junta.”, Nasution sighed.

    This is necessary for strengthening our government Nasution. I have seen the troubles of parliamentary democracy. You give them too much, up until one point that you can’t. Since then, I guarantee you, nothing can ever be passed.” Suharto fired back.

    No, this path is not what Pancasila had wanted. And even what we all wanted. I’m warning you, Suharto, find something better than increasing the military. If not, just follow one of my initial orders, and start from there.” Nasution replied.

    Nasution was just leaving the Premier’s office when Manai Sophian, the elected foreign minister entered the office.

    Mr. President, and Mr. Premier, I think we have a huge problem.” Sophian said while immediately closed the door Nasution had opened. “Pardon me for my rude manners, gentlemen, but seriously, this is very dire.”

    Nasution perplexed for a moment. Sophian were never as anxious as this. At one moment when during his years as PNI-representative for South Sulawesi, he ever got nervous after being alleged of attacking Wilopo’s foreign policy, but never this magnitude.

    Sit down, Sophian. Calm yourself. Give it a moment before you said this news.

    Suharto also sat in his chair, now with both eyes directing to Sophian. He catches a few inhales, and finally spoke up.

    It’s about Malagasy, and it was extremely serious.

    Nasution was taken aback. Malagasy, the largest island across Mozambique, was one strategical importance to Indonesia. As part of the Austronesia lingua-sphere, Indonesia was intrigued of having them in a close relationship, but always ended the same due to the French presence. In 1950, a French Protectorate of Malagasy has been established, as a compromise with the Malagasy rebels. Philibert Tsiranana was appointed by the French, and always ruled there for years. We had a friendly attitude towards him, hoping that someday he would leave the French. But that days never came because of French new government. There was no way the French would relieve us into Malagasy, except…

    Did they declared independence?”, Suharto shot first. Damn he was more quick-thinker.

    Yes, Premier, but actually no. The situation was not that simple. Just a few days ago, the Fifth Republic has a rebellion, the one with National Front with Jean-Marie Le Pen. The right wing party held a number of seats in Southern France, and when Thorez enacted the ‘Equality Act’, Le Pen had enough. By the first 24-hours, Marseille, Lyon and Nice had already taken as strongholds. The French Civil War had begun.

    Sophian stood up to take a tea in the far left side of the office.

    The Americans, had already predicted this, and enacted their long planned Operation Joan D’Arc. The operation consisted of giving all insurgent camps all around French Africa. When the time comes, all of these camps had already prepared to attack, and now an African Implosion had begun. Benin, Togo, Niger, Mali, Gabon, much of them revolted. Although most of them satisfied with the Thorezian government, instead counter-attack those insurgents.

    That probably Senegal, Ivory Coast, and also Mauritania, yes?” Suharto asked. In the 1950s, a specific French Migration Act had pushed several natives away from these regions. However, after the communist regime, these secluded natives had given rights. As a result, it created a unique stability within the region, with enough number of French to erased the thoughts of leaving France, and also enough number of natives to maintain less aggressive segregation like those in South Africa. Now, it became of those French strongholds.

    Yes. They issued a war against these people. Meanwhile, those insurgents also crossed into British colonies, like in Nigeria, Ghana, and most of West Africa, convulsing Britain deeper into chaos. The Americans never thought of such possibility, and the pro-Britain Nixon opted to remain their lease or just assisting Britain against the rebels. Gentlemen, I believe we witness the African decade now.” He then sat down.

    I’m sorry,” Nasution cut, “But what is this have to do with Malagasy? I thought there were pretty distant on everything the chaos?

    Malagasy, just yesterday, was given with an ultimatum by three parties, confusing eh? The first one, the Communist, was just saying that Malagasy would not interfere anything troublesome that had erupted in Africa and just stayed on as Protectorate. Le Pen urged the Malagasy government to just follow his cause. The Americans meanwhile, urged them to just declared themselves independent. None of these was viable for Tsiranana. He would not want to being in any of those aggressing parties, but also not strong enough to construct their own government.

    So?” Nasution stressed again about the relations.

    Just last night, that same man, Philibert Tsiranana, had given to Thorez that he wanted to have a green light of leaving France peacefully. Thorez knew Malagasy wasn’t ready for independence, and so Thorez asked the question ‘Who is it?’ and he replied ‘Indonesia’”

    What? ‘Who is it?’ What does that mean?” Suharto said.

    Gentlemen, don’t you get it. The Malagasy people had requested to join Indonesia. Well, actually the French requested Malagasy on joining to Indonesia, with the request of one, not interfering on this war in Africa” Sophian said. “They demanded an answer by the morning

    With those words had spewed out of Sophian’s mouth. Both figures silenced themselves, yet unable to speak for a moment, until Suharto broke the silence.

    Astagfirullah

    Suharto”, Nasution called.

    Yes, Sir.” Suharto replied.

    I believe it’s time to execute Order 65.” he instructed, ”and maybe insert that Green Revolution of yours to construct an address to the Assembly.

    With that, the entire office turned into hustle and bustle. Leaving the Foreign Minister alone in the Premier’s office.

    --------------------​
    I was trying to have a different point of view about my TL. And this is what I came up. Hope y'all like it.

    What do you think about this?
    Can anyone guess about Order 65?
     
    Blue Revolution Part 8: The Start (Finally)
  • Camarade, please hear me out!”, George Marchais upon the angry and aging Thorez.

    Is red evil? Why does every move I wanted to contribute to République always ended up angrying one side or the other? Why does Malagasy want to leave us?”, Thorez reacted at George Marchais’ briefing. Thorez was briefed that in the start of the French Civil War, and also the African Implosion. Malagasy, the far-eastern protectorate, have given a plead for independence. He never reasoned why, as all he did during his reign as President was granting equality, something every non-French descendant have dreamt on.

    Camarade, listen to me! I believe this independence of Malagasy may give us benefits!”, Marchais yelled accidentally in frustration. Thorez then stuttered, and finally sighed for Marchais to speak.

    I know, Camarade. I know that you have tried your best at convincing the French people that communism is not only what can be presented by the Soviet Union and China. We, the French Communist Party, had enacted something spectacular that even a capitalist nation could not do, which was granting the perfect equality to all races! Even the Americans could not do it? Look at them, segregation and civil rights movement is still a thing while we already passed the Act for it! It seems we are losing in Africa, but the people’s enthusiasm of liberty and equality is still strong, and we still can win the war. I believe, Camerade, and I swear, that this small loss of the people can open to more victories.

    For the first time, Thorez’s frustration seemed to left. All he replied was, “How?

    We can use Malagasy for means of negotiation. It can be a tool for less enemies, and even to more allies. I believed one nation have that potential, and that is Indonesia,”Marchais said.

    Thorez’s minds finally started to digest. Indeed, Indonesia have always had his eyes towards this African island. The nationalist coalition, the one that has ruled Indonesia since independence, approximately, have rallied his people into more expansions. Tsiranana had already cautioned Thorez, that Malagasy people had a strong indication magnet to Indonesia. He suspected that Indonesian spies were already inside Malagasy. Nevertheless, nothing mattered anymore, as a new crisis for France has brewed in the Western side.

    And then, in just a flick, he finally got it.

    France could have just use Malagasy as a table for talks. For every commissioner in France, they worried about one thing which was Indonesia’s expeditions. If the Australian Aggression were not convincing enough, although with US intervention, the ones in Indochina was one great example. During the Indochinese Civil War, French spies in the North had reported the outstanding moves a mere 3 divisions of Indonesia had caused. The Americans heavily bombed the nation, fixedly outside Kennedy’s attention, but those bombs were ineffective to the jungle terrain Vietnam has. As a counter-measure, the Communists built a Ho Chi Minh Trail, digging a tunnel just beyond the border of proper Vietnam, and even reached Saigon. Unsuspected, the Communists were able to raid a few American posts, until they left to continue their guerilla tactics. Just as the news of a successful raids reached Hanoi, the party left halted as the exact same tactics came to Hanoi, this time under the same 3 divisions of Indonesia. Stupidly enough, just three miles East of the original Ho Chi Minh Trail, a Suprapto Trail was dug on the same objectives as the former one, except different targets. That 3 divisions wreaked havoc in Hanoi, forcing the communist leadership to negotiate a peaceful deal satisfying the South. Of course, the Americans used this as one of their successful campaign, but every red knows that the Indonesian Army was one rat even machine gun could not kill.

    After this so-called Operation Joan of Arc by the Americans, France would immediately find Indonesian volunteers pouring into the jungles of Africa. Even with equivalent tech as the US in terms of military, Indonesia is still a fright annoyance to every French General. Giving the Malagasy to them could prevent them from entering the war in Africa, and thus maybe help France’s position. Moreover, he could get more demands to Nusantara. Surely enough, Indonesia was a hardly camped American ally. But Thorez imagine, that even a most solid ally will be topple by any government objectives, which is why he is optimistic that Indonesia will negotiate.

    I get it, camerade. I know what you finally mean. Now tell me, after this Tsiranana’s will come to me. What are your strategies?
    Marchais then whispered few straight points towards Thorez. Much of then seems to delight Thorez a grin.

    Very well, camerade. And also, I want the Indonesians to sat down for talks by two days."

    ===================

    Nasution sits on the chair on the left side of the Premier’s. The newly elected Premier, however, stand on the podium to express one of the most pre-planned speech in all of Suharto’s history.
    Assalamualaikum waramahutullahi wabarukatuh

    Since the last decade, Indonesia has been given a fascinating growth that a nation can pace. Our wonderful Pax Nusantara has built the cores of Indonesia up until a stage that we can drive on both ends without touching gravel. Considering the number of mobility, we could have in the near future, those rails and roads have estimated to control that near possibilities.

    The Armed Forces, also has significant growth. When the war finished, the previous administration greatly expanded the inadequate Army. Although situations in warfare had completely crossed this statement, our Army was expanded because comparing to the Navy and Coast Guard, both of them dwarfed the Army.
    I surely expect backlash in expanding the Army again. My fellow Indonesians believed that we have given too much off influence. But hear this:

    The last few days, we were given a negotiable table from France. They had negotiated to release Malagasy into our reach, while demands several compensations. While the matters of foreign negotiations are in the hands of Foreign Minister and the President, they believed that we will acquire that.

    Several shocks and awes are seen across the whole Assembly. The PGI, especially, claps in enthusiasm about this miracle. Nasution remarks of Suharto’s careful selection of words. First praising the gifts of the old government, and also the troubles of it. They, Nasution and Suharto, talked about this before the Address, and the former now seemed pleased.

    However, brethren, that this acquisition leads the current leadership to notice, how fragile our current state of the military. All of them are capable of defending Indonesia onto the optimal stage, but not when Malagasy will be on our republic. Malagasy is the fourth largest islands, greater than Java and Sulawesi.

    But, fortunately, the necessity of a larger army does not mean that we should have an expansion stage. The miracles of Suprapto Trail have practiced the extreme lengths every Indonesian could achieve. We still can do enough with the numbers, but what we can’t do is with the qualities.

    In this year, I have proposed an upgrade for the military, a modernization. With our major military gears are mainly 50s tech, we will improve it. Once, a nation fight against all odds with their technological marvels. I believe, that today, we should practice it.

    In addition to the technology, I think it is also time to reform ourselves.
    "That’s new", says Nasution in heart. The current last bit has maybe disoriented Nasution a bit. He has always been the one-man-show, everything what he says will be spoken.
    In the last decade, Indonesia is declining from the old traditions of Gotong Royong. Since the Americans introduced market-liberalism to us, I believe the effects are mixed. In one way, the free-market introduced us to more prosperity that even the socialist regime could ever imagine. In the other, that same thing also leached our own socialist values in us.

    I believe that we should pick the best in every side. Both ends, capitalism and socialism, to merge as a perfect combination. But, to realize this, I believe we should start from ourselves a thorough change, or should we say, a Revolution?

    We started ourselves with Pax Nusantara, and we will complete it with a Revolution, a Blue Revolution. A revolution to change the Indonesian characteristics as a whole, still old but enhanced, traditional and modern, all for the glory of Nusantara.

    We will not perish, we will prevail. Instead, we will rise from Nusantara as a beacon, a beacon for a healthy democracy for the world to heed, and a compromise for the both ends to concede.
    The Assembly is filled with standing applauses from its legislators. Even the President himself, is proud. This time, he thinks that choosing Suharto is a good idea.

    Suharto continues to talk about several other things, until he is finished. After that, Assembly Leader Sultan Hamengkubuwono XI determine a voting for the Blue Act, which was already explained by Suharto. Nasution is just leaving the Assembly building, satisfied, when his Secretary Adam Malik, showed up.

    It’s about Malagasy. Thorez calls you to talk about it.

    Nasution sighed, this will be a long day.
     
    All Eyes Towards Africa Part 1: The Beginning
  • africa_1.jpg

    African Implosion and Drama

    The African Implosion was one giant intertwined wars that happened completely inside the Continent. In the 1990s, the historians were unable to distinguish one conflict after another that they decided to just compile them into one great even called African Implosion. The first signs of the implosion dated back towards the creation of Egyptian Socialist Republic in 4th October 1966. But the common start date for the African implosion sited much after, when French Civil War erupted in 5th February 1970.
    The continent was already a mess. Since the beginning of the African colonization, much of the natives had already encountered the fierce policies of the European nations. Even with major changes in WW1, and WW2, much of the Continent suffered subjection. Nevertheless, the start of the 60s gave way into two types of colonialism, mainly the French and the British type.

    Victory in the Korean War meant a few things for the United Kingdom. One, that oil is important. The landings in Incheon, and the counter-attack in Korea fully imaged the dire necessity of oil in battle field. For the Americans, gaining oil was easy, as most of their core territories own oil rigs. United Kingdom, however, was not so lucky. Mostly, oil that the kingdom received was from the jewels in Africa, such as Egypt, Kuwait and a few others. Therefore, they intended to halt the decolonization process even longer. 50s turned to 60s, and gradually the decolonization plans were scrap by the Conservative Government and instead stubbornly resist any pro-independence movements. The intended policy was maintaining most of the Middle East, which was the problem.

    Egypt was the problem. The nation which ever became the cradle of civilization was so enough of the British rule that it was common to kill an Egyptian for accused ploy. The repeated invasion from Britain ended up to be the most tumultuous era of Egyptian history, until of course the savior arrived. General Abdul Nasser swept the nation as the first leader of the proclaimed Egyptian Socialist Republic. Since then, most of the British war effort was situated for only that certain region. From 1958, dispatches from British Army has been given to always tried to prevent Egyptian expansion. Many short wars against Egypt had been commenced. The first one, the Independence wars, ended up badly as the Egyptian could finally declare independence. The second one, ended badly for the Israelis. The third one, 1962, luckily British, returned the Egyptian stage to protectorate. The current last one, 1966, created the abominable Egyptian Socialist Republic, which proved to be a British threat when with Syrian republic formed the infamous United Arab Socialist Republics. This UASR proved to be lethal in Middle East stability, as many nations were appealed by the spirit of Arabian unity. In 1968, an Iraqi Socialist Ba’ath Party assumed the Iraqi leadership, and they announce to join the Union. In addition to it, in 1969, the launched the 10-Days War against Israel. Much of the resulted ended up with outstanding Egyptian-Jordanian victory, and ended up craving Israel into non-existence. However, the Union betrayed the Jordanian Kingdom a few months later, forcing them to be acquired as Jordanian Socialist Republic, part of the United Arab Socialist Republic. Since the Jordan annexation, most of the states grew terrified on this newly regional power, although inside the stability wasn’t so good.

    UASR.png

    (1970 border of United Arab Socialist Republic)

    That region also indirectly destabilized another region; this time was the Southern parts of Africa. The temporary leave of British garrisons for arming against the Egyptian threat caused several oppressed Africans to finally revolted. In the Southern Areas, segregation was extremely high and common, as the number of Europeans heavily influenced the region. However, several parts, like Bechuanaland, did not own a lot of whites. However, the region still had a black majority inside the region. Therefore, when the Bechuanaland Revolt happened in 1968, everywhere around the region, South Africa, Rhodesia and Nyasaland, followed suit. This part was called the Great South African Revolt.

    Unfortunately, the apartheid governments of South Africa and Rhodesia and Nyasaland Federation had already prepared for this. The troops from dominion the former, and protectorate the latter, were already ready for wiping out insurgents, and thus giving the most lethal suppression of them all – mass killings. Eerily similar to the plans Hitler had made during the World War 2, the South African governments issued a discreet extermination policy. The policy was so carefully planned, that even the most intelligent of espionage only found these horrible atrocities too late. Every assault the army made, they must involve pillage and burn. Although the former weren’t intensively done due to the less resources the natives had. As a result, the Revolt ended much shortly, and Bechuanaland was still a British colony, albeit the high influence Dominion of South Africa had towards the region.

    If you think the madness ended here, it didn’t. The stories of mass killings had reached many of the surrounding regions. Two of them was the troublesome Angola and Mozambique.

    After the Portuguese Communist coup in 1950s, every overseas territories Portugal had had been neglected. Timor was easily conquered at ease by Indonesia. So does Goa and Macao by India and China respectively. But not quite peaceful for Angola and Mozambique. The void of power in those regions had urged Britain to intervene. The region was quickly seized by the British government and stated them to be as another part of the British Empire. The Portuguese Former Realm, weren’t British concerns, as they were authoritarian nation. But then, the House of Braganza, home to the old Portuguese Kingdom, requested the territories to be theirs. The British, knowingly the region had less benefits than problems, agreed to the offer. Duarte Nuno, current house of Braganza, rejoiced of the return of the jewel crowns, and decided to announce them the Kingdom of New Portugal. Later on, the Guinea-Bissau, refused to return to the New Portuguese Crown, and instead form an independent republic of Guinea Bissau.
    africa_2.png

    Flag of the New Portuguese Kingdom

    This new kingdom, majority of black Africans, disputed the Portuguese friendly relations to Britain, although the former crown had no intention of wiping the native population. The end of the war started skirmishes of the Angolan Salvation Paramilitary Army, an unofficial armed forces consist of Angolan natives, to relieve their African friends. This angered the Dominion and the neighboring Protectorate, and demanded the kingdom to disband the terrorists. Inside the kingdom, Angolan and Mozambique-an citizens loathed the increasing brutality of the white rule. New Portugal, then wedged between the interest of his people and his royal, had now entered a crossroad. The Kingdom had to choose between undermining their own people against the apartheid South, or chose to survive against the neighbor for the sake of the kingdom’s own sovereignty. In the end, Duarte Nuno chooses the latter.

    Just a few months after the end of Bechuanaland Revolt, New Portugal announced that the voice of the people is one, which is to remind Africa who is their people. Although white himself, the royals strove against their neighboring whites. Conveniently, the Braganza may finally fulfill their old African ambition of the Pink Map, linking Mozambique with Angola at last. This war, unfortunately, was longer than the previous, and much giving all Commonwealth's power to decline. Not long, Eritrea, Sudan, and even Tanganyika revolted.

    The West Africa, meanwhile, were relatively peaceful. The Nixon administration blatantly supported the British government, stating that the ’old administration was stupid enough to leave our ally’. Initial Nixon’s part of reconciliation program, decided to help Britain secure their West African holdings. A smart move, Nixon ignored assisting South Africa, as the apartheid-phobia was still high in America. But, one controversial move Nixon made was allying himself with the British Unionist Party. Although the American blessing for Britain erased BUP thoughts of emigrating Jews into Israel, which was already non-existent anyway. The BUP had increasing thought of black-phobia, one that was mainly influenced by the South African branch of a nationalist party. Nevertheless, this increasing influence of America in parts of British West Africa resulted the US to construct a plot to weaken France.

    On the other side, France was a difficult nation to weaken, especially in Africa. His pushing stance towards equality in Franco-sphere had boosted sympathy in Africa. The Thorezian regime began to implement equal verdicts to all races, which amused Kennedy for a bit. Although started a decade ago, 10 years was enough for France to consolidate many of their protectorates. Algeria,Tunis, Benin and Senegal were already in the French camp, while Morocco had several problems. Ivory Coast, Mauritania, French Guinea, Comoros and Djibouti still loved the French, even if the last demanded more autonomy in 1967. The rest of this, was following a slower, but similar trend. But, the rest of Africa could be persuaded into independence by the Americans, and so underground activities had started from 1968, and was fruited into action in Operation Joan of Arc. This whole mastermind was led by none other than Kissinger himself.

    africa_3.jpg

    (Henry Alfred Kissinger, will show more in the future)

    Henry Alfred Kissinger was a realpolitik person, even better than Kennedy. His foreign policy was so pragmatic that several controversial actions had been done during his ministerial years in history. One of them was the Dirty War, a war he provoked to topple left governments in Central and South America, with the first one to fall was Chile. The other was Panama re-admittance to the Union in 1969, which sparked many anti-US dissents in third world countries.

    His plot of weaken France involving weaken Britain as well, according to Operation Joan of Arc, he knew that those paramilitaries rebels would inevitably supported all West African natives into revolting against their colonizers. However, this risk wasn’t addressed to Nixon, which Nixon also noticed that. In a small fight in the Oval Office, Kissinger was fired from Secretary of State. Nevertheless, the die is cast, and Operation Joan of Arc had continued without the United States. The new Secretary of State, Robert Stephen Ingersoll, would turn around completely, and now determined to banish the Operation Joan of Arc, their old creation.

    Operation Joan of Arc completely burn West Africa into warfare, except Senegal, which was particularly stable throughout the conflict, and independent African nations like Guinea Bissau and Liberia. Everything else, was pulled into devastating conflict of insurgents.

    In May 1970, just months after the powder had popped. Africa was in fire, and a global crisis was brewing.
     
    All Eyes Towards Africa Part 2: Madagascar Republic
  • Nasution quickly evaluated French demands for giving the Malagasy. After Suharto's Blue Speech, Nasution was acquainted of Thorez requesting trades for this transfer. He returned to the Presidential Palace shortly for coming discussions. With his fresh Private Secretary Soe Hok Gie, he conversed the demands for gaining Malagasy Island.

    madagascar_2.jpg

    Soe Hok Gie
    • The French Fifth Republic acknowledges Malagasy Island and the Scattered Islands to be sovereign states of Federal Republic of Indonesia, and that the French Republic and all heirs and successors relinquish claims to the Government, property, and territorial rights of the same, and every part thereof,
    • Indonesia will prevent future exoduses of the French diaspora in Malagasy Island and the Scattered Islands

    "Well, this is manageable," remarked Nasution, "so far so good."

    • Indonesia will grant oil benefits for the French company, Total S.A, in extracting oil reserves in Tarakan Block.
    • Indonesia will pursue a beneficial relation towards the French Fifth Republic, and will immediately begin diplomatic relations.
    • Indonesia will not, in any form or approach, involve in French domestic issues, such as the current conflict in Africa.
    • Indonesia's Armed Forces will not, in any form or approach, involve in undermining French foreign interests, especially in Africa.
    • Indonesia will accede to upcoming French investors in Papuan Special Administrative Region.

    Nasution then crumpled the paper and sighed. This particular five points of demands will inevitably exacerbate Indonesia's relations with the United States. The Nixon Administration was keen on improving relations with Western European nations, especially the United Kingdom. In the other hand, the United States was attempting to undermine France as another communist power in Europe. With Operation Joan of Arc as a double-edged blade for America's international aims, the United States then planned for a new operation.

    Operation Eagle Assist is a joint US-UK operation where the Army would skirmish British West Africa colonies to counter against militias who have crossed the border. The United Nations is also concerned in this, although their presence is weak. The United States has high interests in this region. A hidden objective of Operation Eagle Assist is to keep the militias rebelling against the French, possibly granting them independence. However, Nixon will not permit those same militias into entering British colonies.

    Nevertheless, Indonesia is in a rock and a hard place. Indonesia will be very thrilled by acquiring Malagasy. On the other hand, accepting this offer will mean that Indonesia will not meddle in Africa. Thus, this will provoke the United States to an extent. Indonesia is reliant on its good relations with the United States. Companies like Chevron, General Electric, and even DuPont, has started to invest in Indonesia.

    “Do we have an alternative approach so far?” Nasution asked Soe Hok Gie for opinion.

    “I believe we should take it. In my opinion, this is still the best deal we could ever create.” Soe Hok Gie said.

    “Well, at first we would experience a backlash in the international community. But, we can deal with this by a referendum for Malagasy, which they will vote for us anyway. Regarding the Americans, though, I believe we just let it slide for a moment.”

    “Really?”, Nasution questioned Gie.

    “Sure. The Nixon administration is playing with fire. They still have strong anti-British supporters thanks to Kennedy, and Nixon is pushing too hard. Kissinger, I believe, was the better player in this political field. Nixon is just too oblivious to even notice the danger. The British unilateral declaration of war against the Kingdom of New Portugal is sufficient to instigate a national resentment in the United States. Even if Indonesia’s relations with the United States turn sour, we will reconcile again with a new administration.”

    Nasution recognizes the ominous prediction of the last sentence. “How can you be so sure Nixon will not be elected again?”

    “Cut off one's nose to spite one's face. The thing he was desperate to throw away would return with a blast.”

    Nasution swallowed the sentence initially, then finally realized the meaning behind it. After the revelation, he ordered Soe Hok Gie.

    “Call Thorez. I believe we have a deal.”

    ==========​

    In 10th of February 1970, Malagasy was officially granted independence. The Republic of Malagasy, later on, that week, would hold a referendum, stating their wish to join Indonesia. By 20th of February, Malagasy has become one of Indonesia’s Special Administrative Regions, renamed as Madagascar. Nasution would later visit the island in March, and conduct some talks with Tsiranana. The Fourth Amendment for Madagascar was immediately drafted. The Social Democratic Party of Madagascar immediately became the sole party for Madagascar, until in 1975 Indonesia’s national parties would be allowed to join the election. So far there were no native parties that were enlisted after the Social Democratic Party, at least until the 1980s.

    madagascar_1.png

    The United Nations expressed Malagasy’s admittance to Indonesia as ‘democratically unionized’, although several member states still questioned Indonesia’s haste expansionism. One of those critiques was the United States. Angered by Indonesia’s sudden decision, Nixon immediately seized all military operatives with Indonesia, and also encourage US companies to not invest more in Indonesia.

    In April 1970, the Indonesian government fully incorporated Madagascar into the Federal Republic. Pro-Indonesia partisans were still high at that time, and luckily no significant insurgents occurred during the decade. The Armed Forces of Indonesia arrived in May 1970 to protect the region against the chaos of the Continent. Until 1975, there were few incidents happened on the Madagascar strait, most of them instigated by Rhodesia and South Africa.

    ==========
    Spoilers:

    " A Federation of Islands, a federation of the Indies, a federation for the Caribbean."
    Kenneth Blackburne

    "I have not prone to certainty, but you have drawn that measure."
    Queen Elizabeth II

    "We shall declare our independence from Belgium."
    Patrice Lumumba

    "White rule for South African Empire"
    Ian Smith

    "Rejoice! Rejoice! The Monarchy finally achieves our long time goal."
    King Duarte Nuno
     
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    All Eyes Towards Africa Part 3: British Demise
  • The Sun Finally Sets on the British Empire
    John Cradford, 2010


    If the Australian-Indonesian War was the moment that time fast forwards to sunset at the British Empire, the African Implosion was the final straw for the unity of it. This change was inevitable, as the United Kingdom shifted to right-wing politics, this time about Afro-phobia.

    After the 1966 snap-election, the Labour-held government began. Robert Michael Maitland Stewart, Baron Stewart of Fulham, was appointed as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. Some liberalising social reforms were passed through parliament during Steward’s first period in government. These included the near abolition of capital punishment, decriminalisation of sex between men in private, liberalisation of abortion law and the abolition of theatre censorship. Steward’s 1966–70 term witnessed growing public concern over the level of immigration to the United Kingdom. The issue was dramatised at the political level by the famous "Rivers of Blood speech" by the BUP politician Enoch Powell, warning against the dangers of immigration.

    brit_1.jpg

    Prime Minister of the United Kingdom Baron Stewart of Fulham

    For the first time also, this Labour Prime Minister was the first to promote education instead of defence, although insurgencies were rising in Africa. Steward continued the rapid creation of new universities, in line with the recommendations of the Robbins Report, a bipartisan policy already in train when Labour took power. The economic difficulties of the period deprived the tertiary system of the resources it needed. Nevertheless, university expansion remained a core policy. One notable effect was the first entry of women into university education in significant numbers. More broadly, higher education overall was significantly expanded, with a distinct bias towards the non-university sector.

    One of Steward’s modest policy was the ‘Retreat from Africa’. For Steward and his Secretary of State James Callaghan, leaving Africa was entirely the only option left. However, he intended this withdrawal to be as convenient as possible, not giving the hostile insurgents a chance for independence. Stewards instead prefer them to stay at the Commonwealth. He also would not mind for natives ruling their lands, and that troubled the governments in Rhodesia and South Africa.

    South Africa was ruled by the National Party for decades, their stance against the Black rule was obvious. Rhodesia Front, the ruling party for Rhodesia had ruled from the 1960s. Both of them had similar attitudes towards Africans, and they thought Apartheid was the option. When the Labour government applied their African policies, both nations turned upset to the Albion, and they thought the decolonization efforts would ruin the white rule in those lands. Therefore, unilaterally in 1971, exactly 11 November, both nations declared their independence from the United Kingdom.

    At first, Steward’s tried to undermine Rhodesia first. Coincided with the Armistice Day, Ian Smith attempted to garner support in the UK by reminding people of the contribution of the colony to the war effort. Unfortunately, Smith was personally appraised in the British media, and the BUP was strengthened. Wilson's immediate recourse was to the United Nations, and in 1971, the Security Council imposed sanctions, which were designed to last until official independence from the United Kingdom. This involved British warships blockading the port of Beira to try to cause economic collapse in Rhodesia. However, the efforts of economic collapse failed, as the South Africans were too involved. Several nations did not join in with sanctions, also undermining their efficiency. With South African might and Ian Smith’s speech, the Duo Apartheids of Africa was standing so well, that they had forgotten the enemies of the Northern neighbour.

    brit_2.jpg

    Prime Minister of Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, Ian Smith

    Just after the unilateral decision of independence, the Kingdom of New Portugal quickly had a new ally, the ally which fought them before, the United Kingdom. At first, the United Kingdom truly did not want the Rhodesians and South Africans to free themselves, so they requested their old enemy to join the cause. The deal was simple, New Portugal would acclaim their Pink Map territories, except Rhodesia, while the United Kingdom would seize their independence from them.

    This time, New Portugal succeeded in achieving its objectives. They immediately march to Salisbury, the capital, and even reached them before the United Kingdom even reached South Rhodesia. Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland capitulated on 23 May 1972 and sought for a peace deal. The New Portuguese were reluctant to peace deal separately with the United Kingdom. But, the situations changed, and the new Kingdom must face a new threat up North.

    "We shall declare our independence from Belgium."
    Patrice Lumumba

    brit_3.jpg

    Prime Minister of the DRC, Patrice Lumumba

    In 1971, the Belgian rule in Congo was ended. Patrice Lumumba was elected as the First Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Belgians, not a single effort of just leave that away, stirred a secession crisis in Katanga. Lumumba appealed to the United States and the United Nations for help to suppress the Belgian-supported Katangan secessionists led by Moise Tshombe. Both refused, so Lumumba turned to France for support. Lumumba also noticed that Katangan secessionists were party assisted by the New Portugal Kingdom, particularly because of friendly ties among royals. So, ignoring the consequences, Lumumba declared war to New Portugal, opening the Kingdom a front in the North.

    New Portugal immediately aware of the dire state of affairs, and immediately requested a separate peace to South Africa. As a compromise, North Rhodesia and Nyasaland shall be given to the Kingdom, while South Rhodesia was annexed by South Africa. Formalised in the treaty of Salisbury, they also formed a co-belligerence, destined to contain the Congolese threat.

    The United Kingdom, before had the upper hand in the independence crisis, then had returned to square one. Steward was so furious of the Kingdom’s betrayal of peace that he announced an immediate act of war to them. The Cabinet, now worry with Steward’s state of mind, immediately requested the military’s urgent victory to ease him down. However, none of them returned the favour. New Portugal separate peace isolated Britain’s holdings in Kenya to move more into South Africa. In addition to it, Kenya and Tanganyika were all also rebelling against the British. More chaos ensued in the Parliament, and none is willing to make a move, except the Queen itself.

    In 14th of October 1972, years after the significant stalemate across the events, Britain was situated in even more chaos. Almost none of their holdings in Africa were peaceful. Nigeria was involved in the Civil War with Biafra, and of course, the Islamic majorities in the North, trying to form their own Nigeria. Sudan was under attack by the Egypt-backing of insurgents. Fundamentalist Somalia was also forming. Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika were all involved in several clashes with separatists backed also by the Soviet Union and Congo. The entire region, especially central Africa, was in utter chaos. However, every cloud has a silver lining, Sierra Leone, The Gambia and Ghana were relatively peaceful compared to the others, although the last region was also subjugated in Burkina Faso militants. All of these was due to consider the “Retreat from Africa” policy by the Labour government, then under Wilson.

    On that day also, no government ideas were pushed, as the Parliament was a deadlock in a stalemate. An economic recession was brewing, and the United Kingdom was pushed barely into the abyss. No one seemed able to resolve this issue, except Queen Elizabeth II. The Queen stormed the House of Commons, and deliberately end the Parliament with one quote to remember.

    brit_4.jpg

    "I am not prone to certainty, but you have drawn that measure."

    I thought that I can wedge in everything in one post, but I think this was too much. For that, I will divide this supposedly one thread into two.
     
    All Eyes Towards Africa Part 4: Full-Moon rises for the Empire
  • For the first time in centuries, the Parliament was dissolved. Even across the world, international media was surprised by this change of situation. In November, a snap-election was held. Unsurprisingly, the BUP claimed the majority. Taking almost 60% of seats in the Parliament, the British Unionist Party, a party of nationalism, white nationalism and pro-monarchism, swept the Labour and the Conservatives as ashes of the old era. Arthur Kenneth Chesterton was elected as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. He instantly attempted to finish the problems in Africa.

    In a single declaration, he proclaims that all territories which belong in Africa shall decide their fates. In the London 1972 Declaration, all British Overseas Territories were given the mandate to choose their future; either stay within the Dominion or announce their independence. All of them must reply to the declaration two months after.

    With just that, nearly the whole region of Africa opted for their independence. White-supremacism was vilified by most of the Africans. By the start of 1973, Sudan, Eritrea, Somaliland, Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika, Zanzibar, Nigeria and Gold Coast/Ghana declare their independence. The number of liberated nations in Africa on that year was considered as the African Year by most of us. Sierra Leone, and the Gambia, were the only ones who preferred to stay in the Empire, and thus was elevated as a Dominion, equivalent to Canada.

    The next policy the BUP conducted was negotiating South Africa and the rump Rhodesia. After the Portuguese had received their portion of lands, the Federation was left with only South Rhodesia. Ian Smith, knowing that his old federative nation was lost, decided to subjugate his nation to the Southern larger nation. The National Party, the ones who then ruled South Africa, reluctantly accepted, and form the Union of South Africa and Rhodesia.

    Chesterton was delighted to see his initial plans were already progressed by other people. He firstly requested that Rhodesia and South Africa unite, so to reduce the number of ‘White Supremacist nations in the Empire’. This strategy was used to decrease the UN’s dissuasion in British controversial policies, which Chesterton will attempt to. So, what he needed to do was only negotiate with South Africa for reconciliation and possibly returning South Africa to the Empire. Indeed, the similar beliefs of the BUP and the National Party in South Africa were enough for them to harmonize themselves. With a slight help of a UN intervention, both parties finally square themselves and South Africa was finally reincorporated as the Dominion of South Africa and Rhodesia this time. As part of the negotiable deal, Ian Smith, the same guy who betrayed the Kingdom by unilaterally declare Rhodesia independence, was appointed as the acting Prime Minister for South Africa and Rhodesia. In his inaugural speech, he exclaimed that South Africa will be a White nation by the new century, and glory for the Empire. In a controversial choice, however, he denominated his nation as an Empire, which slightly provoked the United Kingdom.

    "White rule for South African Empire"
    Ian Smith

    While the African issue was done for Britain. Arthur Kenneth Chesterton had vowed for the British people that ‘as long as he was in charge, no Englishmen shall meddle in petty African affairs.’ The BUP’s popularity was gradually increasing as they had resolved their most troubling issue. But in terms of Overseas Territories, the United Kingdom was put into bother again as a new similar problem developed in the West Indies. The United Kingdom had held several islands in the Caribbean Sea, particularly in the Eastern part, where the littlest islands dwelled in. During the 1960s, those areas demanded self-governance. However, those micro-nations were practising nationalism, which enhances the dissolution of the territories to even smaller states.

    Chesterton settles this issue with a simple remark. He invited Kenneth Blackburne for a future Federation, which he accepted. However, Chesterton also realized that forming a Federation for the West Indies would cause another dispute between small islands and the powers of Jamaica, Trinidad, and Barbados. As a result of it, Chesterton intended to establish three different Dominions in the Empire, a Dominion of Jamaica, Trinidad and the Federation of the West Indies. Sir Alexander Bustamante was appointed as the Prime Minister for Jamaica, Eric Williams for Trinidad and Tobago and Kenneth Blackburne for Dominion Federation of the West Indies.

    " A Federation of Islands, a federation of the Indies, a federation for the Caribbean."
    Kenneth Blackburne

    ....................

    In another Kingdom, a celebration was held for their success. For the first time, their colonies of Angola and Mozambique were united by land. King Duarte Nuno appraised this new achievement with the rename of his kingdom. Before was the Kingdom of New Portugal, was renamed the Kingdom of Novo Lusitania, as in another name for New Portugal. Uniquely enough, the Braganza reigned mostly for African tribes in Angola and Mozambique, which will later prove to affect the rule.

    "Rejoice! Rejoice! The Monarchy finally achieves our long time goal."
    King Duarte Nuno
     
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    All Eyes Towards Africa Part 5: Congo Conflict 1st Stage
  • “History is never good with the Congolese, and the Congolese has made it worse.”
    Francois Mitterrand


    images.jpeg.jpg

    A rough image to picture the crisis in Congo, neglect the dates.

    In the midst of a global crisis brewing in Africa, Democratic Republic of Congo is considered the epicenter of it. The pro-France, later Pro-Soviet nation, have been the key of instability for the new decade of the African resurgence. Their domestic fiasco will affect the entire African continent, while their foreign relations will affect the world entirely, even the United Nations.

    Here’s how.

    In 27 October 1971, the Belgian Congo had finally declared their independence. After years of political struggle of Patrice Lumumba with his Mouvement National Congolais (MNC) has finally fruited. With the help of Joseph Kasa-vubu, they established the Democratic Republic of Congo with means to finally have the Congolese free of will. In practical aspects, however, things were not as simple.

    The Katangan secessionists, led by Moïse Tshombe, destabilized the new government, by waging war from their native Katanga region. At first, the Katangan rebels were only assisted by their former Belgian overlords. As times go by, yet, these secessionists have mainly assisted by most of the Western powers, like the US, Germany and even the Great Britain. In 1972, most of the supports given by those powers have maintained the insurgence alive, and that infuriated the current government in Leopoldville, now Kinshasa.

    Lumumba is a communist figure. Therefore, when he attempted to request help for fighting the rebels, he contacted two opposing left giants, the Soviet Union and France. Both of them actually prefer to help the Democratic Republic of Congo. In 15 October 1972, things changed unexpectedly. Antoine Gizenga formed a rival government in Stanleyville, now Kinsangani) and form the Free Republic of Congo, the republic that France directly assisted them. As the Congo region burnt in fires of civil war, the United Nations, finally, intervened.

    The United Nations (UN) is an intergovernmental organization that aims to maintain international peace and security, develop friendly relations among nations, achieve international cooperation, and be a center for harmonizing the actions of nations. But, after the US-Soviet relations turns sour, and pave for the Cold War, the United Nations is wedged between two superpowers clashing for superiority, paralyzed the organization. In the 1960s, after the disbandment of NATO, the UN was seemed to rise again as a intergovernmental organization. However, much of the proposed plans, including the problems in Africa, was disputed by all 5 members of the Permanent Security Council, now each of them has their different objectives.

    The Congolese Civil War, preceding the First Pan-African, is one conflict the UN sought to resolve. With the General Secretary Randolph Churchill. Randolph Churchill, son of the famous Winston Churchill, has developed a peacekeeper characteristics, along with a negotiator traits, akin to his father. As a prominent defunct-Conservative Party, Randolph declared independent or non-affiliated after the death of his party, which attracts many to put him in the UN chair. However, Randolph was not restraint, and mostly straight-forward, which leads to most of the resolution including split of nations. One example is the Nigerian Civil War, which end up liberating Biafra in 1971, months after the spark of Congolese Civil War.

    In a quick negotiation with the Katanga leader Tshombe, the United Nations declared Katanga to be officially admitted to the UN membership, in attempt to undermine Lumumba’s declaration of Katanga’s illegitimacy. Following the UN, most countries also followed suit, one of them particularly was the Kingdom of Lusitania. As a reaction for this mess, Lumumba cut the strings, and achieve the improbable.

    The DR Congo declared war on literally everyone. He started a war to the Lusitania, and also the French part of Congo, also under dismay by Operation Joan of Arc. He also declared war on alleged Tanganyika who supplied also Katanga. By 1972, every neighboring nations of DR Congo, except Sudan, is under a state of war. This unexplainable move of Lumumba led to his demise, an assassination in 2 July 1972.

    On that day, a coup was commenced by Joseph-Désiré Mobutu. After the failures of the current government, Mobutu stormed Kinshasa and declared him to be the legitimate leader for DR Congo. In an instant, he also declare his government to be politically aligned with the US, granting the superpower access to the nation. As the Congolese Civil War had been evolving into a potential all-out war between France, Soviet Union, and the US, the United Nations scurried to return peace in the region, which end up with Luanda Conference.

    The Luanda Conference, conducted in 31 February of 1973, concluded the First Congolese Civil War. Belgian Congo was split into three, the Republic of Zaire in the East, the land-lock nation of DR Congo, later changed into Republic of Kivu, and also the Republic of Katanga. Unfortunately, the madness didn’t stop there, as the region engulfed again in a war after the rise of an Eastern power, particularly Kenya and the regions. As a pity also, the Congo region would be maintained to be divided for so long, that even until 21st Century, hatred among those nations is plentiful.
     
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    All Eyes Towards Africa Part 6: Quick Look at UASR
  • The Precursor of the Nile Conflict

    Water-politics has existed even before the creation of modern nations. The fundamental necessity of water compels nations to maintain their water holdings. In a different context, the sea can also be considered water politics. In the 17th Century, we witness competition for dominating the Caribbean Seas. After that, several seas, like the Mediterranean, had also been contested. The Strait of Hormuz is the current dispute for the water-politics. This applies similarly to rivers. Rivers, like the Mississippi, Zambia, and Yangtze, has been a battle for foreign nations to control trade, land, and influence.

    The Nile is a major north-flowing river in northeastern Africa and is the longest river in Africa. The Nile, which is about 6,650 km long, is an "international" river as its drainage basin covers eleven countries: Tanzania, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenya, Ethiopia, Eritrea, South Sudan, Republic of Sudan, and Egypt. In particular, the Nile is the primary water source of Egypt and Sudan.

    The Nile has two major tributaries – the White Nile and the Blue Nile. The White Nile is considered to be the headwaters and primary stream of the Nile itself. The Blue Nile, however, is the source of most of the water, containing 80% of the water and silt. The White Nile is longer and rises in the Great Lakes region of central Africa, with the most distant source still undetermined but located in either Rwanda or Burundi. It flows north through Tanzania, Lake Victoria, Uganda and South Sudan. The Blue Nile begins at Lake Tana in Ethiopia and flows into Sudan from the southeast. The two rivers meet just north of the Sudanese capital of Khartoum.

    The northern section of the river flows north almost entirely through the Sudanese desert to Egypt, then ends in a large delta and flows into the Mediterranean Sea. Egyptian civilization and Sudanese kingdoms have depended on the river since ancient times. Most of the population and cities of Egypt lie along with those parts of the Nile valley north of Aswan, and nearly all the cultural and historical sites of Ancient Egypt are found along river banks.

    Throughout the centuries, many disputes happened in this river. Egyptian civilization has sustained itself utilizing water management and agriculture for some 5,000 years in the Nile River valley. The Egyptians implemented basin irrigation, a form of water management adapted to the natural rise and fall of the Nile River. Since around 3000 BCE, the Egyptians constructed banks to form flood basins of various sizes that were regulated by sluices to floodwater into the basin where it would sit until the soil was saturated, the water was then drained, and crops planted. This method of agriculture did not deplete the soil of nutrients or cause salinization problems experienced by modern agricultural methods.

    Dated from Egyptian Sultanate of the 19th Century, many treaties have been written for sharing the Nile. In 1959, an Agreement between the Sudan and Egypt, both under British Administration, for full control utilization of the Nile waters. After that, the agreement nullifies after the rise of the United Arab Socialist Republic, and Nasser decided to take a step.

    Nasser attempted to push Egypt out of Nile’s dependency by creating his largest hydro-projects of Africa, Qattara Depression Project. The Qattara Depression Project, or Qattara Project for short, is a macro-engineering project concept in Egypt. It intends to create an artificial lake of the Qattara Depression. The Qattara Depression is a region that lies 60 m below sea level on average and is currently a vast, uninhabited desert. By connecting the region and the Mediterranean Sea with tunnels and/or canals, water could be let into the area. The inflowing water would then evaporate quickly because of the desert climate. This way a continuous flow of water could be created if inflow and evaporation were balanced out. With this continuously flowing water, hydroelectricity could be generated. Eventually, this would result in a hypersaline lake or a salt pan as the water evaporates and leaves the salt it contains behind. This would return the Qattara Depression to its current state but with its sabkha soils tens of meters higher. To contain the salt, Egypt would boost a salt industry on the artificial lake.

    But, Nasser realized that water problems aren’t only in Egypt, but also in Syria and Iraq. Therefore, several water projects also created in the region, particularly in Tigris and Euphrates. Still, most of the projects need money, and Nasser needs a foreign backup. So he turns to France. In 1973, France arrives to conduct a treaty of friendship with the new Arab Republic. A tower is erected to solidify the friendship. Until the 80s, French influence is high in the new republic, and both the United States and the Soviet Union envied such relations. Nasser holds a large percentage of Middle East’s oil. Unsurprisingly, both superpowers would battle in the oil regions, especially after tensions erupted in 1976.
     
    A Nation to Elevate Part 1: One More Constitution
  • 27th of July, 1972

    Suharto exhales in frustration. He realizes that the 1959 Constitution may have serious flaws.

    He slouches in the car that drives him to his 2nd House, the office on Medan Merdeka Selatan. He realizes that the morning Harian Loear in the other side of his seat, the headline is written ‘Nixon ousted from Republican! Nixon forms Conservative Party. He chuckles for a second, truly Soe Hok Gie was a psyche. He anticipated Kissinger and Nixon would fight each other, like two bulldogs for a chunk of meat. Kissinger used his realpolitik abilities to kick him from the party. Indeed, Suharto was terrified of Nixon. One intelligent agency had given him a 5-minute recording of Nixon’s wrath of Madagascar’s annexation.

    “Damn Nasution. Let us teach them a lesson.” He wondered what those words could mean to the President. However, considering the embargo America has done is strangling the Indonesian economy now. For some time, he opted to let that matter fly away.

    Speaking of Madagascar, that same nation has attempted to negotiate the meanings of the 1959 Constitution. The 1959 Constitution was drafted for enticing the liberals, or the Western nation, so Indonesia would not be vilified. Papua, naturally, demanded to stay inside Indonesia’s central government, but with the rising power of the United States, Jakarta chose to grant them Special Administrative Region. Now, when Madagascar is introduced as another SAR, they find the law based for it a bit confusing.

    Truly, the 1959 Constitution is perplexing. Everything from the legislative body, to the administrative divisions, all very strange. In 17th of July, he called Sugiyono Mangunwiyoto, a retired Brigadier General of the Army, for solving this issue. In short, Sugiyono gathered numerous law, state and political experts to converse a newly revised draft for signing.

    When he returns to his office, a pile of paper sat on his Secretary’s desk, written all around the front pages ‘1959 Constitution; 1972 Revision’. He grabs that to his office, and he started to read. In the first five pages, the original draft was given to the President Nasution, while Premier, DPR Chairman and the DPD Chairman, are given a copy. The next pages recite the exact preamble issued in 1945, partly because the preamble was good enough.

    Suharto gets bored when he saw the usual Chapter I, but what caught his eyes was the 2nd Chapter, and the other chapters later. He keeps reading it very precisely, no words missed, no characters overlooked. When he arrives at the Administrative Divisions Chapter, he is finally certain.

    This will end SER and SAR. He thought. A long story short, this drafter, named Hussein bin Dato' Haji Sir Onn, a Johor, has thought beyond us. He determines that a federal state is not what would be State of Jogjakarta or Sunda, but rather a much larger context. He believes that those regions must stay as provinces of the Indonesian State.

    Yes, he intends to make Indonesia consists of Four States: the State of Indonesia, State of Papua, State of Melanesia and State of Madagascar. With just that, everything seems to be lawed easily. No more unnecessary Amendments written for those SARs, just create them a new state and we will be fine.

    He also writes a viable solution for the SERs, instead of becoming a peculiar region granting exclusive economic rights, those SERs may now become one with the Federal Government. Federal Districts, quote, to finally clarify the region needs. Instead of separating SERs with the central government, Hussein attempts to mush it all up.

    Suharto then rethinks about the government separation of powers. Written by another Hussein, this time Hussein Tjahja, he writes a distinct separation of powers in the executive body. Current Indonesia’s tradition, Premier elected by the MPR, and President elected by the people, is maintained. Instead, what is revised is the cabinet and the succession. There will be no Vice President, as the Premier will act like one. The order of succession is concluded like this: President, Premier, Foreign Minister, Defense Minister, Secretary of State, and Speaker of the President. If inconveniently they all die, the MPR should hold a general snap-election for the executive.

    In the legislative body, the bodies were also simplified. Instead of having a DPR (House of Representative), DPRD (Regional House of Representative), DPD (House of Senate) and DPRDAK (Special Administrative Region House of Representative)., the legislative body would only have DPR (House of Representative) and DPD (House of Senate). DPRDAK and DPRD would become a state legislative body, separate from the central government.

    Seeing the whole picture, Suharto agrees with the writers of the new Constitution. He feels amazed with the cooperation of a few dozens of men. Soe Hok Gie then arrives.

    I see you have read the new Constitution. But Sir, Carrefour is in Hotel Indonesia, Sir. Maybe you could visit him.

    He nods and walks with Gie downstairs.
     
    A Nation to Elevate Part 2
  • 1st August 1972

    Fan Zheng Xiong, also named Susilo Frederik (Fred) Trihandoko, is finally elated. A snap-election in 1973? Well, that is convenient. He is an economist, an active one. He criticized the current government in tackling the embargo done by the United States. Yes, the Uncle Sam itself. Starting a month after the annexation of Madagascar, the United States issued an embargo to Indonesia. Their defence was that the annexation was ‘undemocratic’ although the entire bloody UN approved it. In truth, he knew that annexing that nation meant for a relation to France, and the United States worried about it.

    France, according to Fan Zheng Xiong, is a peculiar country. A communist nation, but in reality, people are more liberal than the States itself. The French Fifth Republic nourish their Liberté, égalité, fraternité. If Thorez did not soldier on France as a communist nation, everyone would think the hexagonal nation as social liberals, to quite an extent. Thorez maintains the party system, but deep down what he wanted is the disbandment of the party system. In France, the situation is getting better. The revolts in Southern France has eroded and breakthroughs in French militants. Niger has effectively become the border between order and chaos. Pax Francia in the West, and instable tribes in the East.

    British colonies, in West Africa, also blocked further American intervention by making diplomatic entanglements. America is not being loved in Africa. Political drawbacks, diplomatic incidents, and military stalemates are pushing America out of West Africa. It seems that the American Century is not having in Africa.

    He never knew what was in the minds of Kennedy during the NATO dissolution. No one in Indonesia hardly knew. But, Anwar Suryadihardjo, had a strikingly intriguing thought of piecing them up.

    The embargo from Uncle Sam has complicated things in Indonesia. The economic dependency since the 1960s has fruited to be devastating. Luckily, the infrastructure sectors have been unaffected due to them already finished. But, nearly every other sectors are hit. The economy goes for a downturn, now more to a recession. Even with only America involved, the embargo cut most of Indonesia’s imports majorly.

    Fred has a very simple solution to this problem. For him, the United States’ action can be easily deflected. His nation has been quite reliant on American dominance, and he comprehends that. However, by starting to open to more countries, even how sour our relationship is with them, could alleviate the losses. In addition to it, he thinks it is time for national companies to rise and thrive. Oil, rubber, and minerals are mining sectors abundantly resides in good portions of Indonesia. Textile is also full of potential. Food is unquestionable.

    He is now preparing for a speech. Becoming a popular man in Indonesia will rise his chance of becoming a Trade Minister, is his dream.

    -------------------------------------------------------​

    Nasution is slightly apprehensive. The national polls are not giving a good sign for Parindra. The PPP is rising, and so does the PKI. The latter has risen to a larger extent, with Untung declares an immediate end for American friendship, something now the public eagers to. PPP is also rising, particularly due to the disappointments of the current government. Since 1970, the American has issued an embargo to Indonesia, and the dire effects start to show in late 1971. Now, this is a recession.

    At least, Nasution hopes, that the PNI will accept the offer. Three-months prior, the PGI’s top leadership met PNI for a potential union. As famous by name, and also the oldest, PNI is largely egoistic about the union, mainly because of what will the successor name. That has frozen the Parindra into further talks, and back down.

    Last month, the PGI had finally searched a union’s name. Partai Nasional Indonesia – Raya, or PNI-R, as the identity. At first, it was seen as a childish muck up of words. Later on, the PNI grew fond of the word and decided to agree with it. PNI-R was the brainstorm of Guntur Sukarnoputra, the son of Sukarno. He wants PNI to remain as the glorious name, living even before Indonesia was born, and keep living on till the future. The extended ‘R’ in the back is to commemorate PGI’s current golden era and the bastion of the right. On the outsider’s eye, this union is may be considered as a strange event. But, for the sake of the government, both parties have determined that this is necessary to rule another ten years. With this also, they wanted to reconcile with the PPP, possibly because there is no other party the PNI-R is suitable with.

    However, with this merger coming up, a few setbacks happened inside the Parindra itself ~ the Fundamentalists. Particularly not the NUs, but the more radical ones in Aceh, West Sumatra and West Java. They have commented with Parindra’s lack of religious policies for the last 7 years. They threatened to leave the party if the coming elections will not change Parindra’s outlook. Nasution processed the threat as no big deal, as the Fundamentalists are small enough to not cause a significant shrink of voters.

    Nasution reaches for the coffee and sips a few. Maybe, we will win another round.
    -------------------------------------------------------​
    Several changes:
    Party names will now be Indonesian. Most of the party names, if translated to Indonesia, may be considered a bit... off... Therefore, I try using Indonesian ones instead.

    PPP is Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, the native version of PUP or Progressive Union Party
    PKI is Partai Komunis Indonesia, the native version of CPI or Communist Party of Indonesia.
    Parindra is Partai Indonesia Raya, the native version of PGI or Party of Greater Indonesia, although in here this is the 2nd Version of Parindra.
    PNI is Partai Nasional Indonesia, the native version of INP or Indonesia National Party, although in here is also the 2nd Version of PNI, established in 1947. But, it has the same beliefs as the old one, different from Parindra.

    Do you like the new format though? I'm a bit experimenting here.
     
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    A Nation to Elevate Part 3: Sabuk Biru
  • 2nd August 1972

    Mayor Jenderal Budi Suherman is watching at Batam Island on the horizon. He has stayed in Bintan for quite some time now. Just at the Western tip of Bintan, a military base, the largest in Indonesia, is being built. Although construction is halted due to recent American embargo, most of the important needs were already built. Army camps have established for the size of a company, committing at least to secure the Malacca Strait. Controlling the busiest trading routes in the world, patrolling them was at the utmost difficulties. Although Mayjen Budi is an Army officer, the base was majorly gifted for the Coast Guard. He is here because Premier Suharto has given him an observational task, for the grand plan Project Sabuk Biru.

    Sabuk Biru, or Blue Belt, is a major covert grand plan from the government. It lists key islands located in Malacca Strait and Karimata Strait. Stated as the obvious, Bintan will be a hub for Army activities and also a co-joined military headquarters for all four branches. Funded formerly by the United States, the base itself should also be part of the United States military bases overseas, but the current diplomatic relation confirmed yet otherwise. Using the existing infrastructure, the base is prioritised for the Coast Guard first, at least until the government has more money to renew constructing.

    Just south of Pulau Batam, Pulau Lingga is going to be constructed as one of the national science research centres. After relations turned sour, NASA directly confronted Nixon by launching the Apollo Program to the Moon on March 26, 1971. There is a hot dispute between the two bodies. In a devious way, he also supports Papua’s independence from Indonesia. This is something that will ease how things work in Papua. Indeed, by the start of 1971, there were a few insurgents popping in Papua. More of them has revolted now, but the migrants from Java has actually assisted the current government in handling those revolts. Even though NASA still launch to the Moon with Indonesia’s base, Papua is getting out of hand. After the launch the Apollo, Nixon quickly fired the Director, and replace with the ones cooperative with him. In the end, the Liberty Space Center is abandoned by NASA and is now used for the Army to combat the existing growing partisans.

    How weird, Mayjen Budi though. The Americans are not cooperative with their own.

    Therefore, trying to get a backdoor, Premier Suharto instructed that the Federal Republic of Indonesia should need a new science research centre only for national agendas, not any other foreigners.

    South of Pulau Lingga there are Pulau Bangka and Pulau Belitung. These two are giants comparing two the rest of the mentioned. While Pulau Bangka is relatively undisturbed, Pulau Belitung is getting an upgrade. Over the course of nuclear research, Indonesia has not found a better location to establish a nuclear research centre rather than Belitung itself. Java and Sumatra is a lost cause, the fault lines in those regions have cause volcanoes to be extremely active, thus heat the grounds. While the North Java was relatively flat, far from volcanoes, and near to the sea, cities have grown in there. The safe distance that the Indonesians want far from any residence and that is impossible for Java. Belitung, on the other hand, still has a relatively low population, and the government can encourage them to leave to nearest Bangka for Belitung to become an exclusive island. With that, Belitung may also be a second base for the Navy, Army and Air Force.

    He drinks his coffee, for now, imagining what the near future may look like for Batam and Bintan.
     
    A Nation to Elevate Part 4: At Both Ends
  • Andre Resapa was elected as the leader of Partai Sosial Demokrat Madagaskar after Philibert Tsiranana announced that he intended to run for President of the new Republik Madagaskar. The new Constitution, 1972 Revision, update or maybe eliminate the current status of Special Administrative Regions. Those regions now are federal states, while the current federal states are shifted as provinces of Republik Indonesia. Therefore, there are now five states, Republik Federal Indonesia as the national state, Republik Indonesia, Republik Papua, Republik Melanesia and Republik Madagaskar as the regional states. After deciding that Republik Federal Indonesia may be confused with Republik Indonesia. The Indonesians decided to alter their name as Republik Nusantara. So, Republik Indonesia becomes the unifying banner for Pan-Austronesian nation.

    Andre ever asked why we just name the newly revised federal republic as Austronesia. The only feedback he received was a backlash of using a similar name with Australia. In the 1970s, public hatred against Australia is still high, and none is willing to associate our nation with the southern nation.

    Nevertheless, there is a general election coming for the revised Republik Federal Indonesia, and it seems that the magnet has shifted for the left.

    Parindra, now PNI-R, is unaware of the aftermath it created after the Madagaskar annexation. Andre’s native island is a left island, supportive of left economic and social policy. The next blow against PNI-R is their hasty attitude of incorporating Bahasa Indonesia as the unifying language there, instead of the current Malagasy language. In addition to it, French diaspora is still influential and thus prying for being noticed and cared for by the current government.

    Partai Sosial Demokrat Madagaskar is allying for Partai Persatuan Pembangunan. Adam Malik as the new figure for PPP has shown great interests in allying the former. The region is promised to receive a majority for the PSDM, possibly turning the tides for the left-wing political spectrum.

    Despite the upcoming hopes, the PSDM requested the PPP in not allying PKI. Although also a left-wing party, PKI is yet a radical version of one, still advocate for a system akin to China and India. Mao Ze Dong is almost an icon for Asian Communism, and the face of the Soviet Union as the world’s commune was diminished as Yuri Andropov’s administration is tainted with what is called Vistula Spring.

    Andre Resapa is grinning as the reports came. The results will be a landslide, and the PNI-R can do nothing about it.

    -----------------------------------------------​

    Jenderal D.I. Panjaitan is sitting on a bivouac with the commanding Brigadir Jenderal Aditya Rumbesa. The higher rank having received a repetitive report about the increasing problems in Papua. Especially the eastern portion, Republik of Papua announces a martial law. Organisasi Papua Merdeka, or a regional separatist, has sabotaged numerous civilian administrative offices. Moreover, Pot Mosbi is now overrun by OPM, and declare the city as the new capital of Independent Papua. Indonesia is not happy about this, neither do Republik Papua. The contender in Pot Mosbi enraged Kaisiepo from Kotabaru.

    ‘What is the current situation?’ Jenderal Panjaitan asks. He was never briefed about the reports about Papua, but he guesses it would be dire.

    Semenanjung Ekor* is mostly controlled by the hostiles and proceeds to expand Westwards. Cendrawasih is suffering difficulties entering the region. No road network, just jungles from Merauke to Kerema. They are having the upper hand.’

    Jenderal Panjaitan analyzes the problem. Almost every part of Papua is just nature, no roads and trails to follow. Premier Suharto acknowledged this issue to the DPR, saying that a general infrastructure must be built in the region. However, as most of the money is drained for paving Java and Sumatra. DPR is not having more road-building unless they want to bankrupt the nation. Now, after the current embargo, it is going to.

    ‘We believed the Australians are involved in this, as Melanesia has not seen any US Fleet.’ Brigadir Jenderal Aditya continues. Jenderal Panjaitan knows that the only way the Americans can bring supplies for the insurgents is from the East, and that is monitored by Melanesia. The nearest US base is Palau, and that cannot even support their own. The other bet is Guam, Mariana Islands. But it is inefficient that the US Air Force must travel thousands of miles, and met our lands first so that they land supplies for the rebels in Pot Mosbi.

    Jenderal Panjaitan, once again, analyzes the situation on Papua. Presently, he decides he would execute a plan similar to what Kolonel Suprapto did a decade ago.

    ‘Can we do the Miracle of Hanoi?’

    =================================​
    *Semenanjung Ekor is the Peninsula located at the South-Eastern tip of Papua, where Port Moresby, currently called Pot Mosbi, lies.
     
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    A Nation to Elevate Part 5
  • 12th February 1973

    Manai Sophiaan is the first one to meet Barrack Hussein Obama, in a Kenyan visit to Indonesia. Both are foreign ministers of their nations, and both now also has the same objectives, reviving the Asia-African Conference.

    The former has serious issues to press, as he has seen the inescapable rise for PPP and its mutual alliance with PSDM. Premier Suharto had determined him that although defeat is coming, we must not lose without a fight. Therefore, we must work hard now, so the election can still be fought. One of the strategies from President Nasution was looking back towards the 1950s, the moment when then-President Sukarno and Wilopo organize the Bandung Conference.

    The KAA, Konferensi Asia Afrika, of Bandung Conference according to the UN, went absolutely nowhere. The shift of pro-decolonization to pro-neocolonization had deterred what Konferensi Asia Africa could become – a precursor of a new third bloc. Before in the 50s, the Cold War is still thick between the United States and the Soviet Union. Now, the Cold War has effectively decrease in tension, although hostilities are increasing. What Indonesia seeks is the stability of Africa, therefore safekeeping the Madagascar for a long time.

    In the Kenyan eyes, however, the KAA could be a stepping stone for a new regional power in Africa, an ideology long adored since colonialism. As the United Kingdom has left their colonies except South Africa, all of those liberated nations must decide who to side with. Congo is a blood bath between the United States, France and the Soviet Union. Because of that, none of the countries prefers to befriend those giants. Kenya decided that rather than backing a superpower that none of them preferred, instead they form a community, an alliance for protecting themselves. In effects of this spirit birthed the East African Community. Formed after the recent independence in 27th January 1973, Kenya declared an East African Community, by now, Uganda is their newest member. Tanganyika is also applying, but their demanded unification with Zanzibar halts their admittance.

    Manai Sophiaan is determined that the Kenyan talks will resulted something, he is assured to it.

    ------------------​

    Premier Suharto is on the edge of the seat. The Blue Revolution has been fruitful, but the reaps of it would not be PNI-R to sow, but the PPP Coalition. In the recent events, PPP has announced a coalition of PSDM, while not giving a clue about PKI. The coalition will definitely prove a problem for PNI-R, as the majority has shifted to them. Nevertheless, despite the Assembly would be lost, maybe the Presidency can still be maintained.

    He was about to call the President, when Fajar Lubis comes.

    ‘Premier Suharto, I have wonderful news from you.’

    ‘Sure thing. Sit down Fajar.’

    Premier Suharto is convinced that the good news Fajar may be about to tell him is regarding the Jakarta Metropolitan projects. With Mayor Jenderal Ali Sadikin as the appointed Governor of Jakarta, the city has been affected with still troubled growth but long-term planning. There are a few setbacks resulting from the American embargo issued upon Indonesia, but the national interests is unaltered as they want to pace against Singapore and Kuala Lumpur in terms of growth.

    He looks at Fajar, a surprisingly similar face with Mayor Jenderal Ali Sadikin. But he scratches that thought when Fajar returns to speak.

    ‘The Setiabudhi Grid Pattern is officially publicized, and the road construction is underway. Similar to Manhattan’s grid, but with slight alterations. But still, it is promising.’

    ‘Well, that’s not new. What else?’

    ‘Well, it seems we have a housing plan in Tanjung Duren. A middle-income one. We believe it would be extremely compact, but experts suggest that we must make more greens.’

    ‘Still not a good news to me, Fajar.’

    ‘I’m sorry, Premier. But the good news is someone finally agrees to construct a Metro in Jakarta.’

    Now that has appealed Premier Suharto in attention. Since the recent embargo, finding foreign investments was particularly easy on Europe, but now with the initiative to build a Metro in Jakarta. Subway is still high-cost for Jakarta, and Jakarta is not crowded enough to have enough commuters to overcome the building costs. But, the government has determined that Jakarta’s growth will be incredible if Metros are being built. So, it is not people first then Metro, but Metro first then people. A convincing plan for boosting Jakarta as a decent contender of sophistication against Singapore and Kuala Lumpur.

    Ever since the Australian Aggression, Jakarta’s population has been diminished greatly. Most of the population has fled into neighboring cities because of the harsh bombings. While most of the civilian buildings in Hayam Wuruk and Gajah Mada were hit to ashes, Tanjung Priok has been completely razed by Australian bombers. As a result, many of native Jakartans migrated to Depok, Bekasi and Tangerang. After the war, Jakarta is curing from ruined buildings, many of them are still untouched, lack of budget to rebuild them. The national budget plan is not helping either, as the government prioritize rural development rather than urban growth.

    Mayor Jenderal Ali Sadikin has proposed to change the entirety of the Tambora Region as a large park, remembering the casualties of the war. There is nothing to salvage anymore in those regions, and rebuilding them is extremely expensive. Because of Jakarta’s destruction also, the Jakarta Inner Ring Road could be built alongside the Flood Canal. In before those regions are heavily populated, now partly desolated.

    The Metro Line that will be built is purposely for the Setiabudhi Grid Complex. Although the grid is yet empty, the Metro must be built to boost land value in these regions, also for alluring investors.

    ‘Tell me then, who is it?’

    ‘The Germans'

    Well, Premier Suharto thought. That would be a good opening for a friendly German-Indonesian relation.
     
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    A Nation to Elevate Part 6
  • 1st March 1973

    Fitri Sumardjat is living in the government middle-rise complex in Tanah Abang. As a mother of seven children, she only witnesses three to grow into adulthood. Jonny was killed during Operation Cenderawasih, one that liberated Papua from the Australian occupation. Heru died in hospital because of the perpetual bombings by the British in their old home Tanjung Priok. Siti was with Heru and died along as well. Bambang and Fahri were bled out during a construction site gone wrong. As only three left, Fitri Sumardjat must live a widow also as her husband, a Kolonel, disappeared in Madagaskar.

    Fitri is now working on a textile industry on the new industrial complex near Kalideres. Since ‘Inggris dilinggis’, a common term of mockery to British defeat, the government has issued a new style of planning. Instead of having a large industrial complex on a single spot, they intended to spread out and create smaller, much nuclear industrial buildings. The same goes for residential buildings, although Fitri cannot find the similarities.

    So, there are a few small bubbles of the workforce around Jakarta. Kalideres is building a textile complex, a fishing industry in Cengkareng, manufacturing complex in Pulo Gadung, and electronics in Cakung. She formerly worked as lead labour in Tanjung Priok’s textile companies, now the company has moved to Kalideres while the old spot was still largely in ruins.

    As the economy went slow, so does production, and so does the money she receives. Last year she was forced to have a 20% cut on her original salary. Now, it was slashed another 20%. Luckily, the three children she has is productive and working. It is only her to afford a living.

    Her oldest children, Sumarsono, is a young engineer working for the government. Because of the current central priorities, Sumarsono has been extremely busy on-field observations. He is a civil engineer, but he designs specifically on railroads. During the War, he joined the Navy and reached his peak as Letnan Satu. He was awarded Satyalencana Teladan and other medals were given for his service as protector of Pelabuhan Ratu, which was near to hostile Christmas Island then. After the war, he returned to university and pursuit civil engineering.

    For Fitri, her oldest daughter Rina is the only politician in the family. Align with her mother’s ideology, Rina has become a stubborn activist for PPP. Giving compassionate speeches and brilliant criticism against the current PNI-R government. Most of her points are anti-US policy and pro-Non Aligned, which PNI-R has continued to do the otherwise. Now at the age of twenty-five, a year younger than Sumarsono, Rina is campaigning to support her party. She doesn’t want to be disturbed by her campaign, and every time her mother asks for her, she always returns with this note.

    ‘Sorry, Mother. I am trying to make Jakarta yellow and the military is having their best in preventing it. Have another month and I will see you.’

    The youngest living son of Fitro, Sudiro, is healthily working in the Tanah Abang Toll Gate, near the newly build Jasamarga HQ. Since, the war, the entire Jakarta Inner Ring Road has been build, along with building the Outer Ring Road. While the Inner Ring Road will be the virtual boundary for Ring 1, the Outer Ring Road will be Ring 2. In addition to it, the Outer Ring Road will be the connector of airport Halim and port Tanjung Priok, while the government is building a new airport near Fitri’s workplace in Cengkareng. No one knows how massive will the Airport be, but Sudiro has had the blueprints. It is already since 1956 that Kemajoran Airport is closed, and turned into a museum.

    All of the living family members despised whites, as they killed more than half of the clan. As a result, so do some people living in Tanah Abang. The US Embassy has been a place for riot multiple times, that the current government pledge to move the Embassy further South, near Kebayoran. The only tolerable place for whites now in Jakarta is Kebayoran Baru. Many other European Embassies also moved to Kebayoran, along with their residence. As a result, Menteng is partly abandoned, and military officials move in. in the end, Menteng has become a green pool, while civilians are centred in Tanah Abang and Tanjung Tinggi.

    When she eyed up in her five-story Rumah Susun, a home now she lives in, she saw Sarinah, the government mall. For her, it was enormous, but in a few years, that fifteen-floor commercial centre will be dwarfed with the giants in Setiabudhi.

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    Nasution hates when he must see Suharto annoyed. Ever become his superior, Suharto is extremely dangerous when he is dancing with elephants. His Premiership would be gone, as the polls have displayed a certain 60% for the PPP-PSDM Coalition, even without the PKI. furthermore, the Fundamentalists has formed a new party, PUI, Partai Umat Islam, and establish a much more radical right for Indonesia. The PUI destabilize the PNI-R, although in the other perspective it strengthens the Nationalist and the Military.

    ‘We aren’t ready for this. Who knows what will the yellows do! We aren’t finished building what we need, and I bet the PPP will revise it!’ Suharto blared with anger.

    ‘No, Suharto. You are not seeing the bigger picture. The Constitution marks the President-Premier divide, and with these results, we would see a PPP Premier. However, we still can hold the Presidency. We are still popular in foreign policy, and with America being better friends we can survive in the government.’

    Suharto just nods in indignation. He seeks to just be Premier for at least five years because he thinks that controlling the domestic issues effectively no one is better than him. Meanwhile, he also noticed the new Presidency in the West, a Shafer Presidency. It was the first in US history, that a split party manage to hold the Presidency.

    Raymond Philip Shafer is a moderate Republican, a better candidate if United States-Indonesia relation wants to ease. In his inaugural address, he mainly proclaims for marijuana decriminalization and also further ties with Asian countries to prevent a Beijing-Delhi Axis. As a result, Indonesia’s embargo would be lifted, and this downturn would finally end.

    ‘When the sky brightens, we cramp ourselves at home. What a waste!’ Suharto remarks.

    ‘Promise me, Suharto. When you lose the Premiership, don’t do something stupid. Don’t worry, we may lose at DPR, but not the Presidency.’ Nasution adds.
     
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