Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL

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Tradition vs Progress Part 10: Space Race and Vietnam Situation
Space Race: Situations on Both Sides

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Soyuz 12 Landing in the Sea of Rains (Mare Imbrium), near Luna 11's Landing, March 29 1971

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Apollo 13 Landing in the Sea of Tranquility (Mare Tranquillitatis), March 26 1971
“We are more fulfilled when we are involved in something bigger than ourselves.”
— John Glenn, 2009 Ares 15 Launch

Initial Adventures

The first era of the space race officially initiated on the launch of Sputnik as the first Soviet satellite on 15 October 1957. This was a natural progression after the two adversary’s missile development, the protoform of what would become rockets. In the mid-50s, both the Soviet Union and the United States were contriving ballistic missiles that could be used to launch objects into space. Soon, the stage was planted for an imminent space race.

After Sputnik’s successful launch to orbit, the United States gave concerns to a humiliating defeat on America’s industrial and technological devotion. Then, the situation grew into a much-deserved rivalry, establishing the rival space program, from Eisenhower’s project Vanguard, to fast forward a launch date. As the launch failed, it was an utter joke for the United States, one that forced the American nation to seriously consider the Space Race and its development.

Eisenhower’s successor, Kennedy, was passionate to win against Soviet’s space achievements after humiliating defeats in NASA and their late Explorer Mission. Kennedy peaked the NASA budget to almost 4.5% for the manned missions, determined to send American science to space, combating Soviet’s advancement at that time. With his famous “Moon Speech”, he promised the American people to send manned missions to the Earth’s nearest large object by the end of the decade, a promise failed by 1 year, unfortunately. Yet, he still pursued that promise, along with other domestic programs, all of whom paved Kennedy to high popularity.
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President John Glenn as
the first man to space, 1962

However, during Kennedy’s years, the stakes, thus also risks, increased as the United States deliberately involved Indonesia’s land as a junior partner, ultimately contributing the most important launches of American history, Apollo 13, on March 26, 1971. Until the 21st century, many were perplexed on the Camelot’s decision of bizarre appeal to the tropical nation, apart from increasing American presence in Southeast Asia and NASA’s good side to push the launch site more tropical. However, many have argued that the societal improvement of Papua after Kennedy’s policy did little for America, but extremely many for Indonesians. Nevertheless, regardless of how Indonesia contributed to the improvement of the early Space Race, it gained traction towards the American people that Indonesia was postponing the Space Race, contributed with Nixon’s disdain on NASA’s careless obsession.

As the space race had evolved as the domestic crisis birthed within the American party establishment, Nixon developed the opposition of Kennedy’s approach, claiming that American success for Americans only. This was seen by many Americans who felt Kennedy had been too kind concerning Southeast Asia rather than their continent. Yet, after Nixon’s controversial rule, the scepticism of NASA and Indonesia’s situation became dwarfed with Shafer’s brutally liberal policy, much extreme to the 1970s of the United States, won by threading the needle between two unpopular candidates. Still, besides the conflict of interests between NASA Administrator and President Nixon, the former governor was interested in winning the Space Race.

President Shafer’s policy on the space policy was interesting, albeit not passionate to the likes of Kennedy and Eisenhower during the 60s. Howbeit, Shafer maintained the NASA budget as the predecessors did, allowing necessary growth to American space exploration. He acknowledged Papua’s significance on the Apollo 13 launch as the first American on the Moon. The President continued the Apollo Program, which discovered new water resources on the surface of the Moon, reported by Apollo 16, fruited to be beneficial for an American permanent mission to the satellite body. Simultaneously, the Shafer presidency announced the Space Shuttle Program, Hermes Program [1] and Skylab Program, also continuing the Mariner Program. These continued to be unnoticed throughout the 70s because Shafer’s other policies were more radical and controversial. NASA, fortunately, achieved decent successes on their space program. This is surprising that Shafer’s controversial era as the people’s attention was diverted from NASA’s struggle on the space battle, while still cheering the organization’s success in Apollo 13. He maintained past Kennedy's budget of around 2%, allowing significant space for NASA to complete many achievements.
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The Hermes Program, shown Hermes 3 to Mars, 1974


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The Space Shuttle Program, Colombia STS-2, 1985
NASA’s great obstacle entered post-1975 when the assassination of Shafer marked the down spiral of NASA’s budget percentage to downright minimal. As Haldeman assumed the seat, he proposes significant budget cuts and curtail social programs, while increasing the percentage of the war in Central America. NASA, thus the space exploration, was damaged by a constraint budget of 0.75%. That involved longing few projects mentioned beforehand, compelling NASA to discover more efficient means to complete a program without lavish budgets. This causes several projects to postpone, like the Hermes Program, or having cancelled further missions, especially the Apollo Program.

The next President, Carter, was passionate to continue Kennedy’s legacy, but later reversed himself for the sheer change he needed for his other domestic program. Firstly, the environmental push for America’s independence on oil marked Carter’s problem in the budget area. Although he later transferred the large military budget for environmental and oil exploration programs, this was one of the many centralized programs he visualized to pass. His biggest issue was Carteraid. It marked America’s first basic universal healthcare for all Americans, the third instalment of healthcare programs. The first, Kennedycare [2], passed health care for the aged. Medicaid [3] passed during Shafer’s presidency, passed health care for the needy and impoverished people. Ultimately, Carteraid [4] became the breakthrough of healthcare, gaining all Americans’ endorsement. Nevertheless, the last update of healthcare had killed the American budget. Eventually, President Carter passed budget cuts to NASA. By 1980, NASA’s budget was minutely 0.49%, a dwarf of his former glory. NASA’s worst reality was many of their ongoing programs must be terminated for reasons of financial burden, they later ended manned missions to outer space, relying on robots and satellites for future breakthroughs.

Glenn’s Rise to Power

NASA’s anomalous budget charts in the 1980s were because of the rise of an Ohioan marine, John Glenn. The first man in space was persuaded to join the political platform by Bob Kennedy in December 1962, suggesting running for the 1964 United States Senate election in Ohio. The man won the seat against incumbent Stephen Young and the Republican challenger Robert Taft Jr. He won the seat after that, consecutive from 1970 and 1976. During his Senate years, he befriends Senator Frank Church from Idaho, this friendship benefited him a lot to appease Rockefeller as former Vice President, along with his vice-presidential career after Frank’s untimely death on July 15, 1981. Glenn’s closeness with him also influenced Carter’s decision to appoint the Ohioan senator as his vice president.
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Glenn with Carter, 1977

Glenn’s ascendance to the presidency marked two changes against Carter’s usual path. He eventually ended the environmental programs which took a lot of money, redirecting the funds to NASA’s increased budget to 3%. His pension programs also cost him money, causing devastating inflation until the 1990s. Nevertheless, he was passionate to boost NASA. Obviously, after the “sudden surge of funds” from the federal government, NASA reopened dormant programs as well as publicized the “new Apollo”, the Ares Program [5]. Like Apollo, Ares would mission a man to Mars, eventually winning the Space Race against the Soviet Union for good. Glenn declared the Soviets launch less than a week after the Americans were dangerous because the Soviets’ technological capabilities still challenge the United States.

Unfortunately, America’s repurposed to continue the Space Race did not receive the critical response like the 60s, as the changed nation had moved beyond astrophysical desires. Many instead passed for diverting the Space Race funds into the social programs, improving Carteraid or possible enhancing it. This was completely ignored by Glenn, claiming that the healthcare was as perfect as one might allow because any more healthcare proposals would kill in Congress because of the rising reformists. The disparity between the people and the president interests signed distrust, evolving into fringe theories claiming Glenn to be benefited by the boosted space program. The Challenger Scandal was also political, despite numerous claims of a legitimate connection between the President and NASA’s incompetence, the outrage was partly a political manoeuvre stating for no more space missions and more domestic issues.

Meanwhile, on the Red World [6]

America’s step back on the space race was caused by domestic interests and the will of the American people. The Soviet Union, meanwhile, was derived from the Secretary’s commitment to strengthen the Warsaw Pact first. Although many coined the Andropov’s reign as stagnate of the communist world, Warsaw Pact satellites marked this as their golden age, because it was the only era of the entire chronology in which the Soviet Union truly caressed the needs of non-Soviet states. One might consider this obnoxious during the early Andropov reign in the early 1970s because the man was different from the man claimed by the Western intellectuals. Indeed, he spoke to the Soviet Union to regain its feet on the space race, increasing communist presence in Congo, Nicaragua, and many places of the world and possible allying all sorts of unique combinations merely to defeat the United States. Yet, just months after his claim, he would bite his tongue, pushing for the humble yet devastating tries of the Comecon and the Warsaw Pact, much like Ignatov’s initiatives.

The Soviet Union space program successfully landed a man on the Moon after the Americans did in 1971. Yet, under his administration, he would pause the space program with Comecon’s extensive refurbishment and killing all corrupt bureaucrats of the CPSU. In contrary to the popular belief, he abandoned his brutal reconnaissance roots of KGB background but pushed for less repressive methods to other Soviet Socialist Republics and satellite states. The Soviet Space program, unlike the American counterpart, had not their budget killed, that’s because Andropov secretly launched a covert operation in a condominium with the KGB. The PAKA Operation was launched covertly to infiltrate NASA and gather significant launch data to the Soviet’s space agency. To reduce detectability, Andropov stated that the space program will pause its achievements until Andropov completed his mission in reinforcing the Warsaw Pact.
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Soyuz 15, the last mission before dormancy, 1973

PAKA successful operation involved leaking documents of vital Apollo secrets, undetected by the American counter-intelligence body, until the Soviet’s public shock on their return to the space race. Although the Americans were better in the knowledge, the Soviet Union slowly grind information to the Soviet higherups, instead of adopting alternative methods, cheaper and efficient, against the American already-applied counterparts. This secret, uncovered in the late 2000s, also unveiled that PAKA prompted less needed struggle by Soviet scientists for space technology, and instead modify their discovered American ideas with Soviet minds to promote their shuttles. Although the KGB’s stealth infiltration to the American body, the CIA soon sensed a leak in American documents as soon as the Soviet Union’s rapid scientific development on the Space Race by the 1990s. Nevertheless, the aftermath of the incident would spark a second awakening of the Space Race, a refurbished passion towards infinity and beyond.


3rd July 1987
Saigon, Vietnam


It’s almost a full year after Ambassador Johanes Petrus Louhanapessy lengthy discussion with Lieutenant Colonel Susilo, the day when the brilliant man also expressed the long pyrrhic end of this conflict, regardless of who came out victorious. A few days ago, a miracle happened on the Mekong River from President Glenn’s fortunate event in years. It partly delighted Johanes which South Vietnam has hoped for their eventual win, but also show upset because the government will continue to reinstate him here, not home. During the turbulent era of Saigon, Johanes became astute with the locals, learned the Vietnamese language fluently, also studied the local’s culture for the remaining stay.

“Mr President, the United States government supports the South Vietnamese cause as maximum as you do. However, the people had fallen grace for this perpetual war. I’m sorry, even with the successful assault and recapture of significant checkpoints, the government will mediate a withdrawal.”

Ambassador Johanes, in honest, were particularly stunned that the bureaucratic Americans have not briefed the General for a status quo ante Bellum proposal with the North Vietnamese. The North Vietnamese, radical with their spirit, outright rejected the idea, but future incidents would stir the situation in their favour.

North Vietnam had the highest distrust with the communist Cambodians for a while, much to the borderland’s locals despise each other. The Khmer Rouge had planned systemic killings to Vietnamese for their reclaim territory. Despite these claims to be South Vietnamese, the killings spread to all Vietnamese, North and South. Currently, as the American general were optimistic, the Thiệu Regime, with all the atrocities, inefficiency, and lack of popularity, was gaining the hearts of all Vietnamese while the North stagnated farmers believed the communist regime sided with “The Brother’s Killer”. For Johanes, nothing surprises him anymore considering Mainland Indochina having had wars with all sorts of combinations, this iteration did not wow him.

During the height of the disastrous convention buildup, the Marines have tried their luck one more time, Operation Delta Thrust 2.0 as one put it, to reclaim their captured objectives from their first success. Another full frontal assault from the Mekong. However, just before the all-or-nothing to begin, news circulated on South Vietnam that North Vietnam’s red militia in Da Nang mutinied. This continued with Vietnamese forces in Don Khong, just bordering the Cambodian State, that after the struggle against both Thai and American forces, North Vietnam cease to be held in favour, ending their loyalty to the communist regime. Immediately, the belligerent American Commander in Vietnam used their opportunities and launch their miracle of the decade.

Instead of continuing the former plan, Operation Dagger Forest, named by the general itself, pushed for sympathizing with the mutiny in border regions of said North Vietnam defectors. South Vietnam’s forces were obliged to the American ingenuity. As North Vietnam was never napalmed as harshly by the Americans (they focused more on the Cambodians), the South Vietnamese army managed to defect a few communist militias to join their side on the border.

Many of the defectors reveal the same poetry, with slight variations of different individuals, going crazy after witnessing a devastating atrocity. Immediately, the American soldiers watched as the South Vietnamese attempted to reconcile with their conscripted northern brothers. Soon, the defection destructed North Vietnam’s advances. The most notable one was Colonel Phùng Quang Thanh, the 12th professional Brigade that captured Da Nang and the offensive to Qui Nhơn soon defected to South Vietnam after noticing Cambodian’s atrocities on the Vietnamese people.

“For our people, we march to the front! We’ll wipe out the very last Yankee, while the Khmers rampaged within, wiping out our own Vietnamese!

Our hearts are filled with wrath, countryside burned, cities aflame. But we were lied greatly by the North. Let the thundering song gather all folks, that we chant the defeat of our kin, fighting against the wrong enemy.”

-Translated March of the Mutinied Soldiers, as they fight against the loyalist armies.

The situation reversed immediately as soon as North Vietnamese soldiers grasped the Cambodian atrocities racially directed on Vietnamese. Also, by this time, the truths of the Ba Chúc Massacre have been broadcasted to most North Vietnamese soldiers, beyond censorship, which they convened dissonance from the communist regime for the first time.

“I assure you General, these findings have been… novel towards us. However, we are optimistic for a victory in this war once and for all, but an extra oomph to South Vietnam’s capabilities, especially firearms and monetary especially, donated to our cause.”

As much as the Indonesian Ambassador wished for a little interruption, he almost chuckled at the idea of donation towards the dictator. Although he was aligned to Indonesia’s interests and the Americans especially, the idea of donation would be fruitless by the regime’s thick and corrupt bureaucracy. Nothing would be done to the war effort. Fortunately, the general also perceived similarly, which he politely rejected.

“Mr President, as much as I can help you. I’m stuck between you and my government. We have… domestic problems… that can affect my help here. For now, my orders remain a withdrawal. The Virachey encirclement was the last thing I can do.”

The president glanced at the general, then towards the ambassador. A disdain was clearly shown to the Indonesian representative, probably internally badmouthing Subandrio’s initiatives to back off from South Vietnamese affairs. As much as he would like to cut ties with the Indonesian government for the sake of wrath and betrayal, Indonesia’s economic capabilities partly sustained the South Vietnamese war effort. This showed great worry with Johanes, as that meant South Vietnam to be an unreliable partner in the future, because of Indonesia’s actions.

“Meanwhile, General. Since this talk has been continuously in circles for quite some time. Why don’t we resume later?”

The General was quick to understand his true intentions, which he composedly answered, “Yes, Mr President. Let’s resume talks afternoon at this same place. Thank you.”

Frankly, the real reason why Johanes is inside these important talks is because of two crucial factors. Firstly, Indonesia is still the giant in Southeast Asia whom America presumable anointed as “America’s Right-Hand”, despite Subandrio’s recent policies. Therefore, the Americans particularly felt comfortable with Vietnamese talks under Indonesia’s responsiveness. Secondly, General Fred Trump Jr. was close friends with Johanes immediately upon arriving in Saigon. Also, the Indonesian Embassy was popular as a humanitarian activist’s activity centre, granting the most positive critics in the entire region, ironically to the regime’s preference.​

[1] OTL the Viking Program
[2] Kennedycare was the first healthcare regulation for the elderly and the children, socialized medicine basically, almost an OTL Medicare similarity
[3] Medicaid was a medicare aid for the poor, similarly to OTL. The difference was the Medicaid was less effective during Kennedy's 1965 (with Kennedycare) proposal but finalized with strength on Shafer's 1973 Bill.
[4] Carteraid is the ultimate national insurance law for all Americans, a step for universal healthcare, was a very daring proposal.
[5] The ITTL Mars program name {the crewed mission], different from Hermes which launches orbital satellite (and not just Mars, but Venus, Mercury too)
[6] Sergei Korolev lives ITTL. Similar divergence to the premise of the TV Series
For all Mankind

Next up is a domestic chapter, bringing about the real deal with the June 27th Riots as mere tremors. I didn't plan on what the format would be, but maybe a single-long post.
 
Will there be an update regarding space program of other countries e.g. Kingdom of Germany? Maybe Indonesia can lease another island for Germany to launch it's rocket.
 
Will there be an update regarding space program of other countries e.g. Kingdom of Germany? Maybe Indonesia can lease another island for Germany to launch it's rocket.

Soon, France is more likely than Germany ITTL in terms of space capabilities. However, the 50s to 80s was mostly the US and the USSR.
 
Tradition vs Progress Part 11: Kudatuli
The Cries of the Capital: Kudatuli 1987
Riots are not the voice of the unheard, is the noise of the empty vessels. There’s no righteousness in romanticizing violence, all commoners suffer enough.
Try Sutrisno, 1987

The 27th of June did assert the voice of the obstinate conservatives that change soon arrive on the largest party of Indonesia at that time. The PPP Convention, irrespective of the validity one can offer, will continue as nothing but an instrument for both sides of the splitting faction, neither willing to offer compromise after one another. Barisan Progresif, with all their alibis, maintained power because they believed Indonesia’s growth in that era to be their accomplishments. Self-complimenting them as the “good guys” as the opposition might put it, but they have all their proof to explain their motives. Kesejahteraan Rakyat, meanwhile, also offer another perspective, declaring the government to side with business and not the populace, granting all sorts of micro problems most farmers endured and partly agree on.

30th June 1987 put Colonel Edy Pramodya, the colonel who secured the capital when the riot almost evolved into the massacre, was relieved from duty. Since that, the television broadcasted all sorts of arguments for and against the sacking of the colonel. Many metropolitans assumed the protestors had the correct response; the military performed well on their responsibility. Another stated the military to act too rash on civilian resentment, declaring some of the berets “off-centre”. Anyhow, the riots before did not end the deeper conflict between the factions within the PPP, it bolstered them.

The release of the detained in Senin after the president’s order marked the romanticized struggle amongst farmers that hoped the party can continue under the torch of Mahathir Mohammad. President Subandrio’s support of them gave a yearning for change, not surrender to the tides of progressivism under the party’s other faction. Moreover, with the publicity they needed, these detainees eventually offered interviews, decreeing their hatred towards the government, especially the cabinet, “the Cronies of Singapur” as one of them might insult. Nevertheless, the lower class of all regions of the Nusantara State Republic had adored the protestor’s struggle, while other republics were repulsive of the protestors’ self-obsessed intention.
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President Subandrio 1987, visited the Netherlands in early July, later returned home but hospitalized

On the 1st of July 1987, the central committee of PPP, Usep included as the head of the central PPP capital headquarters, declared the voting systems convention to be adequate and transparent. They declared none of the accused frauds, injustice and evils was executed by the central committee nor the two conflicting factions. However, the party strongly messaged their supporters to stop this destructive attitude on the victorious faction, needing the “heal” of the party to go ahead for Indonesia’s future. In turn, they wanted these protestors to go home while the politicians in Jakarta resolve the ongoing dispute between the two powers to continue in unison. Unfortunately, neither of Mahathir’s supporters acknowledged this, none of them does at all.

The fortnight after the convention gave Mahathir’s ideology the nationwide courtesy it sought, declaring his policies far and wide. The Bumiputera policy, Mahathir as the mastermind, became the heating debate on the national platform, appeasing voters on ethnic Malays alike. This policy involved a racially discriminatory policy designed to favour natives to create economic and social opportunities at the expense of the significant minority population that controlled most privileges in Indonesia, notable one was the Chinese population as natural merchants or ethnic Papuans and Madagascans as they benefited the most on LKY’s previous programs. This also increased the fact most minorities received the investments for Indonesia’s modernization, mostly Chinese Indonesian conglomerates, especially Singapur as the leading image of inequality in Indonesia. Unlike most who progressed decently, Singapur was considered to leap from a third-world nation into a developed, on par with Korea and Japan. The consequences of the actions back on June 27th made a series of protests everywhere across Indonesia. From Western parts of Papua until the northern parts of Kedah, protest those considered as aides of Musa’s bloc. They mostly demonstrated on government buildings, office centres and iconic elite places of most tycoons, entrepreneurs and especially corporatists. In certain parts of the region, the Labour Law of 1987 had harnessed these anti-establishments to protest long before the first riot, but it had become the spark of purges.
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Mahathir during his Bumiputera talks, 1987

The first riot spawned in Penang, Malaysia. The local Malays on the peninsula opposed the federal republic’s buildup of the semiconductor industry. There, the locals opposed eight multinational corporations, three of the famous were Intel Corporation, Hewlett Packard, and AMD of their factory construction. The locals demanded them to stop, evaluating those companies unwanted by the locals and contributing nothing to the society, despite being wrong as those companies have extracted many low-working jobs needed for those locals. The second riot spawned in Bandung when the locals opposed the conglomerate supermarket Carrefour because of the corporation’s past reluctance to raise pay for the native workers as tellers and other low-paid wages. Still, this movement initiated a series of protests elsewhere. However, it dwarfed the chaos in the capital.

The PPP headquarters on Diponegoro Street was flocked with Musa supporters of the surrounding areas to praise their bravery of condemning those acts against the barbarian Mahathir supporters. In response to many Universities in Jakarta advocating for Musa, the building became a beacon for those young colleges against the uneducated swarms of the countryside. They campaigned in universities of other towns, notably around Java, which to fully support the government in their actions. Although not all of them agreed, many of the said college activists have round-up in support to protect the building against incoming hordes. Few hardliners activists, along with radical supporters of Musa Hitam, were determined to protect the headquarter.
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The college students (uniformly red), in the early morning of the riot

The populist’s secret meeting was announced publicly on the 8th of July 1987, declaring a second PPP Congress to convene on Johor Bahru. This gained criticism on many of Barisan Progresif, declared the announcement to have a bias towards a few selected supporters. Regardless, the President did not intervene on partisan issues, stating the actions on Kesejahteraan Rakyat to be validated “as the plea of the public”. Nevertheless, the congress was held on the 20th of July 1987, a Monday, to solve it all. The congress, since Musa’s supporters did not come, became painstakingly obvious of who will be the winner, at the same day, Mahathir Mohammad was declared victorious, declaring a few hundred votes of Musa Hitam as “strongly tampered and blackmailed” with powerful pressures. This unanimous declaration also vowed with a simple threat, the populists will arrive at Jakarta and reclaim the building. Usep blatantly rejected their ultimatum, stating against the congress convened in Johor Bahru as illegitimate and none shall subdue the choices of June 27th. Yet, the circumstances around that time had changed because there were few tweaks on key positions.

Firstly, Colonel Edy Pramodya was replaced with Colonel Untung Nurtansetyo. This colonel was extremely close to General Susilo Sudarman, the growing faction in the army under Subandrio’s protection, one which declare itself to replace former PNI-R and PRD’s generals. Few other posts involved around Jakarta was replaced by reason “reducing military violence in the capital”. President Subandrio also wanted Try Sutrisno to be sacked, but Musa Hitam had been strongly protecting the man from the favours of the recent incidents. Moreover, on the 25th of July, the President was admitted to the hospital for reasons unknown. It was later revealed to be a stroke, with a growing concern on other health complications, but the media wasn’t bothered by that.

Congress received a mixed response on the national stage. On one hand, the farmers expressed the triumph against the government, while many of the non-radicals do commonly show discontent with the illegitimate congress.

One Month After

Although gossips of bad predicaments had circulated days before July 26th, the start of the riot happened on the 26th morning. It was almost dawn of that time when Mahathir supporters had started to arrive at the headquarters. Musa’s fanatics have constructed a perimeter around the building so Mahathir’s bloc wouldn’t near any chance of reclaiming the office. Tensions rose on the train tunnel, South of the Cikini Station, as thousands of supporters have flooded the place. A dialogue happened between two supporters for some time to prevent riots from occurring. It remained long until conditions changed.

Just West of the Diponegoro Street, exactly 100m West of the building, college activists arrived at the scene to help Musa’s supporters. They have received news from informants who had monitored the place since morning, declaring the precarious situation of the headquarters outnumbered by the invaders. Notably, the law students have arrived here to support the rule of law with the Convention results and Musa’s legality as premier of Indonesia. The arrival of the flocks agitated Mahathir’s supporters, around three thousand by the arrival of the students (translate at approximately 8.30 local time) ended the little truce they had between the two factions. Just after that, a fight happens between the two blocs, pro-Mahathir supporters began throwing rocks and paving blocks towards the PPP office. The other bloc returned aggression with all the stuff they could muster on the office areas. During the riots, the police acted too slow on the matter, arriving as the fight had begun almost thirty minutes ago.

The fight began to explode uncontrollably after the arrival of another five thousand Mahathir supporters from all outskirts of Nusantara, all of whom were belligerent and eager for attacks against “injustice of elites”. The fight continues for almost three hours. Populists had tried pushing for the office, but they failed numerous times. Pressure mounted on the PPP leadership and students to abandon the fight and flee the place. However, many have prepared to “fight until the death” after one unfortunate Budi Wuramari, a freshman of Trisakti University was instantly killed by the incoming rocks from Mahathir’s supporters. Amid the grief, several supporters strongly chanted slurs and slangs in offence to the university students. Ironically, these derived from all ages of Mahathir’s supporters, including similar ages of teens that didn’t go to college. This enraged the college students severely, completely abandoning any means of negotiation talks and vehemently throwing everything towards Mahathir’s supporters.
“Brainwashed Scum! Capitalist Slaves! You shall no more be our future!”​

On Mahathir side, the bold representatives cunningly instructed a few radio reporters to report his side of the news, announcing provocative propaganda about the conditions within Diponegoro Street and wishing arrivals to come soon. This is however a ploy too obvious as the “arrivals” were inactive buses of masses waiting for the command to arrive. Eventually, the numbers cranked up until almost twenty thousand in quantity.
“Onwards, Brothers. Let this be our revolution. Onwards and never surrender!”​

An adequate number of policemen finally arrived to quell the issue at around 11.00 in the afternoon. The riot had resulted in 24 students dying and a few hundred injured. On the opposing sides, few of them received mortal casualties but were irrelevant due to the increasing number of arrivals to help Mahathir supporters. Consequently, the police forces occupied the PPP headquarters, their main objective to prevent those protestors from entering the building at all costs. The area around it was declared officially inaccessible. Also, the police instructed the students to return home, which they responded well, by disbanding against the Mahathir's.
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Situation before noon

As the day passed noon, the masses involved became a fight between Mahathir supporters and the police. The military was forced to remain inactive during the afternoon. As the president was still hospitalized and Musa continue to assess the situation, the military slowly revolted the Premier orders if repression was ordered. Therefore, Musa hoped the police would slowly die down. It did not. Also, what Musa feared the most happened. The arrival of more busses to Mahathir’s favour pushed the supporters for other means as the push against the police did not work. Slowly in the afternoon, the masses began burning buildings on Salemba and Cikini, establishing terror on locals. They purged and looted the surrounding areas, proofing the police useless and increasing the urgency of military arrival. Moreover, the police forces were slowly pushed back by the protestors, abandoning the building at 15.36 approximately. In the meantime, those students and Musa supporters adhered to police instructions to go home, but some also stayed to see the on-site situation.

After Mahathir’s supporters occupied the building, they immediately burn everything upon its path and fly the Malayan flag on the front banner. Their actions mirrored the “independence struggle” of flag-bearing, romanticizing them strive to occupy the building. They hacked, destroyed, and burned the building wholly, setting the evening of the PPP headquarter ablaze. Unlike the previous intrusion, they destroyed everything this time, strangely also brought gasoline, as if that was their initial intention.

Kudatuli… Kudatuli…

Premier Musa Hitam must conduct immediate action to this increasing arson in the capital. Yet, considering Subandrio is under comatose and unable to commit the presidential duty, he immediately triggered the temporary succession law to put Musa Hitam as the commander-in-chief, the first time in Indonesian history, just to help the battered police. Moreover, as casualties began to rise on the police side, Musa had the psychological pressure of worrying the capital fall into a state of anarchism and the rise of local vigilantes. Unfortunately, local vigilantes in Cikini had started to fight against the looters, overturning their peaceful neighbourhood into make-shift thugs willing to protect their families.
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Situations per 16.11

Around 16.11, the 7th Cavalry Battalion under new commander Ahsan Mukhlis finally arrived under Musa’s orders. They arrived from the West, protecting the noble neighbourhood of Menteng, the central district of Thamrin and the rest of Jakarta’s highest economic district. The soldiers, who already experienced their first encounter last month, had no more sympathy towards the rioters and without the commander’s orders, rapidly fire rubber bullets and anti-riot tear gas on the populace. In addition to it, their four panzers, which were never used last month, arrived to push the protestors away. Moving them Eastward for dispersion as they were too many in numbers. Try Sutrisno, together with Musa under fast coordination, directed the 9th Cavalry Battalion and the 1st Mechanized Infantry Brigade for riot control, currently without the marines involved. These men were close associates of Try during his controversial Cengkareng Riot, all of whom were particularly fond of the defence minister.

The protestors saw the increasing presence of the military, conduct their all-out assault on the police, exhausted and injured, forcibly attempted an overrun and succeeded. The police barricade on the west was fully broken, with the protestor confronting the 7th Cavalry while the Brigade repositioned itself. On Try’s orders, 201st Mechanized Infantry Battalion would be positioned South from Tambak Street while the 203rd would barricade the Northern flank in Cikini Station. As planned, the 7th Cavalry was instructed with the 202nd Mechanized Infantry to march forward against the protestors, with the two flanks offered a pincer movement towards them, effectively pushing the rioters South or East. Meanwhile, Try also discreetly ordered Kopassus Group 1 Para Commandos, at that time in training on Central Java, to be planed and conduct the clean-up of the wild anarchist amid the protestors.

The plan was implemented quite well, as by evening the 1st Mechanized Brigade had arrived on their locations with the 7th Cavalry as the distraction (also bulk) of the protestor’s wrath. Rubber bullets and tear gas did not dissuade the protestors as stones and other blunt objects were thrown continuously, hindering any forward movement from the cavalry. Positioned just on the Suropati Park, the 7th Cavalry began their push just as 202nd Battalion creatively initiated their ingenuity.

Unlike the previous proposal of aiding the 7th Cavalry, Major Dadang Wirahadi decided to cut the protestors on Surabaya Street, cutting the fronts in half. From there, the battalion would quickly secure the destructed PPP Headquarters as well as clear the building from aggressive once and for all. It worked, as by 19.02 the protestors on the Western flank were encircled, a few hundred of them, between the 7th Cavalry and the 202nd Mechanized Infantry. From there, the 201st, 203rd and 7th will move orderly, squeezing the western protestors into submission while the East pushed backwards. Three panzers stationed near the junior high school, nailing the western enclosed protestors that the end is near.

Still, the arrival of the military did not ruin the spirit of the protestors, they continued to attack relentlessly with everything they could, simultaneously looting and burning the surrounding things as their attempt of triumph. A brief stalemate occurred at 20.15 and 21.03 with the military having difficulties with emboldened supporters on their last stand. On the Western side, the rioters even bolstered their passion, heedlessly attacked the military without fear and hesitation. On the Eastern side, noticed their labour friends in danger also stubbornly resisted the 202nd to recapture the building. Nevertheless, many had noticed and smartly retreated.

The riots officially ended with the last protestor captured in 02.31 the next day, almost four thousand had scurried away from the scene, especially with Kopassus finally arriving at midnight for counter-insurrection. Overall, there was an estimate of 282 dead, 92 were the civilians of the surrounding neighbourhoods, as well as the PPP’s purged employees. The remaining of whom were 16 soldiers, 31 policemen the rest being either the early Musa’s supporters or Mahathir’s rioters. Officials’ numbers tallied injured and wounded of around 3000 people, recorded a staggering 798 people admitted to Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital, St. Carolus Hospital and Salemba Hospital, the three nearest hospital areas. Arrested protestors were approximately 1746, 372 of them were alleged insurrectionists that brought necessary tools for violence on the capital. Immediately after the riot, Musa Hitam ordered a three-day martial law for the Kopassus to arrest the remaining protestors lingering around the streets of Jakarta. An additional 429 was captured by them, ending the massacre tally by August, weeks before the independence commemoration of Indonesia.

The riots would formally know as Kudatuli (Kerusuhan Dua Puluh Tujuh Juli) in Indonesia. Although the numbers were dwarfed by the future events in Indonesia, nor the massacres across the world. The massacre (many argued the tally to be too high as a riot, while some considered the word too strong) marked the political and societal change in Indonesia. Firstly, the urban dwellers, metropolitans above millions especially, became more-Western and less traditional on common trend, while the divide between rural-urban increased. The populists became a strong vocal ideology in Indonesia, continuing as a significant force of the nation, albeit beneficial or destructive. In the short term, Musa Hitam’s premiership was not discouraged. The cabinet members were determined to do at all costs to prevent Mahathir’s rose to power.

I honestly don't know if 200 dead is still a riot or should be a massacre. As I have strongly inferred, this will be the 'real deal' against the June Riots. Quite a long one, a different style than the previous three or two-format sections.
Next up would be Musa's post-riot government, and finally, we can move to election campaigns. Gotta have to progress, don't stuck on 1987 too much.
 
The Cries of the Capital: Kudatuli 1987



The 27th of June did assert the voice of the obstinate conservatives that change soon arrive on the largest party of Indonesia at that time. The PPP Convention, irrespective of the validity one can offer, will continue as nothing but an instrument for both sides of the splitting faction, neither willing to offer compromise after one another. Barisan Progresif, with all their alibis, maintained power because they believed Indonesia’s growth in that era to be their accomplishments. Self-complimenting them as the “good guys” as the opposition might put it, but they have all their proof to explain their motives. Kesejahteraan Rakyat, meanwhile, also offer another perspective, declaring the government to side with business and not the populace, granting all sorts of micro problems most farmers endured and partly agree on.

30th June 1987 put Colonel Edy Pramodya, the colonel who secured the capital when the riot almost evolved into the massacre, was relieved from duty. Since that, the television broadcasted all sorts of arguments for and against the sacking of the colonel. Many metropolitans assumed the protestors had the correct response; the military performed well on their responsibility. Another stated the military to act too rash on civilian resentment, declaring some of the berets “off-centre”. Anyhow, the riots before did not end the deeper conflict between the factions within the PPP, it bolstered them.

The release of the detained in Senin after the president’s order marked the romanticized struggle amongst farmers that hoped the party can continue under the torch of Mahathir Mohammad. President Subandrio’s support of them gave a yearning for change, not surrender to the tides of progressivism under the party’s other faction. Moreover, with the publicity they needed, these detainees eventually offered interviews, decreeing their hatred towards the government, especially the cabinet, “the Cronies of Singapur” as one of them might insult. Nevertheless, the lower class of all regions of the Nusantara State Republic had adored the protestor’s struggle, while other republics were repulsive of the protestors’ self-obsessed intention.
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President Subandrio 1987, visited the Netherlands in early July, later returned home but hospitalized

On the 1st of July 1987, the central committee of PPP, Usep included as the head of the central PPP capital headquarters, declared the voting systems convention to be adequate and transparent. They declared none of the accused frauds, injustice and evils was executed by the central committee nor the two conflicting factions. However, the party strongly messaged their supporters to stop this destructive attitude on the victorious faction, needing the “heal” of the party to go ahead for Indonesia’s future. In turn, they wanted these protestors to go home while the politicians in Jakarta resolve the ongoing dispute between the two powers to continue in unison. Unfortunately, neither of Mahathir’s supporters acknowledged this, none of them does at all.

The fortnight after the convention gave Mahathir’s ideology the nationwide courtesy it sought, declaring his policies far and wide. The Bumiputera policy, Mahathir as the mastermind, became the heating debate on the national platform, appeasing voters on ethnic Malays alike. This policy involved a racially discriminatory policy designed to favour natives to create economic and social opportunities at the expense of the significant minority population that controlled most privileges in Indonesia, notable one was the Chinese population as natural merchants or ethnic Papuans and Madagascans as they benefited the most on LKY’s previous programs. This also increased the fact most minorities received the investments for Indonesia’s modernization, mostly Chinese Indonesian conglomerates, especially Singapur as the leading image of inequality in Indonesia. Unlike most who progressed decently, Singapur was considered to leap from a third-world nation into a developed, on par with Korea and Japan. The consequences of the actions back on June 27th made a series of protests everywhere across Indonesia. From Western parts of Papua until the northern parts of Kedah, protest those considered as aides of Musa’s bloc. They mostly demonstrated on government buildings, office centres and iconic elite places of most tycoons, entrepreneurs and especially corporatists. In certain parts of the region, the Labour Law of 1987 had harnessed these anti-establishments to protest long before the first riot, but it had become the spark of purges.
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Mahathir during his Bumiputera talks, 1987

The first riot spawned in Penang, Malaysia. The local Malays on the peninsula opposed the federal republic’s buildup of the semiconductor industry. There, the locals opposed eight multinational corporations, three of the famous were Intel Corporation, Hewlett Packard, and AMD of their factory construction. The locals demanded them to stop, evaluating those companies unwanted by the locals and contributing nothing to the society, despite being wrong as those companies have extracted many low-working jobs needed for those locals. The second riot spawned in Bandung when the locals opposed the conglomerate supermarket Carrefour because of the corporation’s past reluctance to raise pay for the native workers as tellers and other low-paid wages. Still, this movement initiated a series of protests elsewhere. However, it dwarfed the chaos in the capital.

The PPP headquarters on Diponegoro Street was flocked with Musa supporters of the surrounding areas to praise their bravery of condemning those acts against the barbarian Mahathir supporters. In response to many Universities in Jakarta advocating for Musa, the building became a beacon for those young colleges against the uneducated swarms of the countryside. They campaigned in universities of other towns, notably around Java, which to fully support the government in their actions. Although not all of them agreed, many of the said college activists have round-up in support to protect the building against incoming hordes. Few hardliners activists, along with radical supporters of Musa Hitam, were determined to protect the headquarter.
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The college students (uniformly red), in the early morning of the riot

The populist’s secret meeting was announced publicly on the 8th of July 1987, declaring a second PPP Congress to convene on Johor Bahru. This gained criticism on many of Barisan Progresif, declared the announcement to have a bias towards a few selected supporters. Regardless, the President did not intervene on partisan issues, stating the actions on Kesejahteraan Rakyat to be validated “as the plea of the public”. Nevertheless, the congress was held on the 20th of July 1987, a Monday, to solve it all. The congress, since Musa’s supporters did not come, became painstakingly obvious of who will be the winner, at the same day, Mahathir Mohammad was declared victorious, declaring a few hundred votes of Musa Hitam as “strongly tampered and blackmailed” with powerful pressures. This unanimous declaration also vowed with a simple threat, the populists will arrive at Jakarta and reclaim the building. Usep blatantly rejected their ultimatum, stating against the congress convened in Johor Bahru as illegitimate and none shall subdue the choices of June 27th. Yet, the circumstances around that time had changed because there were few tweaks on key positions.

Firstly, Colonel Edy Pramodya was replaced with Colonel Untung Nurtansetyo. This colonel was extremely close to General Susilo Sudarman, the growing faction in the army under Subandrio’s protection, one which declare itself to replace former PNI-R and PRD’s generals. Few other posts involved around Jakarta was replaced by reason “reducing military violence in the capital”. President Subandrio also wanted Try Sutrisno to be sacked, but Musa Hitam had been strongly protecting the man from the favours of the recent incidents. Moreover, on the 25th of July, the President was admitted to the hospital for reasons unknown. It was later revealed to be a stroke, with a growing concern on other health complications, but the media wasn’t bothered by that.

Congress received a mixed response on the national stage. On one hand, the farmers expressed the triumph against the government, while many of the non-radicals do commonly show discontent with the illegitimate congress.

One Month After

Although gossips of bad predicaments had circulated days before July 26th, the start of the riot happened on the 26th morning. It was almost dawn of that time when Mahathir supporters had started to arrive at the headquarters. Musa’s fanatics have constructed a perimeter around the building so Mahathir’s bloc wouldn’t near any chance of reclaiming the office. Tensions rose on the train tunnel, South of the Cikini Station, as thousands of supporters have flooded the place. A dialogue happened between two supporters for some time to prevent riots from occurring. It remained long until conditions changed.

Just West of the Diponegoro Street, exactly 100m West of the building, college activists arrived at the scene to help Musa’s supporters. They have received news from informants who had monitored the place since morning, declaring the precarious situation of the headquarters outnumbered by the invaders. Notably, the law students have arrived here to support the rule of law with the Convention results and Musa’s legality as premier of Indonesia. The arrival of the flocks agitated Mahathir’s supporters, around three thousand by the arrival of the students (translate at approximately 8.30 local time) ended the little truce they had between the two factions. Just after that, a fight happens between the two blocs, pro-Mahathir supporters began throwing rocks and paving blocks towards the PPP office. The other bloc returned aggression with all the stuff they could muster on the office areas. During the riots, the police acted too slow on the matter, arriving as the fight had begun almost thirty minutes ago.

The fight began to explode uncontrollably after the arrival of another five thousand Mahathir supporters from all outskirts of Nusantara, all of whom were belligerent and eager for attacks against “injustice of elites”. The fight continues for almost three hours. Populists had tried pushing for the office, but they failed numerous times. Pressure mounted on the PPP leadership and students to abandon the fight and flee the place. However, many have prepared to “fight until the death” after one unfortunate Budi Wuramari, a freshman of Trisakti University was instantly killed by the incoming rocks from Mahathir’s supporters. Amid the grief, several supporters strongly chanted slurs and slangs in offence to the university students. Ironically, these derived from all ages of Mahathir’s supporters, including similar ages of teens that didn’t go to college. This enraged the college students severely, completely abandoning any means of negotiation talks and vehemently throwing everything towards Mahathir’s supporters.



On Mahathir side, the bold representatives cunningly instructed a few radio reporters to report his side of the news, announcing provocative propaganda about the conditions within Diponegoro Street and wishing arrivals to come soon. This is however a ploy too obvious as the “arrivals” were inactive buses of masses waiting for the command to arrive. Eventually, the numbers cranked up until almost twenty thousand in quantity.



An adequate number of policemen finally arrived to quell the issue at around 11.00 in the afternoon. The riot had resulted in 24 students dying and a few hundred injured. On the opposing sides, few of them received mortal casualties but were irrelevant due to the increasing number of arrivals to help Mahathir supporters. Consequently, the police forces occupied the PPP headquarters, their main objective to prevent those protestors from entering the building at all costs. The area around it was declared officially inaccessible. Also, the police instructed the students to return home, which they responded well, by disbanding against the Mahathir's.
View attachment 710684
Situation before noon

As the day passed noon, the masses involved became a fight between Mahathir supporters and the police. The military was forced to remain inactive during the afternoon. As the president was still hospitalized and Musa continue to assess the situation, the military slowly revolted the Premier orders if repression was ordered. Therefore, Musa hoped the police would slowly die down. It did not. Also, what Musa feared the most happened. The arrival of more busses to Mahathir’s favour pushed the supporters for other means as the push against the police did not work. Slowly in the afternoon, the masses began burning buildings on Salemba and Cikini, establishing terror on locals. They purged and looted the surrounding areas, proofing the police useless and increasing the urgency of military arrival. Moreover, the police forces were slowly pushed back by the protestors, abandoning the building at 15.36 approximately. In the meantime, those students and Musa supporters adhered to police instructions to go home, but some also stayed to see the on-site situation.

After Mahathir’s supporters occupied the building, they immediately burn everything upon its path and fly the Malayan flag on the front banner. Their actions mirrored the “independence struggle” of flag-bearing, romanticizing them strive to occupy the building. They hacked, destroyed, and burned the building wholly, setting the evening of the PPP headquarter ablaze. Unlike the previous intrusion, they destroyed everything this time, strangely also brought gasoline, as if that was their initial intention.

Kudatuli… Kudatuli…

Premier Musa Hitam must conduct immediate action to this increasing arson in the capital. Yet, considering Subandrio is under comatose and unable to commit the presidential duty, he immediately triggered the temporary succession law to put Musa Hitam as the commander-in-chief, the first time in Indonesian history, just to help the battered police. Moreover, as casualties began to rise on the police side, Musa had the psychological pressure of worrying the capital fall into a state of anarchism and the rise of local vigilantes. Unfortunately, local vigilantes in Cikini had started to fight against the looters, overturning their peaceful neighbourhood into make-shift thugs willing to protect their families.
View attachment 710683
Situations per 16.11

Around 16.11, the 7th Cavalry Battalion under new commander Ahsan Mukhlis finally arrived under Musa’s orders. They arrived from the West, protecting the noble neighbourhood of Menteng, the central district of Thamrin and the rest of Jakarta’s highest economic district. The soldiers, who already experienced their first encounter last month, had no more sympathy towards the rioters and without the commander’s orders, rapidly fire rubber bullets and anti-riot tear gas on the populace. In addition to it, their four panzers, which were never used last month, arrived to push the protestors away. Moving them Eastward for dispersion as they were too many in numbers. Try Sutrisno, together with Musa under fast coordination, directed the 9th Cavalry Battalion and the 1st Mechanized Infantry Brigade for riot control, currently without the marines involved. These men were close associates of Try during his controversial Cengkareng Riot, all of whom were particularly fond of the defence minister.

The protestors saw the increasing presence of the military, conduct their all-out assault on the police, exhausted and injured, forcibly attempted an overrun and succeeded. The police barricade on the west was fully broken, with the protestor confronting the 7th Cavalry while the Brigade repositioned itself. On Try’s orders, 201st Mechanized Infantry Battalion would be positioned South from Tambak Street while the 203rd would barricade the Northern flank in Cikini Station. As planned, the 7th Cavalry was instructed with the 202nd Mechanized Infantry to march forward against the protestors, with the two flanks offered a pincer movement towards them, effectively pushing the rioters South or East. Meanwhile, Try also discreetly ordered Kopassus Group 1 Para Commandos, at that time in training on Central Java, to be planed and conduct the clean-up of the wild anarchist amid the protestors.

The plan was implemented quite well, as by evening the 1st Mechanized Brigade had arrived on their locations with the 7th Cavalry as the distraction (also bulk) of the protestor’s wrath. Rubber bullets and tear gas did not dissuade the protestors as stones and other blunt objects were thrown continuously, hindering any forward movement from the cavalry. Positioned just on the Suropati Park, the 7th Cavalry began their push just as 202nd Battalion creatively initiated their ingenuity.

Unlike the previous proposal of aiding the 7th Cavalry, Major Dadang Wirahadi decided to cut the protestors on Surabaya Street, cutting the fronts in half. From there, the battalion would quickly secure the destructed PPP Headquarters as well as clear the building from aggressive once and for all. It worked, as by 19.02 the protestors on the Western flank were encircled, a few hundred of them, between the 7th Cavalry and the 202nd Mechanized Infantry. From there, the 201st, 203rd and 7th will move orderly, squeezing the western protestors into submission while the East pushed backwards. Three panzers stationed near the junior high school, nailing the western enclosed protestors that the end is near.

Still, the arrival of the military did not ruin the spirit of the protestors, they continued to attack relentlessly with everything they could, simultaneously looting and burning the surrounding things as their attempt of triumph. A brief stalemate occurred at 20.15 and 21.03 with the military having difficulties with emboldened supporters on their last stand. On the Western side, the rioters even bolstered their passion, heedlessly attacked the military without fear and hesitation. On the Eastern side, noticed their labour friends in danger also stubbornly resisted the 202nd to recapture the building. Nevertheless, many had noticed and smartly retreated.

The riots officially ended with the last protestor captured in 02.31 the next day, almost four thousand had scurried away from the scene, especially with Kopassus finally arriving at midnight for counter-insurrection. Overall, there was an estimate of 282 dead, 92 were the civilians of the surrounding neighbourhoods, as well as the PPP’s purged employees. The remaining of whom were 16 soldiers, 31 policemen the rest being either the early Musa’s supporters or Mahathir’s rioters. Officials’ numbers tallied injured and wounded of around 3000 people, recorded a staggering 798 people admitted to Cipto Mangunkusumo Hospital, St. Carolus Hospital and Salemba Hospital, the three nearest hospital areas. Arrested protestors were approximately 1746, 372 of them were alleged insurrectionists that brought necessary tools for violence on the capital. Immediately after the riot, Musa Hitam ordered a three-day martial law for the Kopassus to arrest the remaining protestors lingering around the streets of Jakarta. An additional 429 was captured by them, ending the massacre tally by August, weeks before the independence commemoration of Indonesia.

The riots would formally know as Kudatuli (Kerusuhan Dua Puluh Tujuh Juli) in Indonesia. Although the numbers were dwarfed by the future events in Indonesia, nor the massacres across the world. The massacre (many argued the tally to be too high as a riot, while some considered the word too strong) marked the political and societal change in Indonesia. Firstly, the urban dwellers, metropolitans above millions especially, became more-Western and less traditional on common trend, while the divide between rural-urban increased. The populists became a strong vocal ideology in Indonesia, continuing as a significant force of the nation, albeit beneficial or destructive. In the short term, Musa Hitam’s premiership was not discouraged. The cabinet members were determined to do at all costs to prevent Mahathir’s rose to power.

I honestly don't know if 200 dead is still a riot or should be a massacre. As I have strongly inferred, this will be the 'real deal' against the June Riots. Quite a long one, a different style than the previous three or two-format sections.
Next up would be Musa's post-riot government, and finally, we can move to election campaigns. Gotta have to progress, don't stuck on 1987 too much.
1987 is a dark year for Indonesia.
 
Tradition vs Progress Part 12: Aftermath
The Post-Riot Premiership

Arriving at the later stage of 1980s Indonesia, the nation underwent a massive shift in demographical and societal culture. This early stage denoted the transition phase of agricultural backwater into Southeast Asia’s industrial powerhouse – which later accommodate Indonesia into the modern post-industrialization era. Still, Indonesia at that time was in the early-to-mid stages of industrialization. Urbanization was underway yet faced significant opposition by the rural conservatives. Hence, the political drama around 1987 faced extreme urban support towards Musa Hitam, yet on the national stage, Mahathir led the populace by a significant margin. While the central government may be surrounded by friendlier neighbourhoods, election campaigns would be strenuously difficult for Musa as he completely shut all opportunities for rural appeasement.

Nevertheless, Premier Musa Hitam was not elected by the people but appointed by the President. The Constitution stated the impeachment of Musa Hitam must be passed two-thirds of the Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, a number he felt confident due to support by PPP-Barisan Progresif and anti-Mahathir fringe groups. But then, he realized that chances of Musa into re-election, specifically reappointed as Premier of Indonesia was extremely slim. With all that considered, the weak premiership, still commanded powers as head of government, exerted everything Musa could in a ‘nothing to lose’ manner. In essence, Musa’s post-premiership by most historians noted the most radical, more than LKY did beforehand. His programs would later characterize future “forward-thinking” generations that endorse progress above tradition.

Although all logical senses might counter the legitimacy of the July 1987 PPP Congress, commonly called as “Johor Bahru PPP Extraordinary Congress”, rural and populist voters couldn’t care less about those fraudulent claims. Instead, they counter its illegitimacy with Musa’s illegitimacy in the premiership, calling him “a tyrant” and killing the livelihoods of common Indonesians. Almost nowhere rural Premier Musa could visit without boos or occasional throws. Yet, Musa was undeterred.

Resolving the Labour Law

Firstly, Musa Hitam’s highest priority was the issue of the Labour Law, at that time floated under Government Regulation in Lieu of Law No.1 of 1987. The temporary legislation, fortunately, had solved a few coring problems that labour protested, a surprising achievement Musa didn’t comprehend. Still, as protestors sometimes encroach his office one time or another, Musa intended to finish it ultimately. Despite tensions remaining high with pro-Mahathir aides, Mohamed Rahmat, the State President of Nusantara, was happy to enter a consensus with the other State Republic in finishing the fairness and justice of the Indonesian labour system.

Musa’s main concern was investors’ appeal to the Indonesian market. Currently competing with the Philippines, Taiwan, and Korea, the Indonesian Republic was keeping pace with other nations. This, ultimately, resulted in Indonesia as Japan’s true successor – An Asian Giant with Great Industrial Might. Moreover, while China’s legalist government continue to purge their citizens into backwater society, Indonesia should outrun the Chinese as far as possible, so when China truly ascended as a natural superpower, Indonesia would have the time advantage. The situation across Southeast Asia was accommodating for Indonesia too. Within ten thousand miles around Singapur, nothing was as stable and peaceful as Indonesia itself. However, with Kesejahteraan Rakyat continuously pestering Musa’s policies of continuous growth and industrialization, it needed a middle-ground.

Mohamed Rahmat, along with State President of Madagascar Philibert Tsiranana and the newly ascended State President of Papua Elias Jan Bonai, entered the Premier office on 21 August 1987, a week after the annual independence celebration that all parties attended in the Presidential Palace. This offer granted Rahmat’s respect for Musa’s fairness intention. In essence, the premier wanted a federal regulation for the labour law, appease both the workers and the capital investments, granting necessary protection while not hindering further progress. State President of the Solomon Islands, Moses Pitikaka, arrived late at the meeting, gaining suspicion on the islands’ interests as an Indonesian subject. That Friday, the presidents discussed the economy, welfare and immigration.

Tsiranana and Bonai, expressed intense demand for less regulation on both economy and immigration, while absent on welfare issues. Both men stated that the decades of relaxed regulation, although transformed the nation entirely, was ultimately beneficial for the great leap forward in societal stages. For example, Madagaskar, the island that was potentially the most impoverished land in the African group, leapt as the faster-growing economy of the bunch. Estimates anon speculated Madagaskar to have jumped from Congo-equivalent societal stage, into pre-industrialized society such as Morocco or Oyo.
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Street market in Madagascar, 1987

Pitikaka and Rahmat, each having distinct traumas of immigration experience, opposed any immigration, nor foreign investments whatsoever into their state economy. They preferred local or national investors into arriving the state, which even included few regulations needed to monitor those parties against possible misdemeanours. In all those disputes, all parties agreed on increasing welfare programs on fundamentals, i.e. healthcare and unemployment grants. Musa Hitam, formerly, was opposed that those programs would dissuade hard work and productivity, hindering the opportunity the world has given to Indonesia. Nevertheless, Carter’s ambivalent legacy of welfare programs contributed a similar response to all groups of society. Businessmen, bureaucrats and intellectuals feared the adverse effects it gave on the economy, while the rest of the society idolize the new funds diverted for their livelihoods.

Then, there were the deals the federal government started with conglomerates outside the state’s sovereignty. Many of those deals incurred substantial damage to the local environment, both natural and societal. The Nusantara Republic had announced that companies the federal government had signed must be accounted for, including all the negative effects of their presence. For example, the companies exploited the loophole within this dynamo. As these conglomerates owned local lands via the federal government, they used this same clause that they should be responsible only to Jakarta, not the local region. As a result, companies cherry-pick on fundamental issues, such as using the federal minimum wage in that particular area where local wages were regulated to be higher. Moreover, work benefits such as overtime pay, sick leave and lay-off compensations were far lower than local rules. Farmers were also discussed in the lengthy meeting with State Presidents. Premier Musa Hitam understood the net-loss population growth in farming rural because of urban appeal with industrial benefits. He, with all the money he could, have diverted funds from the Federal District into those places. Food commodities, such as sembako[1] was covered too.
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Under the new law, commodities would first go to Bank Tani as the reliable trading partner, selling goods with federal standards, reducing fall of prices from private buyers

21st of August 1987 was the first talks of many to complete the Social Justice Act of 1987. Ratified with a significant landslide by majorities of all parties (except radical representatives on Mahathir’s PPP Faction, the fringe communist PPI and BKDT), Premier Musa Hitam passed this as a settlement. Within the regulation, while federal taxes in local government shall be allocated on central welfare programs (basic healthcare and unemployment grants), federal taxes in districts remained 70-30. Farmer pension programs, food price regulation and other stuff already on the previous law continued. However, the current rule now changed that state republics have their autonomy on two primary issues, immigration and economy. Therefore, the federal government delegated the right of citizenship, residence and nationalities issues to the regional government.

Unlike the previous issue, environmentalism was purely a political sideshow to discredit Musa Hitam in all possible ways. Frankly, none of Mahathir’s Kesejahteraan Rakyat group had expressed serious environmental concerns on the government, nor do they campaign for green alternatives in any shape or form. Still, the ongoing deforestation in eastern Sumatra and western Kalimantan due sored Musa Hitam because they have exploited nature inefficiently. Methods used by the corporations in cutting down trees was fast but evolved into numerous health concerns to urban centres. For example, deliberate forest fires in Palembang may have caused significant lung problems in the town of Palembang, in Musi River upstream, the polluting ashes caused water issues in a few villages there. Although no government regulation was passed, Premier Musa demanded his cabinet members on stricter land use that may cause other problems.

His Absence on Defense and Foreign Policy

Musa’s premiership, the one that historians have inferred to as the “coffin-in-the-nail” of his leadership, was expressed on Musa’s reluctance on further interference in defence and foreign policy. Unlike his predecessor LKY, post-Riot Musa’s only defence and foreign actions involved the post-riot capture of riot perpetrators of that unfortunate incident. Beyond that was entirely in the President’s favour, something President Subandrio was thrilled about. Despite this being a crucial blow on Musa’s power, that didn’t end his faction’s likeliness in the 1988 Election. Instead, this was notably an intelligent move by the Premier so his future successors would receive less fire when election campaigns began. Notably, the foreign and defence policy was why Musa and the President disputed in the first place, also contributing to President’s uncontroversial manoeuvre and Musa’s dip in popularity.
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Both the Soviet Union and America's involvement in Afghanistan marked the decline in Islam-American or Islam-Soviet Union relation, some might say it marked the start of Islamism as the third world ideology

President Subandrio, after the announcement of his post-1988 future, decided to pursue once again the third-world nations joined on the Second Bandung Conference. Unlike his predecessors who were quite silent on the United States’ questionable involvements in particular nations, President Subandrio officially announced his criticism against US-backing juntas in South America and perpetual conflict in the Middle East. He agitated the religious voters to support his opinions on the United States’ disregard of the Muslim population. It strained the relations between the two nations quite a bit, but both sides do agree that neither can be fully opposed as the economic importance was beneficial both ways. In other words, if one cut ties with another, a subsequent downturn in everything will occur. Moreover, for Mahathir’s faction to minimize defence funding, the American defence became much necessary.

The other hot foreign issue was Indochina and the Philippines. The Philippines officially announced their claims in Sabah, contesting Indonesia’s sovereignty on the area. President Subandrio, although had not expressed a formal response on this, media had strongly guessed the man’s strong counter towards this issue. Indochina, meanwhile, was sorting itself out with the communists falling back on the “democratic” South Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos continuously ganged by defecting Viet Cong. The United States, finally after subsequent crises, have a good feeling that North Vietnam might fall by the end of 1988. Still, all of these had no comments from Premier Musa Hitam.

13th September 1987
Capitol Hill, USA


Yesterday, the finals between Cleveland Guardians and Minnesota Twins ended up with Guardian victorious. However, the match was not infamous because of the standings, yet because of other incidents that occurred on that match. President Glenn attended that baseball match that day, while was interviewing with reporters only to get slugged with a middle-aged man. The Secret Services secured the man, a 45-year old Indianan Bob Russo. Authorities questioned him for hours only to reveal the unpopularity of the presidency.
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the incident, recorded on tape

Just months before, the Challenger Scandal erupted as a nationwide issue as the president was caught with controversial tapes with NASA director William R. Graham regarding the Space Shuttle Program. In the 4-hour long conversation, the president was discovered adding extra funds to the particular NASA program without congressional approval. The issue then exploded as both opposing Democrats and Conservatives announced these actions “bribe” and “gratification”, paving way for the disastrous path of Glenn’s second term future.

Missourian Congressman Richard A. Gephardt was the most vocal of the president’s actions. A representative of an agricultural and traditionally Mid-Western attitude, the populace was never acquainted with Glenn’s lavish spending on the space race, while inflation continued. Moreover, the social programs, especially Carteraid was not effective in these areas, as the hospital coverage and the health infrastructure was minimal so hospital visit cost more on-road than on the doctor. The Democrats, already satisfied with East Coast’s far superior road connection, continued the ongoing hatred that Mid-Westerners have with the Democrats.


[1] sembilan bahan pokok or nine main commodities: rice, sugar, cooking oil and butter, beef and chicken, egg, milk, onions, burning gas, and salt.

One image resolved, two to go. Nearing the election, we will see Subandrio first, then rotate to Indonesian parties, conditions abroad (most pivotal ones) and finally the tallies.
 
Race of 1988 Part 1: An Overview
Let the Race Begin
A changing time for a changing nation, the year 1988 was pivotal in a sense of Indonesia’s preparation for the next decade, which scholars universally agreed as the cathartic decade of the millennium because of how the world revolved in a climax of conflict in history. Despite the enormity of the effect of foreign policy, Indonesia’s domestic actions were additionally important, not only the labour conditions, transmigration policies, economic growth with unintentional equality were equally critical for Indonesia’s domestic future, but the unknown future which Indonesia should prepare timely.
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Jakarta, 1988

Musa’s sincere attempts to review the worker’s condition of Indonesia saved Barisan Progresif a little sympathy on the lower class populace, a contrary to the faction’s reverse tendency as pro-business, pro-deregulation and the most liberal of factions in Indonesia. However, with Indonesia has been attaining wealth and progress, the economic enhancement has faintly altered the political, cultural, and – to a certain degree – demographical aspects of the nation, the factions of pro-freedom and Western beliefs had slowly gained traction, changing the views of archaic anti-imperialist romanticism beliefs to a more rationally defined intellect as Indonesia’s growing into an Asian regional power.

The Incumbent Fractured, The New Party Rumors


Partai Persatuan Pembangunan was established by Indonesians who had a foreign educational background, typical if one looked at the 60s of the PPP. Hatta’s social democracy, a democratic economy while rejecting the concept of individualism, became the “moderate” appeal against the former PKI, the communist icon, and the Parindra, the nationalist icon. PPP eventually grew as intellectuals increased multifold on Indonesia’s annexation on various parts of the globe, notable Singapore. Under Nasution’s nationalistic, somewhat Java-centric leadership (a false assumption in that period), the PPP became the voice of equal representation against the Malayans’ neglect.

After the PPP emerged as the incumbent of the Indonesian government, the idea of Hatta’s social democracy gradually weakened with Malayan politicians emerging as the dominant force against Nasution’s boldness. This was added with Nasution’s aversion to Nahdatul Ulama (NU), ultimately the reason for his presidential fall. Ultimately, the PPP passed enormous progress in society, and improvement of livelihood, people’s affluence, and economic power in the regional area. However, their success came distinct division on their objective of continuing the trend, Barisan Progresif expressed economic freedom as one path towards it while Kesejahteraan Rakyat intended to pursue more in the economic inequality it has brought. Coincidentally, the unequal income distribution seemly fit the demographical ethnicity of Indonesia, that being Chinese particularly wealthier than native Indonesians. On the other hand, one might wonder what had happened to Hatta’s so-called “moderate” faction. Simply put, LKY had shifted the party dramatically with his legacy that Hatta’s ideology seemed to fall on obscurity, as the two factions began gaining traction. Despite the common supposition of the Reformasi faction (Hatta’s faction previously) to be archaic and old-fashioned, the ideology was the middle-ground between the two factions. Moreover, as Sabam Sirait had assumed the faction seat with his lack of renown, the faction had been modified by him into a more inclusive version of the two ideologies as he inserted economic freedom while acknowledging its dangerous inequality. Nevertheless, it would be a grand plan, only if PPP can survive for long.

1987’s Kudatuli riot was the last straw of the PPP because neither faction (i.e., Kesejahteraan Rakyat and Barisan Progresif) were willing to compromise. Post-riot Musa was conflicted with the growing chasm on Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, the big-tent party purpose to increase the prosperity of the people in contrast to PNI-R’s still expansionist policy and extreme state-nationalism. Obviously, with two factions expressing glaringly opposite intentions to increase the prosperity of the people, Musa Hitam encountered an unstable party. Usep, the chairman of the PPP Central Headquarters, along with a few higher party officials announced government support and anti-rioters in all forms of speech. Yet, with Kesejahteraan Rakyat outnumbered Musa’s colleagues in numbers, Musa solemnly discerned an impending coup d’etat. The convention in Johor Bahru won’t happen once. Premier Musa Hitam, along with PPP ministers, had convened regarding the issue at the instance the riot ended. Under the circumstances at that moment, tension with Mahathir was at an all-time high.

Before the 1988 General Election, the PPP already stated previously as a big tent, obviously accumulated sympathy from all kinds of a public commoners with various backgrounds. Firstly, PPP’s earlier appeal to intellectuals, the group commonly identified passionately as Musa’s fan base, continued gracefully without much trouble in scare of stealing from other parties. Because of its pre-70s plan to revive the Indonesian economy, it also gathered countrymen from all corners of Indonesia, everyone that felt nationalism to be exaggerated and obsolete. Those would be transitional towns in Java and Sumatra, as those citizens pursued primary economic growth so their towns would be developed as cities, gaining better access to public services as well as more opportunities. These “transitional towns”, although one might speculate it as mere rural, had one distinct difference: their youngsters had migrated to big cities, only to return home annually in Eid Al Fitr. These types of population groups, especially those who identified themselves as native Indonesians (Malayans mostly, but Javanese and Sundanese were getting traction too), found themselves as victims of the business conglomerates, rally solely behind Mahathir Mohammad’s Kesjahteraan Rakyat. Finally, the in-groups that don’t like how both factions had been doing, rested on the moderate Reformasi just to spite. Outside of population groups, the PPP heavily controlled Madagascar and the Malayan Peninsula because of the uniformity of good popularity by their policies and campaign promises.
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School default design initiated by Subandrio, a notable legacy of PPP

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Housing complex constructed by LKY, another legacy of PPP

The Old Party Whimpers, but Prevails

A shock to a nation in which the Islamic majority was a party that strangely coalesce with traditional Islamists, Christians, minorities, and the military managed to presume position as the dominant party of the country for two decades, yet in two decades before the idea was non-existent, even unheard of. Partai Nasional Indonesia-Raya was the party of miraculous ascension but suffered a fall in the 80s. Although one might argue that the first member of the merger, Partai Nasional Indonesia, was already famous as the party of Sukarno, the intended sole party of Indonesia, and quite the senior in politics. Yet, Partai Indonesia Raya, a party destined as a coalition of Catholic Party and Christian Party managed to merge, with their policies became identified as PNI-R’s legacy, although one debated that Parindra’s ascension was the military and NU’s responsibility, the two greatest contributors on voters. Moreover, the latter merger had surprisingly attracted all sorts of nationalist citizens (specifically pro-military) into the political tent, despite most of them being uncomfortable with the merger’s factions. Nevertheless, the Old Party by 1988 whimpered with lack of direction, mostly because they failed to gain publicity which was mostly given to the contesting PPP.

A common misinterpretation of the party was it was extremely nationalistic, akin to most nationalistic governments in the world. As most of them tended to view negatively with racial discrimination, the Old Party was particularly defined not as ethnic nationalism, but civic nationalism. That was why, despite their supreme fond for the country with all the symbolisms, the party never flirted with ethnic discrimination. It was also helped by the military, as many of them were disproportionately diverse and tolerant in comparison to the national percentage. However, their civic nationalism was not as positively put as one might assume, possibly too excessive in one’s opinion, as apparent in Nasution’s government. During the 70s, there was a high intent of dominance of Indonesian against Malayans, mostly from their disdain in Bahasa Indonesia, called “a filthy colonized Bahasa Melayu”, and with the Malayans in better infrastructure than Indonesia, made régime agendas pressed in Indonesian heartland, minus Singapur and Malaya. Hence, little support was ever given by Indonesians living there for PNI-R.
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Many of Javanese toll roads are Nasution's programs, some are too broad that the toll road would reach its capacity 30 years later

To differentiate the remaining two factions of the PNI-R (as the NU Faction eventually left and form the PUI with Muhammadiyah). One can simply look at two factors: republicanism and the state’s autonomy. The Nasionalis were pragmatic in traditional institutions, therefore monarchy, tribal traditions and local customs were tolerated by this Nasution’s old guard politicians. Nusantara faction, meanwhile, although carrying a similar manner of tolerance, have higher republicanism that radiates on their policies, involving reducing the sultanate’s powers especially in Central Java and Malaya. In state’s autonomy, Nasionalis persisted as Unitarianism, preferring the united body rather than a federalized state. As Ali Sadikin took power as PNI-R chairman, the Ali-Suryadino Nusantara stood on a more moderate stance of civic-nationalism, probably in Western would say as national liberalism, as the chairman was particularly passionate about legalizing gambling, an immoral activity for Islamic followers, solely because there’s no use to criminalize it when you can exploit money. However, the faction was harsher in republicanism, implementing attacks against hereditary monarchies for a purely democratic Indonesian republic. Lastly, Ali and his faction have endorsed the federative system, additionally improving the autonomy with increased delegation.
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Senayan Mall, Jakarta, Ali's one of his attempts to decriminalized gambling by launching a "experimental place", failed by a conservative backlash

At this moment, the PNI-R gathered voters weakly, as they lost their East Javanese portion to PUI’s growing rise. However, PNI-R managed to own a healthy proportion across Java, a manageable margin of second or third in all areas. In Sumatra, Borneo, and Sulawesi, the PNI-R reigned predominantly, especially on Javanese settlers. However, the biggest margin of PNI-R is oddly in Papua, where the high immigrated population, including Americans, Europeans, and Javanese settlers, all agreed on PNI-R as their preferred option.

Guntur’s New Direction

The communist party, or at least a remodel of it, became rather awkwardly positioned after Indonesia emerged as America’s close ally. Partai Pekerja Indonesia was rather disputed on declaring themselves an ally of the Soviet Union’s communist party, or China’s CCP as that would immediately alert the United States of communist presence in an ally, ultimately dissuading every attempt of PPI’s growth. Therefore, they adopted many of the communist’s policies, such as complete nationalization of mineral resources, labour unions, the creation of public apartment blocks like Soviet’s design, land-property rearrangement, and state program welfare. However, they have campaigned these policies with less communist resemblance, neither USSR nor China even started to shift a few policies to mimic the United States’ Carter programs.

Guntur Sukarnoputra, the new successor of the PPI, launched a different breed of campaigning into the old guard secretly communist politicians. Instead of criticizing the United States on her capitalism, Guntur instead criticize Indonesia’s policies. That was why the party were closely associated with PPI’s Mahathir Faction, despite growing concerns on competition on similar voter group. The new campaign also involves the return of the Non-Aligned Movement, another PPI’s idea stolen by the Mahathir Faction. Nonetheless, Guntur reformed the party to reduce allegiance to the troubling Soviet Union and China. He added democratization of political speech, endorse a multi-party system and multicultural society.
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A commie block in Poland SSR, an cheap housing idea later imitated already by LKY but downright stolen as one of Mahathir's programs later

Guntur’s strong support always stemmed from Banyumas, commonly associated as the “communist core” of Indonesia, apart from the old communist insurgency in Madiun. Farmers and rural around Java and Sumatra had been their loyal voters, therefore conflicted with Mahathir’s also partly rural voters by his populist attitude. Moreover, with Guntur slightly moving towards left-wing populism, it will be sure that the two factions coincided heavily. It implicated two drastically different outcomes, one merging as a coalition of populism, the other competing with bitter fashion.

PRD, BKDT and PUI

It left the three remaining parties of PRD, BKDT and PUI without explanation. The PRD was an anomaly as it was almost a mixture between PNI-R nationalist-militarism and PPP’s welfare-populism, yet the party that rooted from Suharto’s views fell into misdirection with his daughter Mba Tutut opened pro-business, pro-military campaigns on the party. Overall, the PRD had become the opportunistic party, a party without a clear agenda or policies that define it. Mostly, the voters were ultimately all critiques against the previously described parties’ leaders, or simply a cult of Suharto’s small sympathizers, all that remains of course. This was why PRD was heavily clinging to PPP’s incumbency. However, the PPP’s split, with Mahathir turning anti-business and anti-military opened options only to the liberal Musa, a cooperation Tutut did not like at all.
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Gus Dur in 1987

The PUI was the rising star, after the PNI-R’s split, was projected to receive a good proportion of voters from loyal NU and Muhammadiyah clergymen, scholars, and nationalities of strong religious participation. Especially as good publicity made by Gus Dur and Amien Rais, both presentable leaders of the united Islamic movement, they have presented a different impression in contrast to both the PPP and PNI-R’s incumbency. Finally, the BKDT slouched but exist in Maluku and Western Papua, harnessing the native Islamic voters that disliked the arrivals of immigrants with a tip of regionalism.

An opening for the race, putting in lines and detailing the history of each national party, next up maybe comes pre-campaign events, all of happening before 1987 ended.
 
Race of 1988 Part 2: Why so Sudden?
27th October 1987
Premier Office, Jakarta


Premier Musa grunted in disbelief. Indonesia’s economic growth in the third quarter rested on 4.7%, beforehand, the second and first had been a troublesome 1.4% and 4.5%, neither of the quarter exceeded the normal average growth of 6.1%, nor the growth of the previous 1985 of 10.1%. Indeed, the two years were plagued with the Labour Crisis and the political theatre that hit 1987. However, looking at the year instantaneously the gentleman sighed for his premiership was certainly dwarfed by previous statistics.

Rumours from the PPP central leaders suggested the party had been seeping voters into other parties, conspicuously the PNI-R and PUI. The PNI-R had been fruitfully grouped the moderate urban voters, not particularly pious yet not radically liberal in comparison to youth students. Moreover, these voters had been noticeably Javanese urban settlers, many of whom declared criticism on Malayan’s Bumiputera policy, reminding the Australian Aggression where minorities like Chinese, Dutch and even Americans aided Indonesia helpfully as likewise Indonesian. In addition to Musa’s vagueness on Kudatuli’s aftermath, especially of the power struggle inside the central government, many reminisced the old PNI-R days, allowing a return to PNI-R’s rise.

If PNI-R’s return was a piece of alarming news to the PPP, the PUI was even worse. These Islamic moderates reformed by Gus Dur benefited from fellow Islamic adherents who adopted an accepting bearing with non-natives into their domain. This type of temperance was almost identical to PNI-R’s leaked voters, yet one key difference lingered that as PNI-R’s voter backgrounds were a mostly public school, state indoctrinated, Nasution regime’s educational understanding, the PUI’s voter were mostly studied from pesantren, Islamic schools and other Islamic institutions that philandered LKY’s diagnoses. Currently, these voters have a notional intelligence that Gus Dur was integrally better than the current government, especially with PPP’s populist group on positive trends.

All Premier Musa could do, without debating with the President, was to execute his powers on domestic issues, the only clause Constitution stated that Premier hold a higher responsibility than the President. Therefore, it was guaranteed Musa’s fame rise in succeeding good domestic policies. Nevertheless, with the party he led attacked left, right and centre lamentably by PPP’s faction, Premier Musa was seen more as ineffective, weak, and unruly as the party disintegrated.

“Mr Premier, what urges you to honourably call me into this meeting?”

Muhammad Ibrahim Djoyoputro [1], former vice-Premier of Subandrio in 1973-1978, greeted Premier as he was ushered in. The man had experienced a journey of a lifetime, yet his legacy in Indonesia was downright unrecognized even with spectacular merits. During the Australian Aggression, he united the coalition from Murba then PPP. He was moderate and charismatic in his leading years, his late was too interesting. By this time, he had written 13 memoirs about his work in the Australian Aggression, reminding the aspects of national identity, unity in diversity and public conscience in the civil policy. Unlike many of Ibrahim’s friends who moved to Bumiputera’s appeal, he staunchly remained opposed by it and stayed on Reformasi.

“Please, Mr Ibrahim, have a seat.” Musa, albeit originated from the newly admitted Malaka, was not intimidated by significantly great Mr Ibrahim on Indonesian history. However, he also admired the man in respect, not only to withstand the risks of Indonesia’s survivability in the 50s, but he also pushed for Indonesia’s greatest expansion without global repercussion in the 60s. “The economy staggered on less than 5%, estimated prediction by this year would be smaller than last year. Our Southeast friends are less amiable to us either, showing great distance on each other. Not to mention the social tension…” The Premier hoped Ibrahim to receive the message.

“Mr Premier, the low outcome of 1986 and 1987 is our PPP’s fault. The Malayan culture remained fluid in terms of politics, lest considering the national pendulum mimicked the uncertainty of politics elsewhere across the globe. We, at least since 1945, have defined our present by blatantly opportunistic, if not abusers of the global phenomenon. Your premiership, like many others, arrived at the crossroads of any ancient battle of change or comfort, which had happened long before I was born. We have chosen change for so long, that comfort seemed too appealing.”

“Then what makes 1987 different from the others?” Musa replied in thirst of this interpretation.

“It’s not different at all, Mr Premier. Nothing has changed if one look at the fundamental baseline, those that changed are the characters, environments and the stakes at hand.”

The cryptic response from Ibrahim had Musa Hitam silently reflected for some time. The Premier instead conversed on another topic. “Alright. Mr Ibrahim, the circumstances inside our party was, as you perfectly stated, under serious challenge. With that so, within Reformasi, have your faction propelled a new initiative to leave the boat before it corrupts?”

“PPP had been not Mahathir’s since ever, we belonged before them, and should prevail as long as humanely possible. However, the Reformasi leadership is not in my hands. Also, as far as I remember, Sabam Sirait is a close aide of your cabinet, Mr Premier,” the man replied.

For some time, Musa Hitam acknowledged Sabam as “junior” on LKY’s huge political mechanizations. He was native North Sumatran, a good equivalent for rising as “new Nasution” of the home province. Although PNI-R’s presence in North Sumatra remained predominant after decades, Sabam Sirait was the reason for Subandrio’s majority as local voters flirted with PPP’s pro-growth policies. These people, in contradiction to their Malayan roots, did not prefer Mahathir, especially in urban Medan. Within the cabinet, Sabam as secretary became quite acquainted with PPP’s policies, but still unafforded to be one of Barisan Progresif as the initial roots of his background was thickly Hatta-ism.

“Allow me to rephrase. Reformasi had been overrun by two greater factions, none of them was distinctively Hatta nor reformed in ways Mr Ibrahim had stated previously. Don’t you feel any threat?” Premier asked.

“With all due respect, Premier,” Ibrahim added,” Fraksi Hatta had lost its power long before you and this mess. We will proceed after Barisan Progresif and Kesejahteraan Rakyat, not before.” Musa Hitam could agree that Reformasi had nothing beneficial to be the first actor in this PPP crisis. They had lost as the major power since LKY’s ascension, now Musa had feared the same thing with Mahathir. Nevertheless, he was still uncertain on why Reformasi stayed in the crippled party since the 1986 Labour Crisis. The political sphere lies currently on Kesejahteraan Rakyat, if only a “1973” or “PKI” could happen, PPP will lose everything.

The Premier froze at the last statement. Isn’t he losing with Kesejahteraan Rakyat? LKY’s power is slowly being relegated to Mahathir Mohammad. If Barisan Progresif wanted to salvage all that remains, what they had to do was one extremely unlikely miracle of gift or the other that Indonesia dominant parties had done twice. Unlike the two past events, this will be grand strategy chess, one that needs to be acted on carefully. Ultimately, Musa finally received the message that led to his confusion. Indonesia is, naturally, opportunistic above all, and with people who have desired comfort for so long, Musa felt no benefit in fighting a losing ground.

After that, it finally dawned on him, how this manoeuvre could return the favour. It was long-term after all, but Musa Hitam decided to do what his mind has spoken. In his highest gratitude, he thanked Ibrahim for his time, not knowing that it was Ibrahim all along that planted the seeds of what’s to come.[2]


The Speech that Stunned Everyone

Above all the stratagems of the 1980s, the 1987 “I comply” speech was one of Musa’s most confusing speeches of the century, one which historians could not decisively comprehend the hidden meaning of it, until at least long-term aftermath yielded. Musa Hitam held power after 1987’s controversial riots, winning the moral side of the Indonesian people, yet with various tension between Musa’s cabinet, the President and the two sides of the conflicting populace, Musa Hitam did the most unthinkable, much humble to radical pro-Musa, the one that defined the new populist era. At the Parliament, Premier Musa Hitam signed this consequential speech on 16th October 1987, just before the Friday prayer. Unlike previous premier speeches, this one was particularly lengthy and full, a strong sign for analysts that his speech was planned thoroughly.

Just a week before the speech, Musa Hitam entered the Presidential Palace with the President. With the ageing president just months after healing from his first lethal stroke, he shockingly conversed candidly, unlike their previous tense encounter. Not only the President, but he also visited the MPR leader Untung Syamsuri from the PRD, various PPP federal officials, notably Usep as the chairman. In last, he visited Mahathir Mohammad, whom he had appointed as Vice Premier not long after the Kudatuli incident. Many have speculated to be consolidation of power since the PPP’s Barisan Progresif was under a good wind with Kudatuli strongly favourable as their tool. But, by Friday, it was reversed vehemently from the speech.
“Assalamualaikum Warahmatullahi Wabarakatuh.

In the near past, I have meticulously observed our national situation, especially our majority’s aspiration to implement new policies in particular sectors of our livelihood and statehood. In my fundamental prognosis which these policies should not defy the previous establishment of what made Indonesia strong, advanced and prosper, I have tried everything I could to make those problems, that is Labour Law, the inequality of income, inequality of economic growth, and rural disenfranchisement, into action.

But still, until today, the power struggle between me, the President, and Partai Persatuan Pembangunan had made cooperation can’t be properly realized, especially under the new events occurring in July 1987. Despite our central party, government and cabinet remaining strong, it has resonated not in the people, not merely PPP voters, that constituted our federal nation of Indonesia. In attempts to coalesce with my co-party friends, not only do I still fail hugely, but the PPP also remained less united for Indonesia’s future, which is negative for a nation that has been strongly suited with unity.

Less coordination with the President, as a result of different approaches of policies, had made me extremely difficult to execute my duties as a government official of this nation, and the development I have given oath as. Because of that, under Article 22 of the 1973 Indonesian Constitution, and after careful considerations with the MPR leader, PPP leader, my cabinet, and the president, I have decided to resign from my post as Premier of Indonesia, starting today after this speech, 16th October 1987. My statement of resignation from Premier had been disclosed previously this morning to the President, MPR leader, PPP leader and had been a collective agreement on my cabinet.

Under Article 22, Vice Premier Mahathir Mohammad will continue my remaining term as the premier. I give my cabinet to Mahathir Mohammad, whose further actions will follow suit under his command. Immediately after this, I invite Mahathir Mohammad to immediately swear the oath as Premier on this chamber.

It is time for the government to comply with the citizens. I comply with the demands of the populace; the time has changed for a new system.

Jakarta, 16 October 1987.

Premier of Indonesia Federal Republic


Musa bin Hitam”

The speech was unexpected for everyone, not even from Kesejahteraan Rakyat. Of course, Kesejahteraan Rakyat blindly acknowledged this as a clear victory of their struggle, the opening for their predominant power. Yet, for more grounded forecasters, this was shockingly unorthodox in Indonesian history, as the power Musa held can withstand Barisan Progresif at least before the 1988 election. It was unpredictable as to why it happened, but it remained true. Musa Hitam, after his Friday Prayer, ended up returning to his native lands of the City of Malacca, determined absent on politics as he stated, “I need to have a breath of fresh air”. For succession crisis on Barisan Progresif, Emil Salim was appointed as the new leader of Barisan Progresif, wishing to distance itself from the destructive Bumiputera policies identical to Malayan conservatives.

For Kesejahteraan Rakyat, this is the victory needed for the party, as Mahathir Mohammad ascended as the premier of Indonesia. With the power finally rested under their hands, President Subandrio do feel particularly optimistic with the new government, until the reshuffle. The first actions were to reshuffle the cabinet, deposing old rivals as predetermined on the president’s ultimatum. New faces, like Badawi as the new foreign minister, gained criticism from President Subandrio, as he wanted General Susilo. Nevertheless, with Finance Minister Daim Zainuddin, Economy Minister Radius Prawiro, Defense Minister Susilo Sudarman and BUMN Minister Andhika Respratama. There were other notable replacements, but it was apparent of Barisan Progresif’s deposal from the powers.

On Barisan Progresif’s supporters, the resignation made the supporters angered by Musa’s decision. Lots of discontent, wrath, and sometimes discriminatory insults were given to the Premier. Some have speculated that Premier Musa secretly coalesced for the fall of LKY, but those are mere conspiracy theories that gathered traction in ethnic Chinese Indonesians. Chants of fully breaking the PPP was growing rapidly on students, urban dwellers, and ethnic minorities in response to the impending policy enaction of Bumiputera. Unsurprisingly, the drive for the anti-Mahathir drive for various minorities against the newly developed government.

From other members of the PPP Coalition government, the PRD announced disappointment with the new government to replace Try Sutrisno as the defence minister. Still, Mahathir announced openly that Try has had a questionable reputation from his military career, unfit for further positions, especially as Defense Minister. That blunt response had angered few PRD officials who Mahathir had unknowingly disrespected from his answer. Nevertheless, with the new government, Mahathir was confident in his populist programs, more on that could make a significant popularity boost especially for the upcoming 1988 election.


[Short] South Vietnam’s Salvation?
Excerpt from Kompas, 23rd October 1987


The July Mekong Miracle had made the best South Vietnam event for years, with few communist defectors reversing the red trend against North Vietnam, now the US and all that’s left determined to end with a delightful armistice of the old border. Also, the Cambodians officially split from North Vietnam’s friendship, allowing a worrying dispute between the two communists in North Vietnam and Cambodia. That ultimately ended up with China and the Soviet Union needing to choose between the two local regimes. For estimates, many believed this to mark an indeterminate era for the communist world.

The Thiệu Regime with the US Marines proceeded with Operation Dagger Forrest in Don Khong, ending the ongoing push from Viet Cong soldiers. Moreover, the push eventually ended right back on the pre-war border, which North Vietnam demanded an armistice by the Glenn government. It was a great boost on the US President’s already poor popularity. After this new sense of peace is underway, it is uncertain of the Indonesian government’s reaction towards this new balance. After all, the newly appointed Mahathir Mohammad, with President Subandrio, announced South Vietnam’s for no aid and support, effectively worsening the relationship between the two countries. Also, many have suggested President Thiệu have personal resentment against the Indonesians, vowing secretly for lesser cooperation with “traitors”.

Nevertheless, the promising armistice made another question unfold. How will Thailand, the nation under war with North Vietnam, Laos, and the Cambodian communist government, will play for Indochina’s new era? Will they continue to fight, with America as a twist, or would they also plan a compromise between the powers, effectively ending the fruitless Indochina War to date?

[1] An old character from this TL's dead Election Game, better honour the previous players.
[2] A brainstorm for readers, what do you think of this "strategy", will it work? no?

Next up, new policies from the new Premier.
 
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Race of 1988 Part 3: Bumiputera
The Bumiputera Policy: A Conservative Intuition
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Despite the fallout from Musa’s sudden departure from the federal government, many have worried about Mahathir’s new initiatives, many of whom he had travailed for years within the Kesejahteraan Rakyat wing of the PPP. It is a common consensus on the Malays (not particularly Malayan), of their resentment against the racial class of whom the 20th century had been progressed. As LKY became the apex of their contempt, Musa being their punching bag, Kesejahteraan Rakyat had played with dangerously discriminatory policies that shaped their collective minds.

Abdul Raza Hussein, a prominent Malayan politician, one whom Nasution appointed aimlessly to adopt the government’s past neglect on British Malaya, was the first to coin a “special position” of the Malays to be provided on a national scale. However, the previous president did not acknowledge it at all, because the general appreciated many of the Chinese elites (Chinese Indonesians to be precise) as predominant financers that made Indonesia what it became. Moreover, with few Dutch Indonesians also appearing on many valiant sacrifices during the Australian Aggression, few Indonesians [1] (in this term the former Dutch East Indies) remained disdained on the supposed “elites”. However, in former British control of Malaya, the “Malay” only felt more discomfort as the government’s neglect of the region passed on a great inequality between backwater Malayans and wealthy Chinese. However, this resentment paused during Nasution’s presidency, mostly because of the united call to dispose of the Nasution government solely by claiming the entire British Malaya to be “superior” and must wait for the former Dutch East Indies to catch up in infrastructure, social prosperity, and economy. Indeed, seeds of discrimination had been far before the 80s, but it was mostly regional.

After Subandrio was elected President in 1978, the Malayans had assumed power with cooperation from Indonesian intellectuals that demanded proper representation of the neglected Malayan Peninsula. Hatta, who had seen the discrimination of the Nasution government, eventually gathered these “silenced companions” into the party, the famous PPP, to opposed Nasution’s unconcealed foul play towards them. Subandrio was a Hatta sympathetic, a great balance to the PPP’s growing Malayan dominance. It was also a distant shock that instead of Mahathir Mohammad, the PPP chose LKY, a Singaporean, as the Premier. However, many have proved that LKY was elected because of his vision of a better Indonesia, equal growth everywhere across Indonesia, which also appealed to the ethnic Malays too. As a result, this “special position” privilege was less acclaimed by the Malayan people in the early term of Subandrio.

The public shift towards a more conservative and modern terminology of “pro-Bumiputeras [2]” started to form at the second term of Subandrio’s presidency, exactly around the adventurism of Indonesian troops to Africa. As LKY had been a vivid supporter of the Indonesian troops in Angola and Mozambique, the ethnic Malayans, mostly natives of the archipelago presented doubts with LKY’s mindset. With increased corporate abuse on labours, uncontrolled capitalism on the federal level, extremely unequal prosperity distribution, especially rural Malayans began distrusting the Premier who was once their ally. The instigator, however, came from Mahathir Muhammad and his aides, supposedly shunned from LKY’s inner government, decided to shape the narrative of LKY’s controversy into “elites” maintaining their power. Then, the “special position” term became much more prevalent in local regions. Townspeople began spreading it sporadically. The “conservative” Malayans later adopted the “Bumiputera policy” as its name, officially offered as a national policy for ethnic natives.

The interpretation of “Bumiputera” is descendants of Malay/Indonesian or local natives (from the Acehnese in Aceh to Torajans in Toraja) who adhered to the religion of Islam, habitually speaks the Malayan language group, and conforms to Indonesian customs. Many believed that backward Malays should be given better attainment than non-Malays to forge an equally prosperous Malayan nation. It was apparent from the distinct difference between rich Chinese merchants and Malayan labourers, as the former played immoderate amounts of control in a nation’s economy while constituting less than 15% of the population. The comprising leading politicians from different racial backgrounds, except notable Malayans, supported this promotion of economic equality.

To appease the DEI parts of Indonesia, the one that had even considered such policy too unfair despite similar disparities between racial ethnicities, Malayan politicians changed the term “Malays” into broader “native-Indonesians”, which meant including Sundanese, Javanese and many proper-Indonesia’s much larger “natives”. With Mahathir Mohammad, the “Bumiputera” policy include solid policies like subsidies for real estate purchases, general subsidies to Bumiputera businesses, quotas for public equity shares, and the most intriguing of all, affirmative action on a federal basis. Although the Bumiputera had gained national coverage just before Musa’s departure, the term had lived within Malayan people for decades, much to the protest of LKY in 1965 that opposed such actions as inherently regressing growth and progress. The Premier’s rejection shaped his radically meritocratic government, one that Musa had tried to continue.
"How does the Malay in the kampung find his way out into this modernized civil society? By becoming servants of the 0.3 per cent who would have the money to hire them to clean their shoes, open their motorcar doors? How does telling a Malay bus driver that he should support the party of his Malay director and the Chinese bus conductor to join another party of his Chinese director – how does that improve the standards of the Malay bus driver and the Chinese bus conductor who are both workers in the same company?

Meanwhile, whenever there is a failure of economic, social, and educational policies, you come back and say, oh, these wicked Chinese, Indian and others opposing Malay rights. They don't oppose Malay rights. They, the Malay, have the right as Malaysian citizens to go up to the level of training and education that the more competitive societies, the non-Malay society, has produced. That is what must be done, isn't it? Not to feed them with this obscurantist doctrine that all they have got to do is to get Malay rights for the few special Malays and their problem has been resolved."

-Lee Kuan Yew, 1984

Andi Suwiryo, a Sundanese politician, argued that the Bumiputera policy is entirely dynamic, which meant that the policy will continue for a temporary duration of our future, at least until the Indonesian people have caught up with non-Indonesian elites in terms of economy and social standing. Another Sundanese mayor, Gilang Sutresna, declared the question of “special position” should be left to the Indonesians themselves because as more and more Indonesians became educated and gained self-confidence, they would do away with this privilege. These comments have reduced public hostilities, especially former DEI Indonesians, on how Bumiputera policy could be discriminative and unfair.

The ascension of Mahathir Muhammad as the new Premier of Indonesia passed the greatest legislation in Indonesian history, the New Economic Policy (NEP) that was founded under the Bumiputera principles. Although it was rooted on the Malayan Peninsula, the plan eventually gained popularity throughout the Nusantara State Republic, while Papua, Melanesia and Madagaskar expressed little flirtatious adventure on this new policy. Barely before 1988 entered Indonesia, the New Economic Policy (NEP) was being negotiated by the Parliament for the 1988 budget. The three main objectives were simple, to achieve through socio-economic restructuring, minimize the level of poverty in the country, and increase the rural prosperity by economic equality. Concomitantly, the policy also demanded fairer distribution of opportunities to participate in the widening range of economic activities. It opened the divide of racial groups by economic status, one that had been worsened by the rural-urban divide.
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Kuala Lumpur, 1988

Although by 1988 no significant Bumiputera policy was passed to the federal level, the populace was extremely enthusiastic about the alterations it might bring, obviously for the betterment of their lives. Almost everywhere across rural areas, solid three-quarters expressed unanimous support to the Bumiputera policy, claiming this as a “great steppingstone of equality”. From natural Mahathir bastion of rural Pahang to the remote regions of Sumbawa had majorly agreed on the Bumiputera policy to be implemented. Surprisingly, locations plagued with the Labour protests, around Western Java particularly, had less support of the Bumiputera policy rather than lesser-aligned natives of North Sumatra. Simply put, Sundanese and Javanese “pribumi” had articulated wariness on the policy as they feared “would bias more on the Malayans than original Indonesians”.

The trend of undisputed enthusiasm was faced with precarious outcomes should one look much closer. In a few parts of Majapahit State, the NU traditionalist had less anticipation on the policy, which later were mimicked by their voter base. Along with the Muhammadiyah, Gus Dur and Amien Rais had placed themselves on the “centrist” much “moderate” attitude between Bumiputera and LKY’s meritocratic ideology. Despite it sure coming extremely handy in the 1988 election, it slowly weakened the base as time went on.

Emil Salim, leader of Barisan Progresif, declared the Bumiputera policy as the antithesis of LKY’s perpetual growth, which he later threatened of an economic downturn after this implementation of the said policy. The bitterness echoed towards city dwellers, particularly big metropolises, many of whom were accustomed to the meritocratic system they belong to and had contributed to many of the nation’s unnatural advances in world history. Historians declared four Asian Tigers in the 80s, one of them to be Indonesia itself. Moreover, since the details of the Bumiputera Policy heavily favoured the agricultural industry, it was guaranteeably clear that the industrial and service industry was severely endangered by unreliable government focus. Nevertheless, as the PPP’s highest power had effectively “couped” for Kesejahteraan Rakyat, Barisan Progresif may more and more push themselves to leave the PPP as one tent.

Mahathir Mohammad had thought the policy would be a clear road to a new age of Indonesia. It was anticipated by all, accepted by many, and certainly benefited Mahathir Mohammad as the leading figure in Indonesian history. Still, before he even began his beloved proposal, he was faced with crises all around Indonesia, all of which are effects of Mahathir’s “seize of power” in Indonesian politics.


East Timor?
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Satellite imagery of Timor Island, 1989

Strangely, Mahathir’s first action involved one distant region formerly owned by the Portuguese. East Timor [3] was a Portuguese colonial possession before the communist regime in the 1950s pushed Indonesia for securing the land as a blatant land grab, in addition, to appeal with the United States to “secure potential communist hotbeds” in the early Sukarno years. For decades, the military forces engaged in strict oversight of the Timorese civilians but remained rather civil for some time. After the Australians succeeded in invading the island within the war, the Timorese people had mixed views when the government proposed for independent East Timor, which was futile after their ultimate defeat in the 1960s. Moreover, independent East Timor was not as hopeful as Timorese expect, with highly likely chances merely to be as a satellite of Australia. Still, the non-belligerent response made East Timor suspicious for a while to the Indonesian government, so TNI forces engaged with harsher monitoring on the island. FRETILIN, the pro-independence communist insurgency, had failed for years and years, under the Indonesian nor the Australian brief rule.

Operasi Keamanan started by Nasution was the pacification program to end the FRETILIN. It conscripted a few thousand Timorese men, those arriving from the West Timor, to march through the mountains ahead of any FRETILIN counterattack. As guerilla warfare was apparent, the FRETILIN was eradicated swiftly without genocidal crime, as Nasution was sympathetic towards integration of the Timorese people, then announced complete pacification just before the 1973 election. It was rather non-appealing for mainstream Indonesian media, as Timorese were similarly impoverished to his Western counterparty. However, with LKY’s arrival to that place in 1979, the region underwent immense agricultural growth, admiring the Catholic region as a new paradise with known oil reserves formerly discovered by the Australian military.
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TNI in patrol, 1977

In the eyes of the federal government, LKY had strongly circled East Timor as a strategic location in response to an Australian threat should there be one. Premier Suharto had thought about this in the early 70s, but most money had been diverted for infrastructure efforts in Java, Sumatra, and Papua. This led the Nasution government to essentially forget about the island. Moreover, they had sheepishly belittled concerns, claiming the adequate bases in Christmas and Keeling Islands have protected Indonesia enough.

LKY had noticed a few interesting pieces of information about the island that reinforced Timor Island as on-par with Madagaskar in terms of attention. The layout of the island despite being extremely rugged by mountainous features, lacks the volcanic nature of his sister islands on northern Lesser Sunda. Moreover, being near the Australian continent, faced a long dry season with hot winds from the Australian Outback. Fortunately, the southern parts were aided by monsoon winds, which alleviate the dryness compared to the northern side of the island.

The bleak reality on the geographical side was effectively overshadowed by the intense resources the island has. It had high oil reserves, marble, and other various mineral deposits across the mountainous areas. For LKY, it was justified enough to pass a federal-funded program of general development on the island. However, to avoid the region’s dependency on the oil industry, LKY had passed agriculture and ranching to be developed in the southern tip of the island. Different from LKY’s usual approaches, he also developed a substantial military base in the region, arming with a minimum of 10000 ready-deployed armies. Since 1978, the region had undergone substantial growth, like their larger twin Madagaskar, all of them later expressed gratitude by unanimously supporting the Singaporeans. They attained to the state of perpetual cult, a determined voice that LKY will save the region from obscurity, pushing the growth of the region compassionately, even somewhat equaling the Premier with Jesus. Therefore, as the Premier was assassinated, the region suffered massive turmoil by the loss of its heroic figure.

The ascension of Musa Hitam was not opposed by this population. But, after Mahathir Mohammad began threatening the establishment, they had begun taking interests (and sides) on this matter. Naturally, with the Bumiputera policy clearly stating Muslim devotees as supposed receivers of the privileges, the Catholic population in Timor was disillusioned with Mahathir’s policy, later opposed with extreme measures after Kudatuli Incident had reached to their ears. In addition to it, immigration from Java had flocked slowly to Timor, starting disputes with the native population. It somehow tipped after the Kudatuli incident, a few moments of which the Timor citizens announced their suspicion with the government, East Timor is the first in launching a protest. Ironically, the East Timor protests’ demanded Musa Hitam to be more aggressive in fighting against Mahathir Mohammad, clearly a conflicting trend across the Nusantara State Republic.

After the ascension of Mahathir Mohammad as the Premier of Indonesia, East Timor held their first protest in decades, opposing the government. It was particularly aggressive, as they too insulted the new Premier as violently acclaimed the government. The sentiment quickly grew into a whole island insurgency. The first weeks of Mahathir were filled with protests in Timor. Unfortunately, he handled it horribly.

[1] I'm having a hard time distinguishing OTL Malaysian and Indonesians, as ITTL we had no Malaysia. So, from this time on, I will put DEI (Dutch East Indies)-Indonesia as OTL Indonesia. DEI-Indonesians will constitute the Javanese, Sundanese, and all OTL Indonesian ethnicities. Malays as not accurately OTL Malaysians, but also Malays in Sumatra, for ITTL Malaysians, I'll prefer Peninsular Malays. I'll start to put Javans as "people who live in Java" and Javanese as "people who adopt Javanese cultures". For Indonesian readers, this might seem far easier because of familiarity, but I'll try helping the foreigners.

[2] Bumiputera, actually, was a Malaysian term. OTL Indonesia would call pribumi, which was prohibited after Habibie's presidency, stating that pribumi was connotatively derogatory and infused racial division.

[3] Although the island was incorporated long ago, I will still coin the Portuguese part as East Timor and the Indonesian part as West Timor. They coincidentally owned a rather different topology, ethnicity and language (despite Timorese as a whole) which help me in future posts concerning them.

I'm not gone. I've just had weeks of weariness from university. Apologize for the unnoticed hiatus. Next up will explain the last image that I've promised to cover, as well as Mahathir's political adventures.
 
What happened to Gagarin to make the Glenn the first man in space in this TL?

A blunder on my part by not telling. Gargarin by chance failed qualifying in Vostok 1, allowing Anatoly Kartashov as replacement. Hoewever, Vostok 1 failed to reach orbit by rocket failure killing the man in process. However, the Soviets lied to the Americans (claiming success) to kill their morale. It almost backfired immediately, as American intelligence and the American spirit (the Kennedy's charisma in action too) allowed drastic measures for an American in space. The first cosmonaut to reach space was Vladimir Komarov, yet failed to be the first in few weeks.

Other facts should I add was Yuri ITTL commanded Soyuz 12 (the first Soviet on the Moon). The first woman in space is still Valentina Tereshkova. Althiugh it seems that the Soviets is particularly less successful ITTL, but it's for the sake of balancing on what's to come.​
 
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Race of 1988 Part 4: Woe is Timor!
The Ugly Anti-Bumiputera of 1988
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One banner against Bumiputera, 1987

Instantly after Musa Hitam’s resignation as Premier, the man’s cabinet issued a unilateral declaration of many subsequent resignations, many of whom were convinced of Mahathir’s eventual sacking of these individuals, as a passive protest of the Mahathir rule. This was supported unilaterally by the cabinet as an “ensuing tactic of passive criticism” against the Mahathir dominance. Although the media overtly burst this manoeuvre as backroom deals with Kesejahteraan Rakyat, it was apparent Mahathir’s supporters were aggressively supporting their candidates; even should the capital be burned as consequence. It later was discovered by Musa’s memoirs that the turmoil around 1988 was mostly because the people were unconvinced enough to support the incumbent government against Bumiputera hordes, the resignation was one attempt to unveil Barisan Progresif’s majority against Kesejahteraan Rakyat. He later added other leaders may become successors of this fight against anti-discriminative policy. Opportunely, Musa Hitam’s bidding was fulfilled.

Unlike Peninsular Malays that had wholeheartedly advocated the Bumiputera policy, many of other native ethnicities – mostly in former-DEI Indonesia – had shown hesitancy on adopting the said policy. The tolerant customs that had been entrenched in these regions had been considered advocating “Malay-privilege” to be wrong and misguided. Especially as the Australian Aggression opened the minds of natives that not all foreigners were enemies, the notion of resentment by unequal ethnic distribution in the economic role had taken down naturally in the 70s. It was presented from the circumstances involved after the Social Justice Act of 1987 was passed, the bulk of the anti-business protests had struggled to continue their flame for the logical next step, the Bumiputera policy.

The Communist Counterattack

Bumiputera’s first obstacle came by the surprising turn of PPI’s pseudo-communist manifesto. The PPI – the spiritual successor of the defunct PKI – had announced a new direction under young and charismatic Guntur Sukarnoputra. Nicknamed the 1988 Manifesto, the PPI underwent a slightly curved trajectory in comparison to its old ones. Mostly, their old manifesto portrayed deep detestation towards the capitalist system and its admiration on the ‘big-C’ Communist spheres, the new manifesto seemed to have humbled under newer faces of the United States, specifically after the 1980s United States had been heavily interventionist in business.

The 1987 PPI Manifesto stemmed from its criticism towards the current liberal economic system of Indonesia which brought out inequality in the economy and explosive corporate expansion in the Indonesian realm. However, he heavily stressed that race equality was no less important. In later interviews, many PPI politicians heavily echoed the spirit of promoting economic equality under the 1980 post-LKY regime. Still, many had criticized the “Malay” context on Bumiputera, claiming that it would hamper the idea of equality of all, some even pointed fascist policies to be like Bumiputera, insulting Kesejahteraan Rakyat. Many of this chasm between two similar-interest groups was because of competition in each turf. Both are anti-elitist, populist in rhetoric and hearted from the scuffle with the privileged. Yet, after Guntur’s interest in running for the second time as President, both parties seemed to be fixated on a new upcoming battle, a contest on who’s more popular, in terms of anti-elitist policies.
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Guntur when asked about his opinions on
Bumiputera, 1987
We believe in equality of everything, not just economy or status. Bumiputera only distributes one sector but aggravates another. This is not sustainable; the PPI will not endorse it.
- Guntur Sukarnoputra​

Guntur Sukarnoputera announced the party as “better” than PPP’s Kesejahteraan Rakyat. They presented the inequality issues as solvable should the government intervene aggressively by nationalization and intense economic planning. He demanded centralization of government, better land reform, and possibly constructing a new revolution in Indonesia. In that setup, he however wished for preserving multiculturalism in Indonesia, as well as endorsing a multi-party system. In a summary, he believed that if the PPI’s policies were right, after all, there will naturally be a dominant PPI and a ban on other parties would not be necessary.

Naturally, other parties criticized the PPI as self-centred and partly arrogant in his announcement. Still, Kesejahteraan Rakyat was hurt the most, being called upon dearly as “inferior” to the PPI’s belief. It triggered a few Peninsular Malays, many of them eventually influenced Mahathir’s voice. Mahathir's government declared them as traitors of the common people. Kesejahteraan Rakyat politicians quickly berated the PPI with every possible negative critic they could muster. Their first attack was claiming Guntur was aiming for an atheist Indonesia, a lambast further strengthen with Guntur’s untimely commitment to Indonesia’s secular society. Nevertheless, PPI’s voter base in Central Java is sturdy against impending threats by Kesejahteraan Rakyat or any other. Central Java’s proportion was 12-15% nationally, the majority of them had been voting for PKI and PPI for decades. Guntur Sukarnoputera can take the risk. His father also aided Guntur to not fall entirely out of the political battle, as his legacy was honoured universally across Indonesia – except Peninsular Malaysia.

The Liberal Mess

After Musa’s retirement on national politics, Partai Persatuan Pembangunan experienced their worst performance ever since their creation. Distrust and dispute had been at an all-time high, both Kesejahteraan Rakyat and Barisan Progresif heavily distrusted the current establishment. The higher office was still controlled by Musa’s aides, but the lower echelons supported wholly Mahathir Mohammad. The ambience around the higher officials was sombre too, as they showed great difficulties in determining a united policy of Barisan Progresif.

Usep, the chairman of the current PPP, had been crystal clear on explaining why Barisan Progresif was slowly limping from the previous premiership. Moreover, the departure of Musa unveiled the crisis of leadership Barisan Progresif had had since the death of LKY. Simply put, they have hearts less bold than the man, determination less strong than him and less brilliant than him. There had been few notable “successors” for the Singaporean: Lim Boon Heng, Goh Chok Tong or Frederik Trihandoko, but neither visualized similar confidence to the deceased legend.

Front Pemuda, the youth group of Barisan Progresif, was disillusioned with the current establishment showing no prowess against the menace of Mahathir Mohammad. One college student, Rendy Sitompul, campaigned for a more radical approach against the PPP. At the University of Indonesia, Rendy devised a radical plan, one campaigning for the split of PPP, forming a “Liberal Party” fully advocating for LKY’s legacy. It gained traction on youths because of the ingenuity of the idea, one which echoed rapidly across Front Pemuda members across Indonesia. Above the headquarters, liberal politicians had saved the idea as last resort, at least should fight against Mahathir became less hopeful.
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A concept design of the proposed Partai Liberal Indonesia

The progressive counter was not as united as PPI’s general manifesto, but the progressive was perfectly square for most Indonesians to follow. The simple ideology that opportunity should be given freely without restraint, success without hindrance, while responding to the future of the nation was not a dejected idea by the populace. Especially with LKY’s economic woes mostly caused by labour’s discernment – a negative aspect gradually withered after the Social Justice Act – the populace regained confidence in the usual meritocratic approach of the government. In addition to the United States’ achievements in healthcare, Indonesia’s progressivism was optimistic as the champion of its ideologue – basically the United States – had been less “elitist” and pro-common man much for progressivism to prevail in Indonesian soil. After the Kudatuli Riots, progressivism also cored staunchly on cities that hated the rioters. They loathed those who looted, committed arson, and destroyed urban lives. In addition to Barisan Progresif’s strong policy to improve city-living, the urban population had moved happily under the progressive group.

Already a rival to Mahathir Mohammad, Kesejahteraan Rakyat since the takeover had pushed hard to undermine the influence of Barisan Progresif in PPP’s main power. His political overtures were appeasing the higher forms of government, completely aware that non-Chinese high leaders were not as strongly attached to progressivism to many Chinese ones, some even supported Bumiputera policy. They started by claiming urbanism as an evil attempt to reduce farmers' and labour’s influence in rurals, denouncing them as “pro-corporate pigs” and “unthankful youths” specifically for the high number of young graduates following progressivism. It received a foul response by Barisan Pemuda, that the de-facto leader attacked Mahathir with another slur.
“The youth does not listen to senile men that endorsed discrimination like Japan and Germany in WW2. We will continue to fight against the (Mahathir) group at whatever cost because we believe nothing good will come from the (Bumiputera) policy."​

Nationalist Slow Cut

The communist and the progressive were frontally against Mahathir Mohammad before the campaign, but PNI-R Ali Sadikin was subtle in opposing the Malayan. Unlike the other two, the nationalist party had never argued against Bumiputera or any of Mahathir’s policies for the next few months. Most watchers suggested the PNI-R tried appeasing Mahathir because of his “very likely” victory in 1988 at that time. But, from the PNI-R beliefs and their politicians’ stances, PNI-R was criticizing Bumiputera.

Ali Sadikin was a strong believer in legalizing religiously controversial issues just for the sake of taxes. His most famous one was trying to legalize gambling in Jakarta, but his other proposals involved prostitution, drugs and – the most controversial of all – homosexuals. He believed that criminalising those “sinful” issues were damaging to the country because lawbreakers will always break the law. Instead, allow a harsh regulation, such as high taxes or just simply too expensive, these by Darwinism would diminish. This facile observation mimicked the entire nationalist politicians throughout his leadership, as their social-cultural view was nothing more than just “everything is good if national identity is upheld”.

This pragmatic view meant PNI-R was not against Mahathir as clearly as the other, but that didn’t mean supporting. The nationalist still had the same resentment of the Nasution era, determining the Peninsular Malays as different than former-DEI Indonesia, claiming the Peninsular Malays to have “less oppressive” colonial rule. Consequently, PNI-R politicians believed Peninsular Malays have a little struggle of independence, therefore appealing to them as “mentally weak” or “incapacitated of pain” from Indonesia’s much more dire scuffle like Australian Aggression or the Independence War. Eventually, it meant PNI-R did not oppose Mahathir, because PNI-R perceived them reluctantly. Ironically, they respected the Chinese in Singapore and many parts of Peninsular Malaya as opposed to Peninsular Malayans, probably because of their inspirational struggle of building a career bottom-up. Although this acumen was purely strange for mainstream racism (majority looked mainly by race, not by personal struggles), this impression originated from Nasution’s career as a prominent military leader of the Indonesian Army (explicitly how he rose in power), in addition to many of PNI-R’s influence derived from non-Islam parties (Partai Katolik and Partai Kristen Indonesia), all of whom entirely opposed with Bumiputera policy.

Moreover, the second President had encountered non-Islam communities during his childhood, those of said memories inclined him and the PNI-R’s views as less ethnonationalism and more civic-nationalism. Incidentally, Ali Sadikin’s flirtatious in very progressive views surely put PNI-R as a more LKY-esque party than the PPP itself at that time. With also few remaining Javanese Catholics and Christians controlling significant party seats that directed the party’s policies, it was safe to say PNI-R will never adopt Bumiputera, even though Kesejahteraan Rakyat became extremely popular with it.

The PNI-R so far had little response on Bumiputera policy, stating that PNI-R has not had to declare a stance on the issue early. However, judging by the character of the PNI-R leaders, especially considering a little structural disdain towards Peninsular Malays, Bumiputera’s issue may be used by the PNI-R for “testing the water”, while eventually risking PPP an untrustworthy ally. Nonetheless, the news was not alarming for many Mahathir Mohammad followers, many of whom had acknowledged PNI-R less prioritized on forging a coalition.

Scraping What Remains

It was challenging for Mahathir Mohammad, especially with three parties slowly inching away from Kesejahteraan Rakyat’s attempts at sphering. The remaining parties were PRD, PUI and BKDT, none of them was enticing for the conservative coalition. However, if he played the cards right, he might have a chance at these parties. The PRD was opposed to Mahathir Mohammad because of its extreme anti-military stance while dominating as business conglomerates of the military industry. Still, with the fact uncovered that Social Justice Act alleviated the issue – thus, the conflict between business and labour – that filled 1986, 1988 would be less revolved on the issue and Mahathir could stress on the racial privilege and Islam as the cornerstone of Bumiputera policy. Two birds one stone, it also helped appeal PUI into the fold, despite Abdurrahman Wahid and Amien Rais advocating multiculturalism previously.


The Cries of the Timor
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27th of October saw the protest’s rapid growth in East Timor by personal scorn towards Mahathir Mohammad. Although the background of which was repercussion from the power struggle in Jakarta, Timorese was also unconvinced with Bumiputera, especially with the emphasis on Muslim, barred Catholic Timorese within the policy. Moreover, there was growing concern from the natives with Javan immigrants, the events in Timor before 1988 arrived was a culmination of everything wrong that preceded.

The protest started after the death of LKY, it started as a support for Premier Musa Hitam to fight against the perpetrator of the group who killed LKY. It was handled arbitrarily ‘meh’ by the government, especially when the authorities had confirmed the culprit as “one-man’s doing” instead of “systemically planned”. It partly angered few Timorese people, partly because the assassination and bombing of Sarinah as collateral damage perceived as individually committed was unbelievable to the Timorese, especially when the remnants of the FRETILIN activist promoted false information about Mahathir’s supposed involvement in the tragedy.

General Susilo Sudarman arrived at East Timor as the new defence minister to oversee the ongoing project of a military base in Dili. Arrived on 2nd November 1987, the Monday was filled with protestors in the city, determined that the defence minister had complied with Mahathir’s “immoral” activities. Tension quickly rose as his arrival brought more troops to the city. Dili residents demanded the general to leave the place as he was unwelcomed. Unfortunately, the minister understood it as a threat to his presence, therefore increasing the military even further. The second week of November increased the strain between the authorities and Timorese people, especially the pro-LKY youths. A brief standoff happened between the two sides, almost erupted into chaos as Colonel Ismail Omar fired warning shots at the protestors.

On 8th November 1987, the military began their attention as a sermon in Motael Church was overheard by the military. Inside the building, many of the believers shouted in anger against the current regime, also offend Bumiputera policy with negative comments. The news arrived at the Colonel, perceived as “public discontent”, and wished for the sermon to end abruptly. In less than 15 minutes, as the Timorese had their morning Eucharist, the military banged the door to be let in. As Colonel Omar entered, the people inside became infuriated by the military’s intolerance of religious activity. Unexpectedly, the encounter inside the church became a fistfight. A confrontation ensued between peaceful churchgoers and the military inside the building, when it was over, one man was dead. Rafael Guterres, a parent of three children and shockingly a pro-Indonesian supporter, was killed by a beating from one of the soldiers.

Consequently, the brief fight inside the church evolved into a massive confrontation of demonstration towards the military. Organizers of the protest, although aggressive, maintained order during the protests. Although it was loud, the crowd maintained their calm, by most accounts. It became the largest demonstration outside Jakarta even in Indonesian history. The media also attempted to enter the scene, but many of whom had been blocked by the military. The protest continued for weeks, all-determining the death of Guterres was uncalled for by the military. They demanded responsibility for the military’s indecency, announced them to leave the island as soon as possible. Colonel Omar ordered his men to increase awareness, even alarmingly anticipated harsh dispersion in case of chaotic evolution. Foreigners who had come to Dili, initially observing the new industrial buildup by the LKY era, was independent US journalists Charles Goodman and David Allen, German cameraman Markus Söder and Reuters correspondent Richard Bowman.

On 12th November 1987, after the soldier’s Friday prayer, the confrontation was claimed that Major Cecep Setiaman was stabbed. Protestors claimed that Major Cecep had attacked a group of protesters including a little boy, and many locals witnessed unrecorded beatings from Indonesian soldiers. The funeral procession, as Major Cecep died from blood loss, was still protested before the cemetery wall. Around 150 more Indonesian soldiers arrived to honour the general, weapons clearly within reach. During the funeral procession of the major, many still believed the Indonesian Army fabricate the incident, thus putting Timorese in a bad image. On the other hand, the army firmly believes in the claim, increasing abhorrence towards the protestors in the process. As the funeral procession ended, they opened fire on hundreds of unarmed civilians At least 150 Timorese were killed in the massacre. The Reuters correspondent Richard Bowman was one of the people at the crossfire, killed by a gun wound from multiple entries.

The massacre was witnessed by the two journalists and the German cameraman – it later was recorded on videotape, which Söder was filming undercover for his DW (Deutsche Welle) News. Goodman and Allen tried to defend the Timorese by standing between them and the Indonesian soldiers, by the soldiers began beating Goodman, fracturing his skull in the process. The camera crew managed to smuggle the video footage to the United States, luckily without confiscation by any authorities in the process. The video footage eventually aired in CNN as their Evening News, shown just before Christmas of 1987. The footage, combined with the testimony of the reporters, and another confirmation from one Timorese willing to speak, caused outrage around the world, even inside Indonesia.
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People fleeing during the shooting scene, more associated as the "Santa Cruz Massacre"

Colonel Omar described the incident as a legitimate reaction to the death of Major Cecep, as well as the protestor’s “violent behaviour” during the man’s funeral procession. Mahathir Mohammad was later dismissed as a “misunderstanding” by the Western media, trying to portray his premiership bad in the process. President Subandrio also commented Timorese was “extremely hostile”; the soldiers were doing their job. However, the journalists later remarked the documented history of violence a few days before the attack, as if the military was “trying” to agitate the protestors. Amid promoting Bumiputera, Premier Mahathir and President Subandrio became under fire as Indonesian citizens also disapproved of the military situation in Timor, declaring that the two “is disuniting the country”.


There are Mahathir's early overtures (very awful) and Santa Cruz Massacre under his watch. Great.
We'll move elsewhere after this chapter, specifically dedicated to the turn of events all across the world (especially the US). Post-massacre events on the chapter after, but I won't promise too much.

As one sorry again for the tardiness, I'll post a quote from Ali Sadikin regarding his opinion.


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Race of 1988 Part 5: Abroad Events
The Question of Government: 1988 US Pre-Primaries

Across the hemisphere, the United States suffered a crisis of confidence in President Glenn. Economic woes, cultural stagnation and scandals have been some of them. Many had predicted Carter’s fiscal plan was not sustainable and will cost Glenn his presidency. Unfortunately, those predictors may have spoken the truth after all.

First, the Democratic challenger against incumbent President Glenn had not been one, but two candidates, before the end of 1987. First was Texan Senator Lloyd Bentsen. Bentsen was a clear successor of Carter, a Southern with views alike, albeit similar to former Vice President Lyndon Johnson in terms of political views. He declared that the government need to double down on intervention, stop inflation with better healthcare programs, a substantial increase of job vacancy and the spending reduction in the military. Indeed, his policies were not popular in the South, but his background may give him a chance in Georgia and Arkansas, the most democratic states before Glenn took power. Bentsen’s rise gave the South needed frustration on Glenn’s government, who disillusioned Southern Democrats. Second, enter former-Governor of California Jerry Brown. He became a formidable foe after Glenn’s dismissal in the AIDS crisis, as well as the homosexuals across liberal America. He declared Glenn to forget the liberal roots of the United States for the sake of maintaining the presidency, for which he vocals it in his oration in California. Brown’s programs involved much more emphasis on social issues, while the economic he later admitted curbing few wasteful programs, again the military as one. Despite similar policies to Lloyd Bentsen, Brown’s is favourable for the liberals to vote for. Another difference was Bentsen was absent from foreign policy while Brown projected the liberal aggression against communism. The Democratic primary continued to challenge the president as nefarious ills within the Challenger issue uncovered. After the trial of William R. Graham, the Glenn Reelection Campaign had been grim. The Langley Scandal, which killed Haldeman Presidency, involved McNamara as the perpetrator, another taint of Glenn’s government. More likely, Glenn should refrain from another scandal to have any chance of reelection. President Glenn hoped his victories in Vietnam may turn the tide in his favour for his 1988 reelection.
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Lloyd Bentsen

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Jerry Brown (left)

The Conservative Party, meanwhile, had their field day presenting many candidates aiming for the presidency. As they were defeated in 1980, lost a landslide in 1984, they have reformed themselves, less radical, to appease the moderate vote. They had sidetracked their objectives from old conservative notions like crime and religion, with more pressure on the economy and deficit. In consequence of their de-radicalization, they have filled the primaries with diverse candidates.

The frontrunner before 1988 was former vice presidential candidate Bob Dole. He was the most experienced politician in the Conservative Party, also aide of former presidential candidates, Ronald Reagan, and Richard Nixon. However, unlike the two bolder candidates, Dole was a compromised person, less intolerant and stubborn to his policies. He described a “drastic” change in the American economy after his inauguration, but small reinforcement on negating many of the Democrat policies like Carter’s health care and Glenn’s pension program. He also promoted slightly pro-environment laws, determining the necessity of American sustainability in resources. His moderate attitude discouraged the conservative voters, as they predicted minor changes to be done hence. The Kansas representative maintained a steady 35% lead.
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Bob Dole, 1988

Laterally, two notable candidates have risen against Dole’s prominence, are Representative Jack Kemp and James Buckley (the older brother of 1980 candidate William Buckley). Both have expressed stark interests in rebuilding the broken economy, declaring less funding on social programs and rewarding private programs as state alternatives. Jack Kemp’s proposal includes a mercantilist attitude on increasing exports to Asia-Pacific nations, especially on digital technologies like computers and electronic appliances. That way, the federal deficit would decrease significantly by the offset of trade balance, thus reducing the debt. Buckley’s proposal includes the withdrawal of many unnecessary regulations from Carter and Glenn’s presidency, which ironically contradicts Dole’s approach. His policies also include privatization of various industries, dismemberment of labour unions, and radical advancement of service productivity. However, as neither of them was religious enough for Evangelist voters, these two candidates struggled to break past the Deep South. One candidate Dole is also in trouble with.
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Jack Kemp, 1988

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James Buckley, 1988
Jerry Falwell, a Virginian televangelist, was the one that enticed the Deep South voters. He instigated the anti-AIDS campaign and promoted more religious norms in the government. The further three candidates shot well around 10-20% of the votes, steady but not enough against dole. Other candidates who tried to challenge the establishment are Senator Joe Biden, congressional representative Dick Gephardt, and one Virginia Governor, John Warner. Few untraditional candidates were also Donald Trump, Lowell P. Weicker, and Lee Iacocca.

Domestic affairs had been America’s top pressing issue for 1988, but foreign affairs have been noticeable too in some candidates. Dole had briefly expressed the necessity to fight the Soviet Union in the Cold War while James Buckley demanded a conclusion on the Pakistan and Afghanistan Intervention. There is a noticeable absence from South American issues, especially on Nicaragua and Colombia (currently under civil turmoil) in the Conservative Party. Their key points were the economy, which alone will kill the Democrat’s dominance for the past decade.​


The Oil Problem
15th November 1987
Havana, Cuba, the United States of America

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Havana, 1988

The sunset of the Caribbean radiated Maximo Alvarez’s mansion with glimmering rays. Owner of a Cuban oil enterprise, this tycoon has accumulated 250 million dollars of profit from decades of Cuban oil drilling. Benefiting from the United States’ admittance to Cuba, oil drillings have been safer than the Castroism era. The island has expanded since. After the 1970s, the island has had significant transitions of migratory flows in and out of the island. As Cuban moved to Florida, Texas and Louisiana for better wages, the State of Cuba encountered massive elderly whites. Cuban climate is warm, suitable for old people. The trade of population has made Cuban population steadily rise, yet far slower than California or Texas. In the 1980s, Cuba has dramatically changed as capital flowed freely. Rapid urban expansion, instant construction of public infrastructure, and general improvement of livelihood have been indications of Cuba’s change. Cuba’s insertion as American sovereignty boosted the Mississippian River Corridor, increasing sea trade routes on the Cuban-Floridan Passage. As a result, Cuba also provided safer trading towards the West.

Alvarez is the lucky millions of Cubans that rise beyond the poverty limit after the American introduction. It is also an understatement since Puerto Rico and Panama have also benefited from American rule. Contradict the rest of Latin America which had stagnated, the 3 states are grateful to the United States. Because of that, they are staunch Americans. Believing the American ideal, they endorsed the liberal system more than their White counterparts. Cuban Americans entered universities as pro-capitalist, in contrast to pro-socialist Black Americans. Despite being conservative in heart, Hispanic American has voted for the liberal Democrat since FDR. They supported the party’s social pension, healthcare programs and centralization efforts. The majority of Cubans have voted for Glenn in 1984. However, Alvarez noticed worrying trends in his country.

“Mr Alvarez, thank you for coming. Please have a seat.”

A Caucasian male expressed a warm welcome to the entrepreneur, acknowledging the latter’s success in the oil industry. Akin to Alvarez, this man also profited in oil. He is a famous Texan oil tycoon, a potential partner of Alvarez’s Sunshine Oil Company.

“Mr Bush, thank you for the hospitalities.”

Alvarez is a native Cuban, but he lived in Florida throughout his adulthood. George W. Bush, meanwhile, lived in Cuba since his father’s migration from Connecticut. The Bush family, besides the oil industry, has been famous in politics. Bush's father had been the Republican presidential candidate in 1976. Although he failed horribly, the Bush family continued to be influential in American history. George W. Bush influenced Texas’ oil industry, take part in expanding America’s oil production as a self-sufficient oil exporter. This had been a direct consequence of America’s strained relations with many Arab countries.

“It has come to my attention that Sunshine Oil Company shipped hundred thousand metric tons of oil in 1988, an outstanding feat.”

“It has been honest work and sheer determination of my workers.”

“Yes, indeed. However, your enterprise has been restricted to Cuba. When you propose an expansion, they mostly fail because of competition with mainland partners. But Arbusto can conduct a partnership, mutual. That way, Sunshine Oil can expand to the bigger Texas oil reserves, while Arbusto may benefit from Sunshine’s established shipment abroad.”

The proposal enticed Alvarez. His firm has struggled to expand beyond the Hispanic-majority nations such as Puerto Rico, Panama, and Cuba. His American equals envied Alvarez’s oil industry birth personal discrimination against him. So, many white oil tycoons have distanced themselves from Alvarez. Arbusto was one obvious exception. This proposal was unexpected. Sunshine Oil has been better than Arbusto statistics, but Arbusto had better connections with oil suppliers across the continental United States. Sunshine Oil, based in Cuba, has its entire trade on ship containers, while Arbusto is more in oil trucks. The apparent differences between Arbusto and Sunshine Oil may benefit the diversification of both companies should they cooperate.

“I will look into it, Mr Bush. But I highly doubt that our partnership will flourish, considering the new regulation on oil shipments.”

Alvarez’s doubts resonated in Mr Bush as well. The 1987 Nature Law, proposed by environmentalists both Democrats and Conservatives, rejected offshore drilling for exports outside the Western hemisphere. Environmentalists argued that as the method had been high polluted, exporting said products across the world will aggravate the environment. Southerners, with a unique look, contemplate offshore oil products as more refined than conventional measures, thus promoting offshore products only to local Americans. That meant Sunshine Oil Drilling standing weak than Arbusto’s bigger potential, thus establishing an unequal partnership. In the meantime, Sunshine Oil Drilling has suffered slowly under various oil regulations by the Glenn government. Arbusto could mean Sunshine’s guaranteed future, but it can also mean acquisition in the nearly unknown.

Sunshine Oil Drilling, in response to this crippling regulation, has diversified its oil products into processing materials, like plastic. This eased the firm’s dependence on raw oil exports and promote the industry to Cuba. Still, manufacturing was unpopular in Cuba, as the island’s much older population by the current situation reduced labour workers in Cuba, also preventing industries to spawn in the island. In the end, little alternatives opened for Sunshine Oil Drilling.

“Mr Alvarez, as Colombia stumbles into a massive insurgency, Venezuelans will be affected. We have intel on the government, noting of South America’s instability.”

“Isn’t that the problem? The United States, especially Sunshine Oil Company, will have fewer destinations to export crude oil. “

“Yes, but actually no. The United States has been reliant on its oil products, regardless of attempts to reduce them. All our sectors, military as the greatest proportion, demanded crude oil to operate. With increasing instability in South America, America’s oil, your oil, particularly, will be more influential in the government’s agenda. In a short time, the United States will review all regulations, the Nature Law will be one.”

A coop with Arbusto differed from most companies because they possessed key connections in the government. That meant Arbusto was foremost in the government agenda, following the federal trials and exploiting for their benefits. For example, Arbusto’s rise in southern Texas has been contributed to the state’s deficiency of energy from Carter’s environmental policy. Glenn resolved the issue by granting states more autonomy to decide how they meet their energy demand; Texas responded by escalating the oil industry.

Still, the idea of repealing the Nature Law was not on the minds of Alvarez. Although big oil business affects both parties, the Conservative—the party Alvarez’s bet of winning the election—leaned towards environmentalism. From all running candidates, Dick Gephardt was the only one to promote oil and gas. He sincerely hoped the Democratic party to win 1988, as Bentsen and Brown are leaning pro-oil, but Glenn’s unpopularity may fail that wish.

Maximo Alvarez grinned in his long silence of thought. He stood up and tell Bush that he will reconsider.
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George Bush, 1988


The Eurasian Doctrine

The Eurasian Doctrine refers to the intertwined foreign policy of the communist world presented by General Secretary of the Soviet Union Vitaly Vorotnikov. This had been a reaction to the Soviet Union’s stagnation in foreign policy under Yuri Andropov, who had been reforming the Comecon for a decade. As a Stalinist, Vitaly expressed discontent with the communist disunity throughout the world by lack of solidarity. He also criticized Afghanistan and Pakistan’s pyrrhic battles, determining the Soviet Union to show cowardly force towards non-communist ideologies.
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General Secretary Vitaly Vorotnikov, 1987

Various speeches have been proposed as central of this doctrine, but the Astrakhan Speech in November 1988 symbolizes the core of the doctrine.
The workers of the world will not rise inevitably because of the corrupt in the world’s conservative beliefs, either by wealth, nobles, or petty beliefs. We will reclaim the dominance of the proletariat if we strive for it. Aiming for the highest of stars, equality is above all men and women. May the three trifectas (China, India, and the Soviet Union) shine from the darkness, presenting to the workers of Eurasia that communism is their right and communism is their hope.​

The Eurasian Doctrine had three fundamental objectives. First, the communist world should refit itself as united and strong. It meant a stronger Warsaw Pact and Comecon, with India and China to be strong associations with the communist world. Authoritative and drastic measures can be given to each member state to reaffirm the communist belief in every citizen of the worker’s world. Second, communism aims to expand across Eurasia, at a finishing blow to monarchial states of Europe, any theocratic sentiments in Balkan and the Middle East, and resolve the communist struggle in Eurasia (Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Pakistan). Last, the strive for excellence in the communist world shall not be from mundane activities of the proletariat, but also improving the livelihood by better science, security, and connectivity to one another.

Direct consequences of the Eurasian Doctrine were shown from the repercussions in the Arab world. Saudi Arabia, one inconsistent ally of the communist world, has been outraged by the Eurasian Doctrine's denouncement of Islam. They presented a proper protest to the Soviet Union, which Secretary Vitaly retorted with insults of Saudi Arabia’s involvement with Mujahideen. Meanwhile, the doctrine appealed to the UASR for moderate relations with the Soviet Union after personal disputes with Premier Nasser.

Since the Eurasian Doctrine was new, its effects of it would not change by the 90s. But analysts have stated that this could show communist aggression to the world balance, invoking Islamism, pro-Europeanism and Asia Pacific allies growing closer to the United States. Predictions of Africa, meanwhile, were inconclusive.

There we go, next up will return to domestic events.
 
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I'm loving this TL so far @SkylineDreamer

Though I have one comment so far, and that is Natsir being Sukarno's running mate.

During Natsir's premiership in the early 50's, he had angered Sukarno in a meeting.

According to Arnold Brackman, the meeting went like this:

Natsir trembled with anger. He asserted that he had not become Premier to make war, that Sukarno did not understand the implications of his request. Natsir said he prayed to God never again to see men, women, and children – Dutch or others – confined in concentration camps. The reference to the Japanese occupation hit home. Sukarno flushed. Natsir declared: "I will hear no more."

Considering that even Sukarno in his memoir still painfully recalled and attempted to justify his collaboration with the Japanese during the occupation, and during the national revolution, this accusation had dogged him and was used by the Dutch and his political opponents to denounce "the Japanese collaborators," Natsir had essentially opened an old wound and rubbed salt on it. And believe me, Sukarno was not one to forgive and forget slights.
 
I'm loving this TL so far @SkylineDreamer

Though I have one comment so far, and that is Natsir being Sukarno's running mate.

During Natsir's premiership in the early 50's, he had angered Sukarno in a meeting.

According to Arnold Brackman, the meeting went like this:

Natsir trembled with anger. He asserted that he had not become Premier to make war, that Sukarno did not understand the implications of his request. Natsir said he prayed to God never again to see men, women, and children – Dutch or others – confined in concentration camps. The reference to the Japanese occupation hit home. Sukarno flushed. Natsir declared: "I will hear no more."

Considering that even Sukarno in his memoir still painfully recalled and attempted to justify his collaboration with the Japanese during the occupation, and during the national revolution, this accusation had dogged him and was used by the Dutch and his political opponents to denounce "the Japanese collaborators," Natsir had essentially opened an old wound and rubbed salt on it. And believe me, Sukarno was not one to forgive and forget slights.

Brilliant input. I didn't know about that truthfully.

And thanks too for the compliment.
 
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