Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL

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Tradition vs Progress Part 6: Getting Back on Track !
1st June 1987
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Jakarta


Anwar Ibrahim, the foreign minister of Indonesia, observed the doubtful merger and peace in the Middle East hardly in fragments. Apparently, after the continual appeasement, as well as suspense, between the UASR President Nasser and Iraqi (part of UASR) General Saddam Hussein, they went for another feistiness.

The saga of the UASR, for Anwar Ibrahim, was the fragile balance between all jumbled blocs of the Arab World. In before, the Islamists were a serious foe against Nasser socialists, especially in Jordan and Egypt, as many Islamists scholars, preachers and sympathizers demonstrated against Nasser’s women suffrages in work, clothing, and parental rights. As the Islamists, especially old-school preachers, diminished by Nasser’s great social progress as well as average prosperity, plus the terror by neighbouring nations that Nasser successfully instilled on every UASR citizen, the menace of Islamism enclosed into most problematic ones, those being Palestine and the Levantine areas. Still, the Islamists were not triumphant, despite increasing attacks from Zionist paramilitaries, because of another militarist ideology under Saddam’s cult of personalization.

The Iraqi General Saddam Hussein, increased in popularity by the consecutive victories he had since his emergence as Nasser’s aide-de-camp during the unification years. As a soldier from Iraq, he endorsed Nasser’s views, stating the idea of a united Arab nation must come from the centre of civilization in Iraq and Egypt, not the conformist natural centres of Istanbul nor Makkah. Victory in securing Syria, Israel, Jordan, and the latest aide in Libya added his popularity as the strong-man general in winning victories for the President. Yet, as the President seemed pacifist in his foreign policy, years of merely domestic advancement downsized the populace’s pleasure. The people hoped for a resurgence of the spirit it once had, the general was the perfect candidate for it. Anwar's friends from histologists would consider Saddam as partly Kemalist, but many disagree with Saddam's disliking of the West in an extremely belligerent manner.

Initial clashes between the President and the General started when the General reveals a new wing of the faction, purely militaristic and autarchical economic policy on the base of Arab Pan-nationalism and Arab-militarism. Saddam complained about Nasser’s lack of vigour against affronts from enemies of the state, especially neighbours that taste for UASR’s strategical and rich location. While Nasser played the defence, equipping his citizens on attrition combat against all local powers, Saddam prefer the easier approach of killing the adversaries, starting with Saudi Arabia who had eyed vicariously on Jordan’s unpacified state.

As far as Anwar had recalled, the slight differences of the two prominent Arabs had caused a dichotomy at the national level between two similar yet different ideologues. Nasser’s reaffirmed his plans on rebuilding the Fertile Crescent domestically with hydroelectric projects, water treatments plants and an efficient irrigation system. Meanwhile, Saddam demanded the expansion of the Armed Forces, land, and sky mainly, to combat the growing nation band against the UASR’s integrity. His ‘Enemies on all sides’ speech reinvigorated much of the Iraqis and the Syrian populace, those regions heavily feared on Turkish, Iranians and Saudi’s infiltration.

A few days ago, the chasm of this ideology fruited a development Anwar did not expect. Saddam Hussein on the Iraqi ASU Party convened in a large hall, only to publicly denounce every co-conspirator against his leadership. He took over the Iraqi branch, declare himself the political ‘leader’ of Iraq, and accused all opposers as ‘enemies of the Arabs’. He then declared the arrest of more than 72 people within the chamber, many of whom were Nasser’s loyalists.

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The Purge in Action, commonly known as The Purge of 1987

For a few days, the UASR government frantically regrouped after the general’s sudden aggression within their party. Many, of Nasser’s lack of decisiveness, announced retaliation against the general. The government had experienced many militarist coup threats both by their domestic administrators and the French government. Indeed, the French government had noticed military backroom deals searching for opportunist times. For a few days, the UASR government was ready for the disposal of General Saddam Hussein. Anwar Ibrahim, understood the elephant in the room, acknowledged as soon as Nasser arrested Saddam, the entire Middle East will dissolve itself.

However, barely this morning, Saddam Hussein launched documents as evidence of these 72 and more people’s betrayal against the Arab Socialist Union. Those documents listed their deals with foreign agencies, notably the MAK under Osama Bin Laden. Many of them included tenacious bribes, operation files and all underground connections rooted towards separatist movements and defunct Islamic scholars. Moreover, Saddam publicized these documents on the national news, which voters perceived blindly and support the general’s patriotic attitude for the UASR. In a positive light, Saddam seemed to try appeasing the head of state by stating his allegiance firstly for Baathism and the survival of the republic. He proposed himself to banish those Israelis insurgencies and MAK’s freedom fighters whose presence had destabilized the Palestine region for years.
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Saddam during a press conference after the supposed 'leak'

For days, Anwar Ibrahim had waited for Nasser’s response on the sudden unearthing. He stated that although a war in the Middle East can seem to be distant and isolated, the trade deals towards Europe, as well as the growing friendship with Iran will be challenged as soon as the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf turned into war zones. Opportunists like Saudi Arabia and Soviet-leaning Turkey will also use the opportunity to maximize the chance of partition.

“The Middle East were never stable, to begin with, Foreign Minister.”

Adam Malik, resting in a chair, discussed the Middle East’s nations states to be drawn by foreign powers, none cared about the ethnic, religious or cultural differences within. Essentially, the Kurds were stateless, the Iraqis divided into religious sects, not to mention Palestine’s. Anwar believed the UASR to be fortunate, if not entirely miraculous, their decades of existence lasted because their neutral stance against USSR-USA polarization make them the favourable buffer state in the region. The 70s were marked by USA’s political instability and the 80s being the Carter Decade, the president that rarely desired for UASR’s fall. The Andropov’s decade also withdrew the Soviets from foreign adventurism. That left Iran, the Sauds and Turkey on their path to disturbing UASR, which the republic was supported by France continuously.

“I know, Mr Malik. However, the UASR to be alive until this stage made me, how will I put it, excited to witness a few countries with a similar background of Indonesia to reach this far. We have Yugoslavia and the UASR, despite not being as democratic as Indonesia, they continued under the similar values which we esteemed in the name of Pancasila.”

The term Pancasila, for a Malay like Anwar, did not resonate as highly with proper Indonesians. However, he understood the meaning under it, embraced it as his new vision.

“I agree. Yet, as I highly suggest, a state of neutrality must be ensured. We have no business on the upcoming dispute, although the trade routes, which you have repetitively mentioned, will give a negative effect on us.”

Malik’s diplomatic ingenuity came from his willingness to not give a siding stance on either side. Anwar needed that ingenuity, considering that regardless of it, the world was changing rapidly. On this occasion, it will become rather heated, much like how the 60s fared.


Tourism: The Underrated Income of Indonesia’s Economy
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Bali 1987

When Bali opened its isolation into the global world, the entire world was fascinated with the captivating sunset, wonderful beaches, and the exotic culture the island had preserved. That Bali’s charm had been Suharto’s first initiative as Prime Minister to benefit it as profit. Yet, only in the 80s when the industrious LKY has seen Bali and determined to change as the most tourist places in Southeast Asia.

As the economy thrived by industrial expansion on Java, Malaya and many parts of urban Indonesia, Bali transformed itself with spas, hotels and especially beach areas ready to attract foreign visitors. The Kuta Beach had been Bali’s main attraction, thus numerous hotels were erected to exploit the strategic location. Data had been not descriptive nor explanative on how significant the tourism industry was affecting Indonesia for its growth as a regional power, but Bali by 1987 had relied more than 35% of the economy on tourism and had no signs of slowing down.
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Kuta Beach, empty parts, 1984

Nevertheless, Bali struggled to expand beyond its potential because of the distance it granted to those Western tourists. While Australia remained adamant about open borders, many of the tourists came from distant American lands, plane tickets had been one expensive ordeal for travellers for a vacation. This was observed that even until the 00s or before around-the-world commercial flights became cheap enough, Bali’s number one tourist comers arrived from Australia and the surrounding Asian countries.

At the end of May, Premier Musa Hitam arrived in Bali for the first time as his premier visit. He conversed with Governor Ida Bagus Oka about the province’s potential income in various places. However, the governor mostly wished for the Premier to boost the tourism industry, the highest income generator on the island. He complained about the President’s lack of interest in this state, instead preferring to campaign across Java and Malaya, obviously high populated islands for his chances of reelection.

The Premier, unfortunately, would only smile weakly towards the governor, as the government’s budget was struggling with the effects of the Labour Law and the constant expansion of industry in Madagascar. He was capable of giving few connections towards corporate giants in the United States that were seemingly attracted to Bali. Yet, those connections would eventually become Bali’s greatest tourist partner shortly, granting the Premier positive popularity on the island throughout his life. The Premier, meanwhile, would later express his regret for not paying attention to the tourism industry, as that sector was capable of diversifying Indonesia’s economy at a time that was too reliant on industry and labour’s satisfaction.

Penang was also targeted as another Bali-like tourism spot that LKY had briefed during his premiership. The island also underwent a massive improvement but in another form of industry. For Musa’s please, Penang transformed into a visionary silicon warehouse, much akin to mimic the "Silicon Valley" of California. The tourism aspect of the city gradually waned as tech giants flooded to establish ugly factories. Still, no hope is not lost, because the construction of the Penang Bridge (initiated during LKY years, projected completion in 1988) will boost domestic travel from Penang and the Malayan Peninsula, giving hope to the industry.
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Undisclosed Penang Beach, 1984

Ironically, the most successful improvement of the natural tourism sector in Indonesia did not derive from the proper Nusantara itself, but the State Republic of Papua. It began with an uncontrollably high influx of immigrants arriving to Papua, but the infrastructure to withstand it was lagging. As such, the state government attempted to creatively explore alternatives to this problem. One of their main objectives was to reduce dependency on Jakarta’s money, reliance on the grace of immigrant settlers’ income and improve the extremely unequal conditions from elite bules to native Danis, thus attempting to grow various other sectors in the field. It was a success for the Papuan government, as they opened a new workforce in infrastructure building, industrial expansion and surprisingly, the tourism sector.

In terms of urban tourism, the current administration seemed to have excelled on that matter, profiteering the monuments erected by the previous administration, then using it for historical worth as widespread as possible. Kota Tua, Downtown Singapore, Malacca City, as well as uncountable cities with heritage Dutch buildings, temples and significant sites were protected their originality. Stemmed from Hendarto’s obsession with protecting those sites, many Federal Secretaries began following his path, continuing the pursuit of cultural heritage in Federal Districts salvaged for any historical significance. Premier Musa Hitam, despite criticizing Hendarto for limiting economic chances with the mere tourism industry. Still, Hendarto persisted in his opinion, specified ‘history is not to be forgotten, but to be remembered for future generations as a valuable lesson’.


June 1st, 1987
The West Wing


Chief of Staff Leon Panetta dashed from his car to the Oval Office. Apparently, the shocking news had just been received by him, oblivious and extremely mad as the chief of staff usually gets the information faster than the people around him.

President Glenn had announced the continuation of Project Ares, the Mars dream he envisioned back during his vice presidency. In before, President Carter had supported whole-heartedly his space exploration passion but later tried to halt his program until the presidency changed person. The Ares Program, unfortunately, cost enormous sums of money and expense the predecessor was unwilling and tried for environmentalist programs. This time, even with the president’s scandal on the blown spacecraft, he attempted once again for the continuation of the project.

In before, Panetta knew that the President had tried to resurface the space program exactly after the explosion had killed any of NASA’s future for lavish fundings. The public had demanded cautious actions from the respected organization that sent Americans into the Moon but soon disregarded as a myriad of other crises emerged from all sectors of average livelihood. The economy stagnated, unemployment seemed on the rise and public malaise arose from the government’s unpopularity.

Samuel Blakeley Hall Jr., the Speaker of the House, with Alan Cranston, Senate Majority Leader, convened with President Glenn about the current schism of the Democratic Party. They believed that the coalition under former President Carter was faltering under, a settlement must be made with moderate of each faction before succumbing into breakup and loss of the popular confidence. Alan Cranston sided with President Glenn’s pro-union Northern attitude while Hall represented the Southern groups. Attentively, they convened on a possible similarity between two sides on similar issues, that being the pursuit of better job conditions, the unjust of the elite cooperate, as well as the collectivist nature of human beings (labours or farmers alike). Soon, they devise a unified manifesto under the Glenn Administration, jack of all trades, that honestly disgusted liberal lions like Ted Kennedy.

The Conservative Party, meanwhile, with their disputes on who is the true conservative, had exploited the irresolvable feud of the Democratic party to become their perks. Kermit Roosevelt Jr. had joined the Conservative Party as the ‘Return to the Ages of Theodore Roosevelt’, his grandfather. However, he stated that modern America had arrived at an extreme state of progressivism and that the wheel had turned against the core objective of America’s progressivism in the 1900s, which was the middle class’s ascension against the elites, the overregulation of government that caused bureaucratic inefficiency, as well as the Democrats’ betrayal on Carter’s positive movement on green energy.
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Kermit Roosevelt

The Conservatives, formerly a clash between Christian rights and the fiscal conservatives, had their effects gradually waned from the Democratic Party’s shift towards the Christian right. The fiscal conservatives, however, had been extremely strengthened by not just the cause of Kermit Roosevelt, but with the whole wing of the Conservative Party, Old Guards, Reformists or Northerners include. Their manifesto is not arbitrarily on cutting taxes but reducing government regulation on these taxes prone for inefficiency and government corruption, claiming that the middle class deserved a simple code rather than "a lawyer with a 4000-page book". Claiming as the ‘middle-class party’, the Conservatives aimed for voters that simply adopted the motto ‘work hard makes successes. This is slightly a condescending tone towards the poor and unemployed, which indirectly insulted them for their lack of spirit to strive stronger.

The Conservative Party was restructuring as the party for deserved workers that had struggled in time and energy for benefits. The pro-environmentalist sentiment derived from those said workers that adopted a thrifty lifestyle, thus supporting green environment initiatives (safe water, electricity or reduce trash) as particularly helpful for their monthly expenses. These small manoeuvres had been carried on the Conservative Party as to appease the green activist, yet the tangible motive why the Conservative Party had been principally environmentalist in nature was their voter’s support in consumer rights, especially on food and beverages that foul corporates may contribute to failing the health of the common populace.

The other trend of the Conservative Party was the voter group of which came from two opposites of the working distribution, agrarian and service sector. The agrarian industry from the Midwest and the South was strongly opposed government regulation derived from the North, commonly associated with the Democratic Party. These indeed were the source of evangelist right voters, the main target they tried to appease in the 1980 and 1984 elections. They were the true successor of Jeffersonian Republicans, the less regulated the federal government the better. These people were also against the devaluation and the inflation caused by the Democratic government, believing that it would endanger farmers’ prosperity.

Different spectrums of the voters came from the service sector. They support the criticism against the government’s overregulation, believing that those policies hinder growth and creativity in the American people. They also believed America to have been a pacifist in these times, gaining momentum on rival powers to consolidate and reaffirm their domestic stability. These like-minded thinkers originated from entrepreneurs, professionals, and scholars alike, ironically from the East Coast and New England regions, support for the Conservative Party. This, in addition to the unions undying support to the Democratic Party, was why the Conservative Party had bizarre policies nearing the 1988 election.

Panetta was relieved that the midterms did not result in a Conservative win on both chambers, but a slightly worrying trend as the gap became slimmer. Yet, his worries were not over considering the Conservative Party was regrouping themselves under the Democratic mishaps with, in his opinion, a lousy president.

Finals are almost over, I can now freely manage my schedule again after weeks of chaos. Luckily, that will mean a return of normal posts, if not slightly faster (because of holidays) postings.

These are just the posts that I've actually wanted to write last week but are now wedged as for this week. Glenn has been explained, the next post will carry the weight of Exxon Valdez's leak and visit's incidents.

Also, I've forgotten that I've passed the second anniversary of this TL (the last week of November). Just need to ask you dear readers for the content, has it been good, slightly improving, slightly worsening. Just write as free as you like... TL ideas are also allowed here, as some of the posts were suggestions by all of you too.

The next post will return to the awaited Convention, as well as the new occurrence in China (you'll know which one exactly) ;)
 
I guess tumoltuous years lie ahead of the UASR, too bad since the country is a good balancer to the Saudis, Iran and Turkey.
Regarding the NAM, how would it be affected by the collapse of Yugoslavia and the subsequent wars? (I hope the story will lead there since there was some updates about German agents trying to destabilize the country, even better if the wars make Serbia smaller than OTL).
Can we get more update about the hotter space race ITTL? Had the Americans and Soviets already put permanently manned moon outposts by this time or militarization of space by both superpowers?
And lastly will China be resurrected? It'll be bad if the Indonesians got lazy because they felt they already surpassed the Chinese..
 
I guess tumoltuous years lie ahead of the UASR, too bad since the country is a good balancer to the Saudis, Iran and Turkey.
Regarding the NAM, how would it be affected by the collapse of Yugoslavia and the subsequent wars? (I hope the story will lead there since there was some updates about German agents trying to destabilize the country, even better if the wars make Serbia smaller than OTL).
Can we get more update about the hotter space race ITTL? Had the Americans and Soviets already put permanently manned moon outposts by this time or militarization of space by both superpowers?
And lastly will China be resurrected? It'll be bad if the Indonesians got lazy because they felt they already surpassed the Chinese..

The NAM failed ITTL, as the founders kept doing within their interests, mostly being supportive on one side of the Cold War. The collapse of Yugoslavia will be highly likely, but not in the current decade (the 1980s).

The hotter space race had its hiccups when both Andropov and Carter went their domestic ways for some time, but the new Soviet leader, along with the troubles of the 1988 US Election would surely spice things up. For several contexts, the Americans and the Soviets had not put permanent missions on the Moon, but both have seriously planned outposts shortly.

China is a unique case, I plan on them to become a global power by 2045 (looking at previous posts of my independence edition), yet it seemed Jiang Qing keep suiciding China. But, in terms of salvation, China will certainly have their OTL rise soon enough.

Still, one thing is certain, the 90s will be a mad decade for the entire world.
 
Tradition vs Progress Part 7: The Convention and Conditions in China
The Convention of 1987

Indonesian scholars frequently admitted 1987 to be the most pivotal event in Indonesian history. In hindsight, it was a battle between populist rhetoric and liberal sympathies. The core values of which, were highly disputed as both have expressed Pancasila-ist tendencies by their perspectives. Regardless of who’s winning, the victorious faction would define Indonesia’s hereafter. It had indeed affected Indonesia’s forthcoming decades. Essentially, 1987 marked the start of the ‘Era of Populism’. The convention was consequential towards Indonesia because of the impact it had on the general trend of Indonesian history. Despite only affecting Nusantara’s State Republic’s general history, it changed how the federal society wished their government to work. The slight drift from the general trend in a nearly thirty-year gap from that time had made significant changes, a fluke on Indonesia’s complete history at its 100-year record.

The PPP Convention of 1987, held on the 27th of June, mimicked the Democratic Convention of beliefs and government programs. Both sides believed their arguments about why a convention was needed. From Musa’s perspective, the Convention was perfect to harness accords and provoke the populace. The government’s campaigners, such as Goh Chok Tong, Rasyid Baswedan, Zon Harjo, Bob Tutupoly, Federick Trihandoko and finally Premier Musa Hitam entered Mandarin Hotel, Bunderan HI as convened by the central committee. The reason is the proximity with the national headquarters while capable of assembling nearly 4000 people in one room. On the other side of the aisles, denoted the opposition, were Daim Zainuddin, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, General Soesilo Soedarman, and Mahathir Mohammad. With a high number of officials within one structure, the central committee had hired bodyguards to protect the premises.
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Goh Chok Tong

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Bob Tutopoly

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Rasyid Baswedan

Far before the main event was held, the main points of the campaign had already been broadcasted on news television by unofficial debates in night shows, radio hosts or newspaper articles declaring the advantages and disadvantages. So far, all forms of national media, radio, newspaper, or television, had not strongly sided on each side regarding the issue, unlike local ones which biased towards their preferred voting accordingly. However, the debates’ results were heavily tilted on Mahathir’s side, as many populaces declared themselves particularly obsessed with the term ‘anti-elite’ and ‘pro-people’, the two terms heavily used as Kesejahteraan Rakyat’s propaganda.
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Delegates from East Java, Convention of 1987

The party convention, conducted from the morning, was particularly compared to a simpler form of faction debate, then continued with a one-man-one-vote system by the end of the session. The faction debate, consequently, became a proto form of most party’s ‘primary’ debate on future Indonesian politics. Although the voting system would differ from one party after another, some formats were adopted from the events here.

The first session was opened by Musa Hitam at 09.30. His opening speech includes the great legacy of LKY, all the programs he has succeeded and many more that Musa can continue. For starters, he acclaimed the current Indonesian success to surpass China by adopting the current method of liberal economies. Singapore and major city ports in Indonesia, if granted the compatible amount of autonomy, may greatly increase the revenue and profit of the city, ultimately increasing everyone’s income by the economic potential it has given. On one occasion, his inspiring quote would ring future leaders with the true virtue of meritocracy.
One of many lessons I’ve learned in life is it was unfair, is unfair and never would be fair. As a small child in Malacca, we endured hardships as all Indonesians did, yet entirely different from one after another. Still, despite that, the idea of meritocracy, which has been slandered greatly, was the agreement that life is never fair, yet it is rightfully so.

We have our brilliant minds, all contributing to the future of Indonesia, yet none showed any standards besides the moral virtue one has maintained. Meritocracy meant these minds to pursue what was right for Indonesians, and right unnecessarily meant mob rule nor tyrannical minority. The struggle for independence in this nation objectively stemmed from the founding fathers and mothers all willing to find unanimity among deliberations, yet such deliberations did not come from the millions of the voices but represented by the faithful minds of the view, all meticulously thought for the decisions to go.

Indeed, our government has given selected groups perished from negligence, unfavourability and lack of direction. But, for the future of our nation rested to compete against our enemies, the government has done everything they could for the perfect path. As one religious text, I remembered, to enter a wide gate led to destruction, to enter a narrow gate led to salvation.

-Musa Hitam​

On the other hand, Mahathir Mohammad gave a blazing speech about the idea of equality among men, and class shouldn’t be aggravatedly widened under the current government. His idea of ‘stronger together’ ring the lower populace harder. He criticized the destruction of the environment in Sumatra, the labour malnourishment in few as well as the increasing economic inequality from the government.
I found the narrative which economic equality must endure economic inequality heavily inaccurately and faulty. The nation should be stronger together, all willing to slowly march forwards towards the better livelihood of everyone, not faster pace for the wealthy but slower for the poor. There’s no virtue in economic growth if the entire population did not enjoy it. I believe that everyone must rise together, or everyone does not rise at all.

We all have experienced how ‘meritocracy’ went. It is just another system of systematically oppressed with intellectuals as the dominant force of the nation. Although we heavily agree that smarter minds will give better solutions, power will corrupt this man without the populace in control. In the end, the essence of “meritocracy” was tainted by the current government and should not be adopted anymore. Democratically elected, with the majority, should decide the rule in this nation. They fool us by telling us what’s “right” for us, but later showing everything wrong on the policy.

-Mahathir Mohammad​

Televised polling announced polls to put slightly favourable towards Mahathir’s faction, but Musa knew that they need not persuade the watchers, they need to persuade the delegates that will vote by the end. Consequently, he summoned Rasyid Baswedan and Zon Harjo, not Goh, to participate in the debate against Mahathir’s aides. In addition to it, Federick Trihandoko was added to safeguard the BUMN accomplishments, which were rather breathtaking considering creation barely a decade before.

Daim Zainuddin, as expected, opened the debate with the economic woes of Indonesia as well as the downturn across the world. He exclaimed that with Indonesia’s economic dependence on the world, Indonesia will be crushed if the world demands it, stating globalism to be an endangering motive to the national economy. He also exclaimed the government’s stubbornness in printing money for the labour law, stating that it would grant people more money, thus giving them better prosperity.

Baswedan, as confident as he would be, happily deflated Daim’s pride with absolute objection against Daim’s accusation of economic woes. He stated that the Indonesian economy had been in this stage particularly to the demonstrations of the labour law, not the downturns across the world. Although he added the United States to decline than previous projections, Japan and East Asia still boomed and potential for Indonesia’s economy to spend, the labour law had fled all investors back to their home country. Daim quickly noted this, attacked Baswedan claiming to ‘blame the workers’ for this matter. Radius Prawiro and many of Mahathir’s companions would join in with the accusation. The first topic ended with a sour tone as both factions were ready for boyish aggression. Fortunately, the moderator passed on a newer topic.

The next topic was the environment, relatively a victory for the Kesejahteraan Rakyat in comparison to the previous debate claiming to move delegates on Musa’s side. Still, Barisan Progresif maintained their serenity by stating Hendarto’s attainments in urban greenery has some light for them for the environment. They also pushed a green environment that should be beneficial to people’s wellbeing, not for the sake of mere environmentalism that Mahathir has used as a political tool. Moreover, he attacked the liberal faction for using Hendarto as their image, showing how pro-urban they were and disregarded the countryside extremely.

As more and more topics were debated on that faithful day, mixed results and ambiguous outcomes were presented at every debate. It seemed that Barisan Progresif, despite the disadvantage it had, was recuperating with reinforcing the positive changes the incumbent had done for the decade and so forth. In law and order, Kesejahteraan Rakyat screwed up by giving insouciant behaviour on justice reforms, but harshly promoted for increasing law enforcement. Barisan Progresif had increased a pro-police attitude but still maintained the compassion and solidarity one pursued in civil society. As a result, Kesejahteraan Rakyat had attacked them as ‘weak’ and ‘frail’ to the criminals of society, but that assault did not give a hard blow as most delegates agree on the progressive stance.
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Mahathir supporters outside the hotel near Bunderan HI, 1987

In the military, General Soesilo Soedarman was successful in winning the session by claiming opportunist yet isolationist to be the key to Indonesia’s defence policy. Indonesia, as mere regional Southeast Asian power, should rest on the portion of the Pacific, not interfering in places in Africa, Pakistan or everywhere. As with Vietnam, Indonesia should realize that the place was infested with aggression, the most reasonable thing Indonesia could do was avoid the endless conflict rather than disrupt the nation’s small reputation by deteriorating the crisis. The other side exclaimed that global affairs would affect the Indonesian affair, so an active foreign policy should be implemented for the interests of the Indonesian people, not merely avoiding conflict by the abstract of peace.

After a noon break, they continued with many other topics, each became more specific than the other. The closing speech, made by the same gentlemen that opened it, ended quite favourably with Musa Hitam as he declared the ‘Indonesia’s Arising’ Speech. Unlike Mahathir’s ‘Equal Indonesia’ closing, which was later declared as too discriminative towards non-Malay ethnicities.
Under forty years of Indonesian history has progressed, our government has endured faults and errors for one fundamental reason, the human inside ourselves. Yet, in comparison to other states, we have been blessed by Allah to become such regional power in no time, triumphantly beating China in the telecommunications’ race, a difficult feat considering the cost and volatility it possessed. Yet, we all struggle and triumphantly succeed, proving that Indonesia is no less than an arduous nation capable of great success.

Indonesia is arising as a global player, everyone here absolutely comprehended this as the pride of our nation, the best of our ego, and the true victory for our struggle. For more than 8 years, proceeding the many before that, Indonesia had been successful in beating other nations. I safely assume that the deceased premier, possible I most respected, contributed greatly to that achievement.

Let’s continue Indonesia’s rise with us. Let’s continue the good trend it has for our country. Finally, let our predecessors awed in the future we established.

-Musa Hitam​
Indonesia’s struggle is always apparent and continuous. We expelled the tyranny of colonialism and punched them heavily into a counter victory of their humiliating defeat. Not only did we defeat it once, but multiple times in Indonesia’s short lifespan. Our modern struggle, Indonesia’s modern struggle, will not come from the same tyranny of colonialism and imperialism, but the more sophisticated version of corporates and elites. As Indonesian patriots, we Malays should rise on our feet, giving the same struggle we show against our adversaries, shouting them the same voices that our heroes did in 1945.

We are here. We are real. No more tyranny, no more oppression. Let our voices be heard and let our fights be taken seriously.

Indeed, delegates of this chamber, the struggle is real, and a change in government will reform to restart that struggle against them.

-Mahathir Mohammad​

As the debate session ended before the Asr prayer. Many media outlets bet on the winner of the debate. However, some argued that the liberals had won by their compelling strategy, while some maintained the populists to win the hearts of the delegates. Nevertheless, they started voting, which was quickly announced before dusk.


6th June 1987
Beijing, People’s Republic of China
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Beijing, 1987

Wiyono Dahlan, the current diplomat for the People’s Republic of China, is occupied with the affairs of the nation he stayed in rather than his home country. It is because the conditions around the capital have been tensely surrounded by military personnel, Dahlan too may include few government enemies inside the embassy.

The Cultural Revolution had been disastrous for the Chinese populace because of how atrocious the government had been under the program. Wished for purification of Chinese citizens with the cleansing of traditional and capitalist symbols in the country, estimated millions had died of unlawful purges and Red Guard tyrannies on the country. Relations with foreign nations, Indonesia also, was strained deeply as suspicion rose on Dahlan’s lenience in opposing factions.

Fang Lizhi, a Chinese astrophysicist, was selected by Mao to be sent abroad for foreign learning. With enough persuasion inside the party, he was sent to the United States’ NASA for learning American astrophysics there. Jump from Peking University to the University of Science and Technology of China (USTC), it was hoped that after his learning in the States, Lizhi would lead China’s astrophysics sector for China’s prosperous future.

As Jiang Qing promoted her Cultural Revolution, many intellectuals are condemned as traitors of the nation, Fang Lizhi as one of them. He later demanded asylum in the United States as he was still there until the Chinese government finally come to their senses. Vice President Glenn, at that time, absolutely granted him the plea. For the early years of the purge, he was particularly safe in the States.

However, coming to the later era of the 1980s, he was contacted with various underground anti-Jiang movements. He was touched by their struggles, misfortunes, and later unjust punishments thus determining him to campaign against the current government. In June 1986, he secretly moved to Indonesia as LKY looked at the man greatly. The former Premier negotiated for knowledge sharing for his intended campaigns. The scientist was reluctant at first, but soon relented and agree to quite a generous barter.

As Dahlan was instated to China in late 1986, he smuggled Fang Lizhi to China from the embassy. For a few months, Fang was very active to teach underground lectures that expressed not only his expertise on astrophysics, but also his liberal view on politics, reflections on history, and criticisms on Cultural Revolution. He emphasized the social responsibility of intellectuals, support their struggle against the ‘idiocracy’ of the CPC. He also wrote opposition newspaper under the alias ‘Moon Light’, which symbolizes his radiant light against the darkness of the regime.

If this plot was discovered, Dahlan and Indonesia would certainly rot the bitter relation to the point of no return, increasing the anti-Indonesian hatred here. Still, Fang was meticulous on his plans, clearing all possible cracks which the Red Guard might sniff on. He would go out only at night and return before dawn. Furthermore, he must return before 1988, as Dahlan would also be transferred soon enough.

A few days ago, a slight catch appeared when the government personnel suddenly marched with the military across the city. They have caught a significantly underground leader, Dahlan could not remember, which infuriated Jiang Qing as the base they discovered was full of American books. Supervision was extremely high, in addition to the government’s announced night hour in the city. The embassy, protected by UN law, was luckily protected from illegal government raids and searches, but on multiple occasions, Dahlan permitted a search for the sake of trust. Obviously, during that time Fang would be outside with his fellow underground people, scheming for a new movement.
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Increased military presence in the city, 1987


In correspondence to that, many Indonesian spies have speculated Fang’s arrival to spark a small intellectual revolt soon in Beijing. As the government is unpopular everywhere, yet feared by everyone, the intellectuals need the commoner’s bravery to stand against the Red Guard. Rice farmers from Southern China, unsettled with CPC’s behaviour, had been fleeing to Hong Kong. Folks in Shanghai and central China, the unfortunate ones, may be persuaded to revolt when the time comes.

For Indonesia, the benefit of Fang was he also give astrophysics information to Indonesia, helpful for improving the nation’s astronomy. Dahlan thought it was a decent excuse, he formed a childish obsession with satellite launches. For him, any rocket launch is his dream.

Quite a long one I suppose, but there we go. A few days later would post the Convention's aftermath and another interesting development in South America. However, as 1988 arrives, we certainly focus on Indonesia and the United States (both elections).
It's quite something for the China post as it still didn't explain the photo. Certainly, nothing will happen this year (wink wink nudge nudge).
 
The Convention of 1987

Indonesian scholars frequently admitted 1987 to be the most pivotal event in Indonesian history. In hindsight, it was a battle between populist rhetoric and liberal sympathies. The core values of which, were highly disputed as both have expressed Pancasila-ist tendencies by their perspectives. Regardless of who’s winning, the victorious faction would define Indonesia’s hereafter. It had indeed affected Indonesia’s forthcoming decades. Essentially, 1987 marked the start of the ‘Era of Populism’. The convention was consequential towards Indonesia because of the impact it had on the general trend of Indonesian history. Despite only affecting Nusantara’s State Republic’s general history, it changed how the federal society wished their government to work. The slight drift from the general trend in a nearly thirty-year gap from that time had made significant changes, a fluke on Indonesia’s complete history at its 100-year record.

The PPP Convention of 1987, held on the 27th of June, mimicked the Democratic Convention of beliefs and government programs. Both sides believed their arguments about why a convention was needed. From Musa’s perspective, the Convention was perfect to harness accords and provoke the populace. The government’s campaigners, such as Goh Chok Tong, Rasyid Baswedan, Zon Harjo, Bob Tutupoly, Federick Trihandoko and finally Premier Musa Hitam entered Mandarin Hotel, Bunderan HI as convened by the central committee. The reason is the proximity with the national headquarters while capable of assembling nearly 4000 people in one room. On the other side of the aisles, denoted the opposition, were Daim Zainuddin, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, General Soesilo Soedarman, and Mahathir Mohammad. With a high number of officials within one structure, the central committee had hired bodyguards to protect the premises.
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Goh Chok Tong

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Bob Tutopoly

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Rasyid Baswedan

Far before the main event was held, the main points of the campaign had already been broadcasted on news television by unofficial debates in night shows, radio hosts or newspaper articles declaring the advantages and disadvantages. So far, all forms of national media, radio, newspaper, or television, had not strongly sided on each side regarding the issue, unlike local ones which biased towards their preferred voting accordingly. However, the debates’ results were heavily tilted on Mahathir’s side, as many populaces declared themselves particularly obsessed with the term ‘anti-elite’ and ‘pro-people’, the two terms heavily used as Kesejahteraan Rakyat’s propaganda.
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Delegates from East Java, Convention of 1987

The party convention, conducted from the morning, was particularly compared to a simpler form of faction debate, then continued with a one-man-one-vote system by the end of the session. The faction debate, consequently, became a proto form of most party’s ‘primary’ debate on future Indonesian politics. Although the voting system would differ from one party after another, some formats were adopted from the events here.

The first session was opened by Musa Hitam at 09.30. His opening speech includes the great legacy of LKY, all the programs he has succeeded and many more that Musa can continue. For starters, he acclaimed the current Indonesian success to surpass China by adopting the current method of liberal economies. Singapore and major city ports in Indonesia, if granted the compatible amount of autonomy, may greatly increase the revenue and profit of the city, ultimately increasing everyone’s income by the economic potential it has given. On one occasion, his inspiring quote would ring future leaders with the true virtue of meritocracy.



On the other hand, Mahathir Mohammad gave a blazing speech about the idea of equality among men, and class shouldn’t be aggravatedly widened under the current government. His idea of ‘stronger together’ ring the lower populace harder. He criticized the destruction of the environment in Sumatra, the labour malnourishment in few as well as the increasing economic inequality from the government.



Televised polling announced polls to put slightly favourable towards Mahathir’s faction, but Musa knew that they need not persuade the watchers, they need to persuade the delegates that will vote by the end. Consequently, he summoned Rasyid Baswedan and Zon Harjo, not Goh, to participate in the debate against Mahathir’s aides. In addition to it, Federick Trihandoko was added to safeguard the BUMN accomplishments, which were rather breathtaking considering creation barely a decade before.

Daim Zainuddin, as expected, opened the debate with the economic woes of Indonesia as well as the downturn across the world. He exclaimed that with Indonesia’s economic dependence on the world, Indonesia will be crushed if the world demands it, stating globalism to be an endangering motive to the national economy. He also exclaimed the government’s stubbornness in printing money for the labour law, stating that it would grant people more money, thus giving them better prosperity.

Baswedan, as confident as he would be, happily deflated Daim’s pride with absolute objection against Daim’s accusation of economic woes. He stated that the Indonesian economy had been in this stage particularly to the demonstrations of the labour law, not the downturns across the world. Although he added the United States to decline than previous projections, Japan and East Asia still boomed and potential for Indonesia’s economy to spend, the labour law had fled all investors back to their home country. Daim quickly noted this, attacked Baswedan claiming to ‘blame the workers’ for this matter. Radius Prawiro and many of Mahathir’s companions would join in with the accusation. The first topic ended with a sour tone as both factions were ready for boyish aggression. Fortunately, the moderator passed on a newer topic.

The next topic was the environment, relatively a victory for the Kesejahteraan Rakyat in comparison to the previous debate claiming to move delegates on Musa’s side. Still, Barisan Progresif maintained their serenity by stating Hendarto’s attainments in urban greenery has some light for them for the environment. They also pushed a green environment that should be beneficial to people’s wellbeing, not for the sake of mere environmentalism that Mahathir has used as a political tool. Moreover, he attacked the liberal faction for using Hendarto as their image, showing how pro-urban they were and disregarded the countryside extremely.

As more and more topics were debated on that faithful day, mixed results and ambiguous outcomes were presented at every debate. It seemed that Barisan Progresif, despite the disadvantage it had, was recuperating with reinforcing the positive changes the incumbent had done for the decade and so forth. In law and order, Kesejahteraan Rakyat screwed up by giving insouciant behaviour on justice reforms, but harshly promoted for increasing law enforcement. Barisan Progresif had increased a pro-police attitude but still maintained the compassion and solidarity one pursued in civil society. As a result, Kesejahteraan Rakyat had attacked them as ‘weak’ and ‘frail’ to the criminals of society, but that assault did not give a hard blow as most delegates agree on the progressive stance.
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Mahathir supporters outside the hotel near Bunderan HI, 1987

In the military, General Soesilo Soedarman was successful in winning the session by claiming opportunist yet isolationist to be the key to Indonesia’s defence policy. Indonesia, as mere regional Southeast Asian power, should rest on the portion of the Pacific, not interfering in places in Africa, Pakistan or everywhere. As with Vietnam, Indonesia should realize that the place was infested with aggression, the most reasonable thing Indonesia could do was avoid the endless conflict rather than disrupt the nation’s small reputation by deteriorating the crisis. The other side exclaimed that global affairs would affect the Indonesian affair, so an active foreign policy should be implemented for the interests of the Indonesian people, not merely avoiding conflict by the abstract of peace.

After a noon break, they continued with many other topics, each became more specific than the other. The closing speech, made by the same gentlemen that opened it, ended quite favourably with Musa Hitam as he declared the ‘Indonesia’s Arising’ Speech. Unlike Mahathir’s ‘Equal Indonesia’ closing, which was later declared as too discriminative towards non-Malay ethnicities.





As the debate session ended before the Asr prayer. Many media outlets bet on the winner of the debate. However, some argued that the liberals had won by their compelling strategy, while some maintained the populists to win the hearts of the delegates. Nevertheless, they started voting, which was quickly announced before dusk.


6th June 1987
Beijing, People’s Republic of China
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Beijing, 1987

Wiyono Dahlan, the current diplomat for the People’s Republic of China, is occupied with the affairs of the nation he stayed in rather than his home country. It is because the conditions around the capital have been tensely surrounded by military personnel, Dahlan too may include few government enemies inside the embassy.

The Cultural Revolution had been disastrous for the Chinese populace because of how atrocious the government had been under the program. Wished for purification of Chinese citizens with the cleansing of traditional and capitalist symbols in the country, estimated millions had died of unlawful purges and Red Guard tyrannies on the country. Relations with foreign nations, Indonesia also, was strained deeply as suspicion rose on Dahlan’s lenience in opposing factions.

Fang Lizhi, a Chinese astrophysicist, was selected by Mao to be sent abroad for foreign learning. With enough persuasion inside the party, he was sent to the United States’ NASA for learning American astrophysics there. Jump from Peking University to the University of Science and Technology of China (USTC), it was hoped that after his learning in the States, Lizhi would lead China’s astrophysics sector for China’s prosperous future.

As Jiang Qing promoted her Cultural Revolution, many intellectuals are condemned as traitors of the nation, Fang Lizhi as one of them. He later demanded asylum in the United States as he was still there until the Chinese government finally come to their senses. Vice President Glenn, at that time, absolutely granted him the plea. For the early years of the purge, he was particularly safe in the States.

However, coming to the later era of the 1980s, he was contacted with various underground anti-Jiang movements. He was touched by their struggles, misfortunes, and later unjust punishments thus determining him to campaign against the current government. In June 1986, he secretly moved to Indonesia as LKY looked at the man greatly. The former Premier negotiated for knowledge sharing for his intended campaigns. The scientist was reluctant at first, but soon relented and agree to quite a generous barter.

As Dahlan was instated to China in late 1986, he smuggled Fang Lizhi to China from the embassy. For a few months, Fang was very active to teach underground lectures that expressed not only his expertise on astrophysics, but also his liberal view on politics, reflections on history, and criticisms on Cultural Revolution. He emphasized the social responsibility of intellectuals, support their struggle against the ‘idiocracy’ of the CPC. He also wrote opposition newspaper under the alias ‘Moon Light’, which symbolizes his radiant light against the darkness of the regime.

If this plot was discovered, Dahlan and Indonesia would certainly rot the bitter relation to the point of no return, increasing the anti-Indonesian hatred here. Still, Fang was meticulous on his plans, clearing all possible cracks which the Red Guard might sniff on. He would go out only at night and return before dawn. Furthermore, he must return before 1988, as Dahlan would also be transferred soon enough.

A few days ago, a slight catch appeared when the government personnel suddenly marched with the military across the city. They have caught a significantly underground leader, Dahlan could not remember, which infuriated Jiang Qing as the base they discovered was full of American books. Supervision was extremely high, in addition to the government’s announced night hour in the city. The embassy, protected by UN law, was luckily protected from illegal government raids and searches, but on multiple occasions, Dahlan permitted a search for the sake of trust. Obviously, during that time Fang would be outside with his fellow underground people, scheming for a new movement.
View attachment 704642
Increased military presence in the city, 1987


In correspondence to that, many Indonesian spies have speculated Fang’s arrival to spark a small intellectual revolt soon in Beijing. As the government is unpopular everywhere, yet feared by everyone, the intellectuals need the commoner’s bravery to stand against the Red Guard. Rice farmers from Southern China, unsettled with CPC’s behaviour, had been fleeing to Hong Kong. Folks in Shanghai and central China, the unfortunate ones, may be persuaded to revolt when the time comes.

For Indonesia, the benefit of Fang was he also give astrophysics information to Indonesia, helpful for improving the nation’s astronomy. Dahlan thought it was a decent excuse, he formed a childish obsession with satellite launches. For him, any rocket launch is his dream.

Quite a long one I suppose, but there we go. A few days later would post the Convention's aftermath and another interesting development in South America. However, as 1988 arrives, we certainly focus on Indonesia and the United States (both elections).
It's quite something for the China post as it still didn't explain the photo. Certainly, nothing will happen this year (wink wink nudge nudge).
So ATL Indonesia turns to Fifth Column to prevent China rise. Are we going to start the event at Tianamen Square? I mean the timing is too convenient (1988) a year before that happen.
 
So ATL Indonesia turns to Fifth Column to prevent China rise. Are we going to start the event at Tianamen Square? I mean the timing is too convenient (1988) a year before that happen.
It would not be the same, quite different as I have devised it. But, the photo still resembles what would happen by then :)
 
Tradition vs Progress Part 8: The June Riots and Argentina
27th of June Riots
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The June Riots, one of the worst riots in Jakarta

The debate of the 1987 PPP Convention memorialised the decisive moments in the party’s antiquity, likely the nail to the vicissitudes for the future of the country. Regardless, at four in the afternoon, the results were presented. Nevertheless, the indoor site remained predominantly tranquil. The outside, however, was not.

Since early morning, supporters on both sides had flooded the streets of Bunderan HI [1] and Imam Bonjol [2]. These protestors had been permitted by the local police authorities, in addition to the police station nearby to monitor the circumstances around the roundabout. Yet, as the roundabout became crowded with supporters on both sides, Defense Minister Try instructed the military on guard in case of discontent spawned. The 7th Cavalry Battalion was deployed in the Northern flank to halt protestor advances to the Presidential Palace, if necessary, while 2nd Marines was deployed on the Eastern Flank, around the Cikini railway to anticipate an influx of demonstrators after the hotel’s announcement to PPP Headquarters.

At noon, many have seen the perilous prospect of a conflict between the two conflicting factions because the Kesejahteraan Rakyat’s supporters had tried to agitate Barisan Progresif’s followers. The former faction consists of rural workers that came to Jakarta to support Mahathir and his companions. Those include farmers, labour workers, village heads and sometimes few commuters flocked there. On the other side, Barisan Progresif’s was full of district citizens, particularly young students, middle-income workers and service workers. As a result of the protest distribution, Barisan Progresif’s protestors recognized their surroundings better than the Kesejahteraan Rakyat but were outnumbered by the amount and ardentness of the crusade.

Media outlets gathered towards the hotel which was protected within a perimeter by policemen. As they split the roads between Bunderan HI and Imam Bonjol, the supporters also consequently are separated, with Barisan Progresif on the Eastern side (Imam Bonjol) while Kesejahteraan Rakyat’s demonstrators filled the main arterial street in Bunderan HI. The police also created that way to avoid further conflicts from the opposing factions, as the longer they stayed here to increase the chance of unfortunate series of events. As promised, the central committee announced their results almost 4 in the afternoon. In a total tally of 3723 delegates, the announcement marked the climax of the convention with a shocking turn.

On a total count of 3723 votes. The number of voters towards the incumbent, Premier Musa Hitam and Barisan Progresif is a total of 1823 votes, the number of voters towards the challenger, Representative Mahathir Mohammad and Kesejahteraan Rakyat, is a total of 1329 votes. The total number who abstained in today’s convention is 121 votes. As a result, the convention is closed, and the incumbent Musa Hitam secured his spot.​

The aftermath of the announcement was a total triumph for Musa and the cabinet. It seemed the PPP has given them chance after good argument and particularly well crises management in the federation. Outside, Musa’s supporters also cheered as news broadcast radioed the announced tally. They celebrated by intense chanting of “Awake Indonesia! Awake Indonesia!” by the previous Musa’s speech about Indonesia’s awakening as a global power under his and LKY’s premiership.
We thank you for the delegates of our party to acknowledge our legitimacy by giving us the chance to maintain our mandate. We are grateful to all voters, support, against or abstain, that we will try to accomplish the need of the entire PPP base and make Indonesia great.

- Musa Hitam​

Many speculated the upset towards Barisan Progresif was the sudden incline of the Hatta’s rump faction to side with Musa. Although electorally insignificant by the two greater giants, Reformasi Faction has significant people on the higher-ups, capable of turning one side to the other. This was later unveiled by future leaked documents regarding the 1987’s convention, stating that Musa indeed had done a deal with elder Adam Malik and a few others, stating their policies of a new economic model by middle-class income, instead of relying on foreign investors and great conglomerates as LKY had done for the past decade, shaped Musa’s future brief changes and allegedly alter this wing to become as it is in the 21st Century.

Consequently, Kesejahteraan Rakyat was furious about the sudden upset of a delegate election. As they were guaranteed a win by most media outlets by their favorability in the populace, Mahathir Mohammad’s supporters declared the results as fraudulent and crooked, demanded another recount by the central committee. In addition to it, Mahathir immediately addressed his supporters outside of the hotel with a passionate speech.
My dear Indonesian companions and compatriots, let this not be detrimental to our struggle for a better future. Yet, let this be our calling to rise. I believe that these delegates don’t represent most of the Indonesian people, all determined a change in society. Let us remind ourselves that this, in essence, is the same struggle our Indonesian forefathers did against the oppressors and elites. Rise, people! We will show our power and denounce these men!

- Mahathir Mohammad​

Mahathir’s supporters became increasingly restless by the declaration from their leader. They chanted against the other side by claiming “Corrupt Musa!” and “Lock them Up!”. As the hotel was ending their convention and delegated tried to return home, the situation outside was turning dire as Mahathir’s supporters turned violent. Unfortunately, it came to a breaking point soon.

At approximately 16:19 local time, protestors at Bunderan HI pushed the hotel’s perimeter, fighting against the guarding policemen and party’s guards inside. They started to throw stones and destroy pottery towards them. Furthermore, they rerouted themselves to Menteng to cut Musa’s sympathizers and fight them in person. In a few minutes, the police station along with their backup was overrun by protestors, causing an unavoidable retreat to Menteng, the police eventually rest there to safeguard the neighbourhood from the belligerent protestors.
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Police almost successful attempt to quell the riot failed ultimately

Almost immediately, Premier Musa Hitam, currently inside the hotel called Defense Minister Try to resolve the ongoing crisis as many government cabinets, public officials and other important figures were nearly encircled by the growing mob. Defense Minister Try already acknowledged the past mistakes he did in Tangerang, instantly launched a better, more humane response against the growing violence on the place. The 201st Infantry Battalion was sent to the Southern flank of Thamrin Street. There the military would push the protestors North while the politicians may escape from there.

Violence erupted, resulting in many vehicles in Imam Bonjol, mostly media vehicles, being burned and destroyed by the protestors. The roadblock was overrun, and the police defended the hotel’s fence at all costs. Yet, as both conflicting factions met each other, Mahathir’s supporters immediately aimed for Musa’s supporters. There, the fight started between the two protestors, many on both sides were thrown rocks, injured many.

Colonel Suherman Dirja[3] from the 7th Cavalry Battalion, comprehended the situation on the North to be secure, as most protestors don’t bother moving towards the Presidential Palace. Instead, they immediately restationed on the Indonesia Hotel[4], securing potential dwellers that were potentially purged by the angry protestors. Unfortunately, as the battalion arrived few had entered the hotel and committed arson. Try’s immediate command towards the colonels already there was to divert the protesters away from the hotel as soon as possible. However, it was quite a challenging one, especially where should they strategize the tactical dispersion of the protestors. Moving them east would jeopardize the elite neighbourhoods of Menteng, giving more damage troubles there. Eventually, all agreed on pushing the rioters West, to the Tanah Abang region. The 7th Battalion was redirected to fill the Southern flank on Dukuh Atas but opened the roadblock in Tanah Abang. The 2nd Marines, all guarded on Cikini, was moved rapidly to Imam Bonjol for pushing the protestors back.

The situation by 17:19, an hour after the spark, began to shift as Musa and many government officials successfully fled the scene from the 7th Battalion’s apt thinking and 201st quick reinforcement. The police forces immediately quintupled after the incident, approximately 7 thousand guarded the small streets to avoid protestors torching on the unfortunate neighbourhoods. Regrettably, few had been burned by arson and forced entry, as many looted the residence on the crossfire.
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2nd Marine Battalion near Menteng

Just before Maghrib prayer, a new and mysterious wave came from the east towards the PPP’s central office. Those who wore PPP’s shirts, encircled the central headquarters of the PPP, still fully the central committee’s decision. Try assumed that being Mahathir’s new wave of radicals, which infuriated him of the crisis in Jakarta getting out of hand. As the fight between the military in Bunderan HI continued, the protesters eventually pushed along Diponegoro Street, therefore Musa’s supporters pushed Eastwards. The 2nd Marines Battalion, completely stunned by the sudden turn of events, intercept them on Suropati Park to avoid a massacre on PPP’s headquarters. As Maghrib begins, there’s a serene condition, a calm before the storm, that many done in honour of their daily prayers. Surprisingly, this serene condition fooled the military, policemen and Musa’s supporters. The police perimeter forgot the Menteng Boulevard in question, as they thought the protestors were particularly focused on brawling with Musa’s supporters. However, approximately 8000 of these protestors secretly moved Northeast, then immediately South to the PPP’s Headquarters, bypassing Suropati Park guarded by the 2nd Marines.

As night falls, the situation was certain that there would be two riot locations, one being the battle of two protestors, the other being the siege of the PPP’s main headquarters. Although mere 600 meters apart, these two rioters wedged Musa’s demonstrators and the 2nd Marines. Lieutenant Colonel, I Ketut Mendra[3] demanded reinforcements from the 1st Marines Brigade, as the situation of these protestors became out of control. By his command, he determined to protect Musa’s protestors at all costs, giving them time to flee the scene as soon as possible. For that to occur, the 2nd Marines will march Westwards, meeting them just on the front of Maeda’s old home [5], the location where the Proclamation was declared. In response to the PPP’s siege, all police personnel’s, along with a portion of the 1st Marines reinforcement, will immediately relieve the office from the mob.

On 19.40, the PPP’s headquarters was grazed to the ground, the 1st Marines Brigade and the policemen finally entered the siege. Blood was everywhere, with view body counts from PPP’s main headquarters. Shamefully, these insurrections dispersed quickly by the night, clearing the premises with a burned building and litters of blooded stones. Meanwhile, the 2nd Marines Battalion still suffered heavy siege from the relentless protestors. They even killed one soldier by stoning. Colonel Edy Pramodya[3], the 1st Marines Brigade commander, saw the atrocities of these protestors. He was infuriated by them, in a level like violent wrath, that he ordered the protestors on the other side for a complete encirclement. He ordered no more escapees from this mess; the military will bring them to justice if necessary.

At around 20.00, the 1st Marines Brigade, including the return of the demoralized policemen, finally encircled Mahathir’s supporters around a tight perimeter. Police colonel Anandya Suparman shouted the protestors to back down or heavy suppression follows. However, the threat emboldened the encircled protestors, giving them a great passion to fight for death. As the police finally instructed tear gas and water cannons to be given, the protestors finally surrendered.

By the end of the night, approximately 7 people were dead, 4 from the siege of the headquarters, 2 from the protestors on the hotel, and 1 soldier from the 2nd Marines Battalion. Approximately 26 people were hospitalized by severe injury, 146 people received small wounds. Moreover, 19 people disappeared after the incident, 16 of them were suspected military personnel disguised as rioters. Around 192 Mahathir’s protestors were arrested, along with 39 from Musa’s instigators. All of them were jailed on the Marine Corp’s Office near Senen, awaiting the commander’s orders for a proper trial.

The day was remembered as the 27th of June 1987. More associated as June of 27th Riot, or the Sad Saturday. The office, despite being heavily burned, had their files unharmed. Still, pro-Musa supporters in the office were killed by the angry mob. Musa, after the incident, still wished the PPP’s headquarters to ‘never give up by tyranny’, demanded them to continue their previous works, defining Musa as not willing to compromise with Mahathir’s bloc. Until the next day, both the President and Mahathir opted no say on the riots. Eventually, many discovered that they were scheming for upcoming progress. As the first riot in Jakarta showed the military’s agitated state, the media outlets by the President later twisted them as particularly oppressive and cruel towards the common populace.


Events in Argentina
11th June 1987
Buenos Aires, Argentina

Tom Foley, the Representative of California, was surprisingly elected by Glenn as the new Ambassador of Argentina. There’s nothing as a reason for Foley’s appointment, mostly his Catholicism and probably immigrant sentiment. Still, Foley failed to grasp the country which is Argentina. It’s his second month living as the Ambassador replacing Theodore E. Gildred.
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Tom Foley on his official portrait

After the Peronist government faltered by the subsequent military coup in 1970, Peron and Peronist loyalists moved to France in exile. Pedro Eugenio Aramburu Silveti became the new President of Argentina, his militarist tendencies started the presidency by excluding names of Peron or any Peron loyalists into the populace. Moreover, he launched terror against pro-Peronist sentiments, giving no mercy for any tendency.

President Pedro requested American economists to arrive in Argentina to combat the ailing economy of the country, rising inflation and decades of economic stagnation. While Peron was extremely popular in Argentina, the nation had been stagnated from one of the richest nations equivalent to the United States, into a third world country with perpetual inflation. He, despite no economic background, attempted to solve the economic issue with MIT and Harvard Argentines, all of them in favour of free trade economics. President Pedro lasted for almost three years until the junta decided to appoint a new leader. Roberto M. Levingston was appointed as the new president. Unlike Pedro, he pushed for protectionist economies, increasing tariffs by almost 18%. He also fired all pro-free trade economists for this policy. Consequently, the Argentine government suffered another wave of inflation, economic downfall, and a recession in 1975. The junta dived into an unstable region after Pedro and Levingston, consecutive 6 presidents of Argentine history for 1975-1981. Economy and domestic Argentina was in shambles, but the military was still strong against a leftist uprising.

601st Company of Argentine Special Forces, Héctor Ríos Ereñú, observed the chaos in Buenos Aires. He later devised a plot to end the junta government, adopting him as the true dictator of the nation. His intentions, however authoritarian, was intended to end the Argentine decline to rise again from the depts of inflation. In October 1981, Ereñú surrounded the junta’s place, forcibly demand them a step down from the government. Ironically, the United States Carterian government approved of this matter and declared the junta to immediately step down. As Chile and Brazil agreed to help in the case of Argentine’s junta decline, the Argentine government decided to let Ereñú rise as the true leader of Argentina.
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Ereñú, 1979

The commander of the Special Forces has a method of ruling particularly stricter than the previous junta government. He pushed for public propaganda of the new military dictatorship, declared the old junta as ineffective and corrupt. As Peronism diminished by years of absence, Ereñú was particularly focused on cleansing the military by pro-junta sympathizers. This, in turn, was heavily supported by the dissatisfied people.

Tom Foley had thought of the new dictator as power-grabbers like his predecessors. However, his mind altered when the dictator passed the Constitution of 1982. Within the Constitution, he declared the rule of law to be the most supreme authority in Argentina, as opposed to most predecessors sanctified as Gods of the Argentine nation. He passed Pedro’s economic policy of balanced budget, low inflation, and liberal economic model. Relaxed immigration and low tariffs but maintained pro-domestic views on industry and products.

For the first time in decades, the Argentine economy was limping back on its former glory. Inflation finally rested on a stable 2%, the economy grew by almost 12% and the great changes in Argentine society, albeit authoritarian, passed him as the people’s dictators, putting Peronist return almost impossible. The middle class returned strongly under the dictator’s rule, putting a small sympathy to Tom Foley. Foley truly admired him, possible the only Latin dictator capable of running the country.

He was fascinated even further that the dictator went a promise that he would step down in 1990 for Argentine’s liberal democracy. That, in his mind, was particularly unheard of in any junta government around Latin America. Therefore, he became fascinated with Argentina, also fantasized about how this nation could potentially become the US of South America.


[1][2] For this, I need to describe with a picture.
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The bottom is Bunderan HI, the apparent road on the left is Imam Bonjol Street. That street, if you go further, will eventually reach Diponegoro Street. The police station mentioned is on the left side of Imam Bonjol, cut by the picture above.

[3] ATL names

[4] Shown in the photo below, Hotel Indonesia as the view from the Police Station
2018_08_06_50689_1533539145._large.jpg
[5] Maeda's old home, the place where the Proclamation of Independence is written, is located on Diponegoro Street, just shy half a kilometre from the hotel. Nearly halfway from the Mandarin Hotel to PPP's main HQ.

The domestic mess is not over (spoiler: this is just a tremor), you'll see more on that later. I want to have Argentina the good ending ITTL, however, I won't describe how good it will be. Nevertheless, it won't be the sorry state it is IOTL. In short, this dictator is Argentina's Suharto ITTL.

Assume this as an early Christmas Update, I'm pessimistic to post anything by Christmas. However, I have prepared a full domestic post later, before pacing the future events of photos described in previous weeks.
 
Last edited:
27th of June Riots
View attachment 705314
The June Riots, one of the worst riots in Jakarta

The debate of the 1987 PPP Convention memorialised the decisive moments in the party’s antiquity, likely the nail to the vicissitudes for the future of the country. Regardless, at four in the afternoon, the results were presented. Nevertheless, the indoor site remained predominantly tranquil. The outside, however, was not.

Since early morning, supporters on both sides had flooded the streets of Bunderan HI [1] and Imam Bonjol [2]. These protestors had been permitted by the local police authorities, in addition to the police station nearby to monitor the circumstances around the roundabout. Yet, as the roundabout became crowded with supporters on both sides, Defense Minister Try instructed the military on guard in case of discontent spawned. The 7th Cavalry Battalion was deployed in the Northern flank to halt protestor advances to the Presidential Palace, if necessary, while 2nd Marines was deployed on the Eastern Flank, around the Cikini railway to anticipate an influx of demonstrators after the hotel’s announcement to PPP Headquarters.

At noon, many have seen the perilous prospect of a conflict between the two conflicting factions because the Kesejahteraan Rakyat’s supporters had tried to agitate Barisan Progresif’s followers. The former faction consists of rural workers that came to Jakarta to support Mahathir and his companions. Those include farmers, labour workers, village heads and sometimes few commuters flocked there. On the other side, Barisan Progresif’s was full of district citizens, particularly young students, middle-income workers and service workers. As a result of the protest distribution, Barisan Progresif’s protestors recognized their surroundings better than the Kesejahteraan Rakyat but were outnumbered by the amount and ardentness of the crusade.

Media outlets gathered towards the hotel which was protected within a perimeter by policemen. As they split the roads between Bunderan HI and Imam Bonjol, the supporters also consequently are separated, with Barisan Progresif on the Eastern side (Imam Bonjol) while Kesejahteraan Rakyat’s demonstrators filled the main arterial street in Bunderan HI. The police also created that way to avoid further conflicts from the opposing factions, as the longer they stayed here to increase the chance of unfortunate series of events. As promised, the central committee announced their results almost 4 in the afternoon. In a total tally of 3723 delegates, the announcement marked the climax of the convention with a shocking turn.




The aftermath of the announcement was a total triumph for Musa and the cabinet. It seemed the PPP has given them chance after good argument and particularly well crises management in the federation. Outside, Musa’s supporters also cheered as news broadcast radioed the announced tally. They celebrated by intense chanting of “Awake Indonesia! Awake Indonesia!” by the previous Musa’s speech about Indonesia’s awakening as a global power under his and LKY’s premiership.



Many speculated the upset towards Barisan Progresif was the sudden incline of the Hatta’s rump faction to side with Musa. Although electorally insignificant by the two greater giants, Reformasi Faction has significant people on the higher-ups, capable of turning one side to the other. This was later unveiled by future leaked documents regarding the 1987’s convention, stating that Musa indeed had done a deal with elder Adam Malik and a few others, stating their policies of a new economic model by middle-class income, instead of relying on foreign investors and great conglomerates as LKY had done for the past decade, shaped Musa’s future brief changes and allegedly alter this wing to become as it is in the 21st Century.

Consequently, Kesejahteraan Rakyat was furious about the sudden upset of a delegate election. As they were guaranteed a win by most media outlets by their favorability in the populace, Mahathir Mohammad’s supporters declared the results as fraudulent and crooked, demanded another recount by the central committee. In addition to it, Mahathir immediately addressed his supporters outside of the hotel with a passionate speech.



Mahathir’s supporters became increasingly restless by the declaration from their leader. They chanted against the other side by claiming “Corrupt Musa!” and “Lock them Up!”. As the hotel was ending their convention and delegated tried to return home, the situation outside was turning dire as Mahathir’s supporters turned violent. Unfortunately, it came to a breaking point soon.

At approximately 16:19 local time, protestors at Bunderan HI pushed the hotel’s perimeter, fighting against the guarding policemen and party’s guards inside. They started to throw stones and destroy pottery towards them. Furthermore, they rerouted themselves to Menteng to cut Musa’s sympathizers and fight them in person. In a few minutes, the police station along with their backup was overrun by protestors, causing an unavoidable retreat to Menteng, the police eventually rest there to safeguard the neighbourhood from the belligerent protestors.
View attachment 705303
Police almost successful attempt to quell the riot failed ultimately

Almost immediately, Premier Musa Hitam, currently inside the hotel called Defense Minister Try to resolve the ongoing crisis as many government cabinets, public officials and other important figures were nearly encircled by the growing mob. Defense Minister Try already acknowledged the past mistakes he did in Tangerang, instantly launched a better, more humane response against the growing violence on the place. The 201st Infantry Battalion was sent to the Southern flank of Thamrin Street. There the military would push the protestors North while the politicians may escape from there.

Violence erupted, resulting in many vehicles in Imam Bonjol, mostly media vehicles, being burned and destroyed by the protestors. The roadblock was overrun, and the police defended the hotel’s fence at all costs. Yet, as both conflicting factions met each other, Mahathir’s supporters immediately aimed for Musa’s supporters. There, the fight started between the two protestors, many on both sides were thrown rocks, injured many.

Colonel Suherman Dirja[3] from the 7th Cavalry Battalion, comprehended the situation on the North to be secure, as most protestors don’t bother moving towards the Presidential Palace. Instead, they immediately restationed on the Indonesia Hotel[4], securing potential dwellers that were potentially purged by the angry protestors. Unfortunately, as the battalion arrived few had entered the hotel and committed arson. Try’s immediate command towards the colonels already there was to divert the protesters away from the hotel as soon as possible. However, it was quite a challenging one, especially where should they strategize the tactical dispersion of the protestors. Moving them east would jeopardize the elite neighbourhoods of Menteng, giving more damage troubles there. Eventually, all agreed on pushing the rioters West, to the Tanah Abang region. The 7th Battalion was redirected to fill the Southern flank on Dukuh Atas but opened the roadblock in Tanah Abang. The 2nd Marines, all guarded on Cikini, was moved rapidly to Imam Bonjol for pushing the protestors back.

The situation by 17:19, an hour after the spark, began to shift as Musa and many government officials successfully fled the scene from the 7th Battalion’s apt thinking and 201st quick reinforcement. The police forces immediately quintupled after the incident, approximately 7 thousand guarded the small streets to avoid protestors torching on the unfortunate neighbourhoods. Regrettably, few had been burned by arson and forced entry, as many looted the residence on the crossfire.
View attachment 705308
2nd Marine Battalion near Menteng

Just before Maghrib prayer, a new and mysterious wave came from the east towards the PPP’s central office. Those who wore PPP’s shirts, encircled the central headquarters of the PPP, still fully the central committee’s decision. Try assumed that being Mahathir’s new wave of radicals, which infuriated him of the crisis in Jakarta getting out of hand. As the fight between the military in Bunderan HI continued, the protesters eventually pushed along Diponegoro Street, therefore Musa’s supporters pushed Eastwards. The 2nd Marines Battalion, completely stunned by the sudden turn of events, intercept them on Suropati Park to avoid a massacre on PPP’s headquarters. As Maghrib begins, there’s a serene condition, a calm before the storm, that many done in honour of their daily prayers. Surprisingly, this serene condition fooled the military, policemen and Musa’s supporters. The police perimeter forgot the Menteng Boulevard in question, as they thought the protestors were particularly focused on brawling with Musa’s supporters. However, approximately 8000 of these protestors secretly moved Northeast, then immediately South to the PPP’s Headquarters, bypassing Suropati Park guarded by the 2nd Marines.

As night falls, the situation was certain that there would be two riot locations, one being the battle of two protestors, the other being the siege of the PPP’s main headquarters. Although mere 600 meters apart, these two rioters wedged Musa’s demonstrators and the 2nd Marines. Lieutenant Colonel, I Ketut Mendra[3] demanded reinforcements from the 1st Marines Brigade, as the situation of these protestors became out of control. By his command, he determined to protect Musa’s protestors at all costs, giving them time to flee the scene as soon as possible. For that to occur, the 2nd Marines will march Westwards, meeting them just on the front of Maeda’s old home [5], the location where the Proclamation was declared. In response to the PPP’s siege, all police personnel’s, along with a portion of the 1st Marines reinforcement, will immediately relieve the office from the mob.

On 19.40, the PPP’s headquarters was grazed to the ground, the 1st Marines Brigade and the policemen finally entered the siege. Blood was everywhere, with view body counts from PPP’s main headquarters. Shamefully, these insurrections dispersed quickly by the night, clearing the premises with a burned building and litters of blooded stones. Meanwhile, the 2nd Marines Battalion still suffered heavy siege from the relentless protestors. They even killed one soldier by stoning. Colonel Edy Pramodya[3], the 1st Marines Brigade commander, saw the atrocities of these protestors. He was infuriated by them, in a level like violent wrath, that he ordered the protestors on the other side for a complete encirclement. He ordered no more escapees from this mess; the military will bring them to justice if necessary.

At around 20.00, the 1st Marines Brigade, including the return of the demoralized policemen, finally encircled Mahathir’s supporters around a tight perimeter. Police colonel Anandya Suparman shouted the protestors to back down or heavy suppression follows. However, the threat emboldened the encircled protestors, giving them a great passion to fight for death. As the police finally instructed tear gas and water cannons to be given, the protestors finally surrendered.

By the end of the night, approximately 7 people were dead, 4 from the siege of the headquarters, 2 from the protestors on the hotel, and 1 soldier from the 2nd Marines Battalion. Approximately 26 people were hospitalized by severe injury, 146 people received small wounds. Moreover, 19 people disappeared after the incident, 16 of them were suspected military personnel disguised as rioters. Around 192 Mahathir’s protestors were arrested, along with 39 from Musa’s instigators. All of them were jailed on the Marine Corp’s Office near Senen, awaiting the commander’s orders for a proper trial.

The day was remembered as the 27th of June 1987. More associated as June of 27th Riot, or the Sad Saturday. The office, despite being heavily burned, had their files unharmed. Still, pro-Musa supporters in the office were killed by the angry mob. Musa, after the incident, still wished the PPP’s headquarters to ‘never give up by tyranny’, demanded them to continue their previous works, defining Musa as not willing to compromise with Mahathir’s bloc. Until the next day, both the President and Mahathir opted no say on the riots. Eventually, many discovered that they were scheming for upcoming progress. As the first riot in Jakarta showed the military’s agitated state, the media outlets by the President later twisted them as particularly oppressive and cruel towards the common populace.


Events in Argentina
11th June 1987
Buenos Aires, Argentina

Tom Foley, the Representative of California, was surprisingly elected by Glenn as the new Ambassador of Argentina. There’s nothing as a reason for Foley’s appointment, mostly his Catholicism and probably immigrant sentiment. Still, Foley failed to grasp the country which is Argentina. It’s his second month living as the Ambassador replacing Theodore E. Gildred.
View attachment 705301
Tom Foley on his official portrait

After the Peronist government faltered by the subsequent military coup in 1970, Peron and Peronist loyalists moved to France in exile. Pedro Eugenio Aramburu Silveti became the new President of Argentina, his militarist tendencies started the presidency by excluding names of Peron or any Peron loyalists into the populace. Moreover, he launched terror against pro-Peronist sentiments, giving no mercy for any tendency.

President Pedro requested American economists to arrive in Argentina to combat the ailing economy of the country, rising inflation and decades of economic stagnation. While Peron was extremely popular in Argentina, the nation had been stagnated from one of the richest nations equivalent to the United States, into a third world country with perpetual inflation. He, despite no economic background, attempted to solve the economic issue with MIT and Harvard Argentines, all of them in favour of free trade economics. President Pedro lasted for almost three years until the junta decided to appoint a new leader. Roberto M. Levingston was appointed as the new president. Unlike Pedro, he pushed for protectionist economies, increasing tariffs by almost 18%. He also fired all pro-free trade economists for this policy. Consequently, the Argentine government suffered another wave of inflation, economic downfall, and a recession in 1975. The junta dived into an unstable region after Pedro and Levingston, consecutive 6 presidents of Argentine history for 1975-1981. Economy and domestic Argentina was in shambles, but the military was still strong against a leftist uprising.

601st Company of Argentine Special Forces, Héctor Ríos Ereñú, observed the chaos in Buenos Aires. He later devised a plot to end the junta government, adopting him as the true dictator of the nation. His intentions, however authoritarian, was intended to end the Argentine decline to rise again from the depts of inflation. In October 1981, Ereñú surrounded the junta’s place, forcibly demand them a step down from the government. Ironically, the United States Carterian government approved of this matter and declared the junta to immediately step down. As Chile and Brazil agreed to help in the case of Argentine’s junta decline, the Argentine government decided to let Ereñú rise as the true leader of Argentina.
View attachment 705306
Ereñú, 1979

The commander of the Special Forces has a method of ruling particularly stricter than the previous junta government. He pushed for public propaganda of the new military dictatorship, declared the old junta as ineffective and corrupt. As Peronism diminished by years of absence, Ereñú was particularly focused on cleansing the military by pro-junta sympathizers. This, in turn, was heavily supported by the dissatisfied people.

Tom Foley had thought of the new dictator as power-grabbers like his predecessors. However, his mind altered when the dictator passed the Constitution of 1982. Within the Constitution, he declared the rule of law to be the most supreme authority in Argentina, as opposed to most predecessors sanctified as Gods of the Argentine nation. He passed Pedro’s economic policy of balanced budget, low inflation, and liberal economic model. Relaxed immigration and low tariffs but maintained pro-domestic views on industry and products.

For the first time in decades, the Argentine economy was limping back on its former glory. Inflation finally rested on a stable 2%, the economy grew by almost 12% and the great changes in Argentine society, albeit authoritarian, passed him as the people’s dictators, putting Peronist return almost impossible. The middle class returned strongly under the dictator’s rule, putting a small sympathy to Tom Foley. Foley truly admired him, possible the only Latin dictator capable of running the country.

He was fascinated even further that the dictator went a promise that he would step down in 1990 for Argentine’s liberal democracy. That, in his mind, was particularly unheard of in any junta government around Latin America. Therefore, he became fascinated with Argentina, also fantasized about how this nation could potentially become the US of South America.


[1][2] For this, I need to describe with a picture.
The bottom is Bunderan HI, the apparent road on the left is Imam Bonjol Street. That street, if you go further, will eventually reach Diponegoro Street. The police station mentioned is on the left side of Imam Bonjol, cut by the picture above.

[3] ATL names

[4] Shown in the photo below, Hotel Indonesia as the view from the Police Station
[5] Maeda's old home, the place where the Proclamation of Independence is written, is located on Diponegoro Street, just shy half a kilometre from the hotel. Nearly halfway from the Mandarin Hotel to PPP's main HQ.

The domestic mess is not over (spoiler: this is just a tremor), you'll see more on that later. I want to have Argentina the good ending ITTL, however, I won't describe how good it will be. Nevertheless, it won't be the sorry state it is IOTL. In short, this dictator is Argentina's Suharto ITTL.

Assume this as an early Christmas Update, I'm pessimistic to post anything by Christmas. However, I have prepared a full domestic post later, before pacing the future events of photos described in previous weeks.
I have to read it twice when the 2nd Marines Batt need reinforcements from 1st Marines Brigade. Because it felt that when you ask for a whole Brigade as a reinforcement for a riot, then the situation almost totally spiraling to out of control. And umm for some reason the riots has some similarity to one that happen back on January 2021 at some legislation building by people that supports an orange man.
 
I have to read it twice when the 2nd Marines Batt need reinforcements from 1st Marines Brigade. Because it felt that when you ask for a whole Brigade as a reinforcement for a riot, then the situation almost totally spiraling to out of control. And umm for some reason the riots has some similarity to one that happen back on January 2021 at some legislation building by people that supports an orange man.

It may be a overreaction on Try's and the Colonel's behalf, however the justification was the Premier and few Cabinet members were barely surrounded by angry mobs then the 2nd Battalion were surrounded left and right, so either the police showed up (which they failed horribly) or the 1st Marines Brigade showed up.

For the orange man, it has some resemblance of it, I'll be honest. I did not intend it initially, but with "Lock him up" and the chants, I now see the uncanny similarities :v
 
27th of June Riots
View attachment 705314
The June Riots, one of the worst riots in Jakarta

The debate of the 1987 PPP Convention memorialised the decisive moments in the party’s antiquity, likely the nail to the vicissitudes for the future of the country. Regardless, at four in the afternoon, the results were presented. Nevertheless, the indoor site remained predominantly tranquil. The outside, however, was not.

Since early morning, supporters on both sides had flooded the streets of Bunderan HI [1] and Imam Bonjol [2]. These protestors had been permitted by the local police authorities, in addition to the police station nearby to monitor the circumstances around the roundabout. Yet, as the roundabout became crowded with supporters on both sides, Defense Minister Try instructed the military on guard in case of discontent spawned. The 7th Cavalry Battalion was deployed in the Northern flank to halt protestor advances to the Presidential Palace, if necessary, while 2nd Marines was deployed on the Eastern Flank, around the Cikini railway to anticipate an influx of demonstrators after the hotel’s announcement to PPP Headquarters.

At noon, many have seen the perilous prospect of a conflict between the two conflicting factions because the Kesejahteraan Rakyat’s supporters had tried to agitate Barisan Progresif’s followers. The former faction consists of rural workers that came to Jakarta to support Mahathir and his companions. Those include farmers, labour workers, village heads and sometimes few commuters flocked there. On the other side, Barisan Progresif’s was full of district citizens, particularly young students, middle-income workers and service workers. As a result of the protest distribution, Barisan Progresif’s protestors recognized their surroundings better than the Kesejahteraan Rakyat but were outnumbered by the amount and ardentness of the crusade.

Media outlets gathered towards the hotel which was protected within a perimeter by policemen. As they split the roads between Bunderan HI and Imam Bonjol, the supporters also consequently are separated, with Barisan Progresif on the Eastern side (Imam Bonjol) while Kesejahteraan Rakyat’s demonstrators filled the main arterial street in Bunderan HI. The police also created that way to avoid further conflicts from the opposing factions, as the longer they stayed here to increase the chance of unfortunate series of events. As promised, the central committee announced their results almost 4 in the afternoon. In a total tally of 3723 delegates, the announcement marked the climax of the convention with a shocking turn.




The aftermath of the announcement was a total triumph for Musa and the cabinet. It seemed the PPP has given them chance after good argument and particularly well crises management in the federation. Outside, Musa’s supporters also cheered as news broadcast radioed the announced tally. They celebrated by intense chanting of “Awake Indonesia! Awake Indonesia!” by the previous Musa’s speech about Indonesia’s awakening as a global power under his and LKY’s premiership.



Many speculated the upset towards Barisan Progresif was the sudden incline of the Hatta’s rump faction to side with Musa. Although electorally insignificant by the two greater giants, Reformasi Faction has significant people on the higher-ups, capable of turning one side to the other. This was later unveiled by future leaked documents regarding the 1987’s convention, stating that Musa indeed had done a deal with elder Adam Malik and a few others, stating their policies of a new economic model by middle-class income, instead of relying on foreign investors and great conglomerates as LKY had done for the past decade, shaped Musa’s future brief changes and allegedly alter this wing to become as it is in the 21st Century.

Consequently, Kesejahteraan Rakyat was furious about the sudden upset of a delegate election. As they were guaranteed a win by most media outlets by their favorability in the populace, Mahathir Mohammad’s supporters declared the results as fraudulent and crooked, demanded another recount by the central committee. In addition to it, Mahathir immediately addressed his supporters outside of the hotel with a passionate speech.



Mahathir’s supporters became increasingly restless by the declaration from their leader. They chanted against the other side by claiming “Corrupt Musa!” and “Lock them Up!”. As the hotel was ending their convention and delegated tried to return home, the situation outside was turning dire as Mahathir’s supporters turned violent. Unfortunately, it came to a breaking point soon.

At approximately 16:19 local time, protestors at Bunderan HI pushed the hotel’s perimeter, fighting against the guarding policemen and party’s guards inside. They started to throw stones and destroy pottery towards them. Furthermore, they rerouted themselves to Menteng to cut Musa’s sympathizers and fight them in person. In a few minutes, the police station along with their backup was overrun by protestors, causing an unavoidable retreat to Menteng, the police eventually rest there to safeguard the neighbourhood from the belligerent protestors.
View attachment 705303
Police almost successful attempt to quell the riot failed ultimately

Almost immediately, Premier Musa Hitam, currently inside the hotel called Defense Minister Try to resolve the ongoing crisis as many government cabinets, public officials and other important figures were nearly encircled by the growing mob. Defense Minister Try already acknowledged the past mistakes he did in Tangerang, instantly launched a better, more humane response against the growing violence on the place. The 201st Infantry Battalion was sent to the Southern flank of Thamrin Street. There the military would push the protestors North while the politicians may escape from there.

Violence erupted, resulting in many vehicles in Imam Bonjol, mostly media vehicles, being burned and destroyed by the protestors. The roadblock was overrun, and the police defended the hotel’s fence at all costs. Yet, as both conflicting factions met each other, Mahathir’s supporters immediately aimed for Musa’s supporters. There, the fight started between the two protestors, many on both sides were thrown rocks, injured many.

Colonel Suherman Dirja[3] from the 7th Cavalry Battalion, comprehended the situation on the North to be secure, as most protestors don’t bother moving towards the Presidential Palace. Instead, they immediately restationed on the Indonesia Hotel[4], securing potential dwellers that were potentially purged by the angry protestors. Unfortunately, as the battalion arrived few had entered the hotel and committed arson. Try’s immediate command towards the colonels already there was to divert the protesters away from the hotel as soon as possible. However, it was quite a challenging one, especially where should they strategize the tactical dispersion of the protestors. Moving them east would jeopardize the elite neighbourhoods of Menteng, giving more damage troubles there. Eventually, all agreed on pushing the rioters West, to the Tanah Abang region. The 7th Battalion was redirected to fill the Southern flank on Dukuh Atas but opened the roadblock in Tanah Abang. The 2nd Marines, all guarded on Cikini, was moved rapidly to Imam Bonjol for pushing the protestors back.

The situation by 17:19, an hour after the spark, began to shift as Musa and many government officials successfully fled the scene from the 7th Battalion’s apt thinking and 201st quick reinforcement. The police forces immediately quintupled after the incident, approximately 7 thousand guarded the small streets to avoid protestors torching on the unfortunate neighbourhoods. Regrettably, few had been burned by arson and forced entry, as many looted the residence on the crossfire.
View attachment 705308
2nd Marine Battalion near Menteng

Just before Maghrib prayer, a new and mysterious wave came from the east towards the PPP’s central office. Those who wore PPP’s shirts, encircled the central headquarters of the PPP, still fully the central committee’s decision. Try assumed that being Mahathir’s new wave of radicals, which infuriated him of the crisis in Jakarta getting out of hand. As the fight between the military in Bunderan HI continued, the protesters eventually pushed along Diponegoro Street, therefore Musa’s supporters pushed Eastwards. The 2nd Marines Battalion, completely stunned by the sudden turn of events, intercept them on Suropati Park to avoid a massacre on PPP’s headquarters. As Maghrib begins, there’s a serene condition, a calm before the storm, that many done in honour of their daily prayers. Surprisingly, this serene condition fooled the military, policemen and Musa’s supporters. The police perimeter forgot the Menteng Boulevard in question, as they thought the protestors were particularly focused on brawling with Musa’s supporters. However, approximately 8000 of these protestors secretly moved Northeast, then immediately South to the PPP’s Headquarters, bypassing Suropati Park guarded by the 2nd Marines.

As night falls, the situation was certain that there would be two riot locations, one being the battle of two protestors, the other being the siege of the PPP’s main headquarters. Although mere 600 meters apart, these two rioters wedged Musa’s demonstrators and the 2nd Marines. Lieutenant Colonel, I Ketut Mendra[3] demanded reinforcements from the 1st Marines Brigade, as the situation of these protestors became out of control. By his command, he determined to protect Musa’s protestors at all costs, giving them time to flee the scene as soon as possible. For that to occur, the 2nd Marines will march Westwards, meeting them just on the front of Maeda’s old home [5], the location where the Proclamation was declared. In response to the PPP’s siege, all police personnel’s, along with a portion of the 1st Marines reinforcement, will immediately relieve the office from the mob.

On 19.40, the PPP’s headquarters was grazed to the ground, the 1st Marines Brigade and the policemen finally entered the siege. Blood was everywhere, with view body counts from PPP’s main headquarters. Shamefully, these insurrections dispersed quickly by the night, clearing the premises with a burned building and litters of blooded stones. Meanwhile, the 2nd Marines Battalion still suffered heavy siege from the relentless protestors. They even killed one soldier by stoning. Colonel Edy Pramodya[3], the 1st Marines Brigade commander, saw the atrocities of these protestors. He was infuriated by them, in a level like violent wrath, that he ordered the protestors on the other side for a complete encirclement. He ordered no more escapees from this mess; the military will bring them to justice if necessary.

At around 20.00, the 1st Marines Brigade, including the return of the demoralized policemen, finally encircled Mahathir’s supporters around a tight perimeter. Police colonel Anandya Suparman shouted the protestors to back down or heavy suppression follows. However, the threat emboldened the encircled protestors, giving them a great passion to fight for death. As the police finally instructed tear gas and water cannons to be given, the protestors finally surrendered.

By the end of the night, approximately 7 people were dead, 4 from the siege of the headquarters, 2 from the protestors on the hotel, and 1 soldier from the 2nd Marines Battalion. Approximately 26 people were hospitalized by severe injury, 146 people received small wounds. Moreover, 19 people disappeared after the incident, 16 of them were suspected military personnel disguised as rioters. Around 192 Mahathir’s protestors were arrested, along with 39 from Musa’s instigators. All of them were jailed on the Marine Corp’s Office near Senen, awaiting the commander’s orders for a proper trial.

The day was remembered as the 27th of June 1987. More associated as June of 27th Riot, or the Sad Saturday. The office, despite being heavily burned, had their files unharmed. Still, pro-Musa supporters in the office were killed by the angry mob. Musa, after the incident, still wished the PPP’s headquarters to ‘never give up by tyranny’, demanded them to continue their previous works, defining Musa as not willing to compromise with Mahathir’s bloc. Until the next day, both the President and Mahathir opted no say on the riots. Eventually, many discovered that they were scheming for upcoming progress. As the first riot in Jakarta showed the military’s agitated state, the media outlets by the President later twisted them as particularly oppressive and cruel towards the common populace.


Events in Argentina
11th June 1987
Buenos Aires, Argentina

Tom Foley, the Representative of California, was surprisingly elected by Glenn as the new Ambassador of Argentina. There’s nothing as a reason for Foley’s appointment, mostly his Catholicism and probably immigrant sentiment. Still, Foley failed to grasp the country which is Argentina. It’s his second month living as the Ambassador replacing Theodore E. Gildred.
View attachment 705301
Tom Foley on his official portrait

After the Peronist government faltered by the subsequent military coup in 1970, Peron and Peronist loyalists moved to France in exile. Pedro Eugenio Aramburu Silveti became the new President of Argentina, his militarist tendencies started the presidency by excluding names of Peron or any Peron loyalists into the populace. Moreover, he launched terror against pro-Peronist sentiments, giving no mercy for any tendency.

President Pedro requested American economists to arrive in Argentina to combat the ailing economy of the country, rising inflation and decades of economic stagnation. While Peron was extremely popular in Argentina, the nation had been stagnated from one of the richest nations equivalent to the United States, into a third world country with perpetual inflation. He, despite no economic background, attempted to solve the economic issue with MIT and Harvard Argentines, all of them in favour of free trade economics. President Pedro lasted for almost three years until the junta decided to appoint a new leader. Roberto M. Levingston was appointed as the new president. Unlike Pedro, he pushed for protectionist economies, increasing tariffs by almost 18%. He also fired all pro-free trade economists for this policy. Consequently, the Argentine government suffered another wave of inflation, economic downfall, and a recession in 1975. The junta dived into an unstable region after Pedro and Levingston, consecutive 6 presidents of Argentine history for 1975-1981. Economy and domestic Argentina was in shambles, but the military was still strong against a leftist uprising.

601st Company of Argentine Special Forces, Héctor Ríos Ereñú, observed the chaos in Buenos Aires. He later devised a plot to end the junta government, adopting him as the true dictator of the nation. His intentions, however authoritarian, was intended to end the Argentine decline to rise again from the depts of inflation. In October 1981, Ereñú surrounded the junta’s place, forcibly demand them a step down from the government. Ironically, the United States Carterian government approved of this matter and declared the junta to immediately step down. As Chile and Brazil agreed to help in the case of Argentine’s junta decline, the Argentine government decided to let Ereñú rise as the true leader of Argentina.
View attachment 705306
Ereñú, 1979

The commander of the Special Forces has a method of ruling particularly stricter than the previous junta government. He pushed for public propaganda of the new military dictatorship, declared the old junta as ineffective and corrupt. As Peronism diminished by years of absence, Ereñú was particularly focused on cleansing the military by pro-junta sympathizers. This, in turn, was heavily supported by the dissatisfied people.

Tom Foley had thought of the new dictator as power-grabbers like his predecessors. However, his mind altered when the dictator passed the Constitution of 1982. Within the Constitution, he declared the rule of law to be the most supreme authority in Argentina, as opposed to most predecessors sanctified as Gods of the Argentine nation. He passed Pedro’s economic policy of balanced budget, low inflation, and liberal economic model. Relaxed immigration and low tariffs but maintained pro-domestic views on industry and products.

For the first time in decades, the Argentine economy was limping back on its former glory. Inflation finally rested on a stable 2%, the economy grew by almost 12% and the great changes in Argentine society, albeit authoritarian, passed him as the people’s dictators, putting Peronist return almost impossible. The middle class returned strongly under the dictator’s rule, putting a small sympathy to Tom Foley. Foley truly admired him, possible the only Latin dictator capable of running the country.

He was fascinated even further that the dictator went a promise that he would step down in 1990 for Argentine’s liberal democracy. That, in his mind, was particularly unheard of in any junta government around Latin America. Therefore, he became fascinated with Argentina, also fantasized about how this nation could potentially become the US of South America.


[1][2] For this, I need to describe with a picture.
The bottom is Bunderan HI, the apparent road on the left is Imam Bonjol Street. That street, if you go further, will eventually reach Diponegoro Street. The police station mentioned is on the left side of Imam Bonjol, cut by the picture above.

[3] ATL names

[4] Shown in the photo below, Hotel Indonesia as the view from the Police Station
[5] Maeda's old home, the place where the Proclamation of Independence is written, is located on Diponegoro Street, just shy half a kilometre from the hotel. Nearly halfway from the Mandarin Hotel to PPP's main HQ.

The domestic mess is not over (spoiler: this is just a tremor), you'll see more on that later. I want to have Argentina the good ending ITTL, however, I won't describe how good it will be. Nevertheless, it won't be the sorry state it is IOTL. In short, this dictator is Argentina's Suharto ITTL.

Assume this as an early Christmas Update, I'm pessimistic to post anything by Christmas. However, I have prepared a full domestic post later, before pacing the future events of photos described in previous weeks.
Argentina and stable economics hmm why do i smell sometjing fishy about to happen
 
It may be a overreaction on Try's and the Colonel's behalf, however the justification was the Premier and few Cabinet members were barely surrounded by angry mobs then the 2nd Battalion were surrounded left and right, so either the police showed up (which they failed horribly) or the 1st Marines Brigade showed up.

For the orange man, it has some resemblance of it, I'll be honest. I did not intend it initially, but with "Lock him up" and the chants, I now see the uncanny similarities :v
I guess in that situation overkill is overrated and try reaction is justifiable when 2nd Marines is hell bent on protecting the PPP-HQ and people that stuck in the crossfire. Tbh even though how bad the situation with the riots, I have to say the riots actually handled pretty well by the guys from the armed forces (especially no massacre happens and even the death happened only because beatings and stoning)
 
Tradition vs Progress Part 9: Events Abroad and PPP HQ Status
Exxon Valdez Spill and the Rise of AIDS

President Glenn entered a presidency between two great conflicts, both internal and external, that cost his political career. As the Challenger Scandal[1] killed his successes, numerous other factors had contributed to his downfall as one of the worst American presidents in history. The mixed response of Exxon Valdez, as well as the controversial effort in AIDS management, were two of them.
post_1.jpg

President Glenn showing Friendship 7 Capsule, amid ongoing AIDS crisis

The Exxon Valdez oil spill happened in Alaska, exactly on Prince Willian Sound, on April 21, 1987. The oil supertanker, unsurprisingly owned by Exxon Shipping Company bound for Long Beach, California ran adrift in Prince Willian Sound’s Bligh Reef. It spilt nearly 11 million US gallons of crude oil over a few days. Consequently, the Glenn government instructed chemical dispersant with a helicopter which successfully hit the target area.

The Glenn government’s response to this spill was particularly bland and unexpressive. The Vice President promised for better regulation in Alaska’s shores to mitigate such dire cataclysm to happen again, while Glenn was too preoccupied with the Challenger and the scandal it had uncovered. The cleanup, however, was particularly quick and successful. Yet, this spill caused upheaval on the Democratic Party.

The environmentalist wing of the Democratic Party, specifically those on the West Coast, demanded the President for a stricter response regarding the ecological disaster made by oil. Yet, as the president comprehended America’s oil abundance with relatively few misfortunes, many of the protests fall on deaf ears. This disheartened the green wing, which caused a few of them to leave the Democratic Party. Nevertheless, the environmentalist influenced many of the liberals, caused dissatisfaction with the party’s biggest bloc.

In the meantime, a viral pandemic has spread to most homosexual men. Formerly identified as Pneumocystis carinii pneumonia, the rare lung infection was later recognized as one of the many symptoms of immunodeficiency disease. As the CDC identified many cases in California, notably Los Angeles and San Francisco, the government was demanded a response to this new pandemic. However, Aviva Chomsky, the press secretary during Carter’s second term, accidentally coined the disease as “Gay Virus”, the derogatory term later haunted the Democratic administration, continued towards the Glenn Administration.

The rise of AIDS in the United States was particularly caused by both presidents’ disparagement. Carter marked it as “the negative aspects of his presidency” while Glenn commonly pointed that as “one of the factors of his fall”. This was because as numbers rise from 1981 (the first person infected) until 1987 (the first commission to combat the AIDS pandemic), nearly 14388 AIDS cases and 11203 deaths in the USA. In addition to it, America’s combat in AIDS was comparatively humiliating if Europe was taken into account.
post_2.jpg

AIDS protest against Carter and Glenn's indecisive research

Since the late-70s, France met its first case to a French soldier in Chad. The news was quickly dismissed as the government immediately solved the issue. A few isolated cases erupted in the 70s on French West Africa. However, only by 1982 that France finally declared the symptom a pandemic as French Metropolitan’s thousand of men were infected. Unlike the United States, which left the pandemic under the bus for years, the French government immediately implemented disease prevention against the unresearched virus. Later, the French government understood the transmission of AIDS (unlike the Americans, the French had known that AIDS can’t be transmitted through saliva) nearly three years earlier than in the US. The US, which initially called it bluff finally realized its mistakes in 1989. In other parts of Europe was relatively unharmed due to a small influx of immigration. Still, the Netherlands received their first case in 1981, the fastest in the democratic side of the continent. It spread to the Nordic countries before Germany finally hit in 1983. However, in 1987 these countries have not suffered a wave in comparison to France and the United States. They would have that by 1988, similarly to most Europeans.
post_3.jpg

French scientist researching AIDS

In Indonesia, nothing pivotal was caused by the Exxon Valdez Spill, because much of the issue was directed internally on the United States. Oil trade in the Malacca Strait remained high and rising. The Indonesian government-regulated background checks for tankers which allowed to pass Indonesia’s waters in the 1990s. Even so, the main objective behind this was to avoid unauthorized ships (mostly illegal ones) passing Indonesian waters, not directly correlated to the spill.

Meanwhile, the rise of AIDS in the United States caused a stir in Indonesia because of the pandemic spreading on the country. In 1983, the first reported AIDS case was confirmed in Singapore. Then, another 40 people, mostly men, were reported having the disease in many major cities of Indonesia. Unfortunately, the people’s stigma of AIDS as a “gay virus” was commonplace, thus the government was discouraged on further prognosis from the society’s simplistic solution that eradicating homosexuals will solve the problem. The stereotyped continued throughout the 80s, ended in the mid-90s when Indonesia suffered the first wave of AIDS infection.


30th June 1987
Pangeran Diponegoro Street No.60, Jakarta


Among the many Kesejahteraan Rakyat sympathizers that were disgusted by Mahathir’s warmongering attitude after the convention, Usep Ranawidjaja could be considered one of them. He gazed at the PPP headquarters, all ravaged and partly burned, but most of the files were safe. Usep, formerly a silent Mahathir’s supporter, eventually felt disturbed by the 27th of June rioters. He, among with few others, was determined to fight to the death with Musa.

Almost everyone that worked on the PPP’s partly burnt headquarters possessed the similar passion of Indonesian independence fighters during the Dutch Aggression. Usep and many others felt the “nothing to lose” spirit that streamed towards their raging blood of revenge, a payback on persistence, telling these mobsters to ‘go scram’ and ‘we will prevail’. Indeed, Barisan Progresif supporters had their new catchphrase “Musa will prevail” echoing on the streets of Jakarta, everywhere these supporters’ dwell.

“Do you still have the Annual Meeting files somewhere, Dimas?” Usep inquired the young secretary.

“Yes, Pak. Luckily the intruders did not scramble that file. Furthermore, the entire section of the cabinet was untouched, therefore the Extraordinary Congress’ Transcripts were also unharmed.”

Usep ordered Dimas to find all important files they could and gather them as soon as possible. Mahathir had given the war cry to Musa; this office will be the epicentre of the chaos. Possibly, a second, third, and successive brawls between two powers would soon continue in Jakarta. To avoid further similar occurrences, Usep intended to move the files towards a safe party location.

Usep had recognized the threat as soon as the President announced his comments yesterday. Last evening, he announced the events that happened on the 27th of June as “unfortunate”, the military should not be acted as had happened. He condemned the actions of the politicians and military, stating the wrath of the citizens was natural if one looked at the chronological events of such riot. The prisoners were instructed to be released without trial, angering Colonel Edy Pramodya. Immediately after Colonel Edy expressed objections against the president’s words, the President immediately relieved him from duty, per today, from the Marines. It seemed that the President had deliberately used the riots as means to sweep out the opposition in the military, as multiple names began showing uneasiness as the president eyed on their “false actions” during the events of June 27th.

Usep looked at his desk, half of it was hacked during the assault yesterday. A total 4 was reported died during the siege, three of them were the office’s guards on changing shifts. The other one was the poor staff worker that happened to forget a few items at his workplace. Usep pitied them because he used to converse a lot during evening breaks. Also, his conscience compelled him to write a full grief letter towards their families, even one might not necessarily have to. Regardless, Usep must show a new set of leadership on the PPP.

He, ultimately, was de-facto chairman of the party, despite circumstances was not so because of the growing internal conflict which rendered the chairman useless as faction leaders evolved into” chairman”. He was adamant about siding on one’s faction, although he expressed similar views against the government’s policies. Still, the events that happened shifted his views, ranting about the faction he supported as “mob rule” and “unlawful”.

The tug-of-war between the progressives and the populists ended up with the President siding on the populist after the conundrum happened. The Parliament had no power by the President, as he was elected by the people which constitution vaguely stated that the two governing bodies will not interfere with each’s power. The Premier did not have such luxury, regrettably responsible on both the Parliament and the President.

“Mr Usep, it seemed our constituents in Malaya are preparing something. We can’t reach them yet, but our Malaccan friends noted of their secret meetings since yesterday.” Usep’s HRD Radiman informed him.

“Secret meeting? What sort of arrangement are they plotting? Mr Radiman, I implore you to carefully monitor these men. I have a feeling that it won’t be good at all.”

Usep had a small hunch on what the Malayan men are scheming, after contemplating on few scenarios, he concluded that none will actively reduce the tension in the capital.


Affairs of the Commonwealth
1st July 1987
10 Downing Street, London


Prime Minister Michael Meacher, who entered office on Labour Day of the year, decided that the affairs of the imperium were slowly degrading into a painful halt. The British Commonwealth, at least what is left, was nothing but the dust of the former glory. Currently, he saw that dust to be even worse, as he comprehended the situation on the rest of their territories.
post_4.jpg

The new Prime Minister

In the early stages of failed decolonization in the early 50s, the United Kingdom had released the Bahamas, Belize, and a few Pacific nations. During the recolonization methods, the briefly independent pacific nations were reclaimed, only to return as independent after the American demands by the 1966 Australian Aggression. Nearly all the Pacific islands were given to the States, now in a weird spot as the States were delighted to release them but the natives objected to the proposal. The Solomon Islands and Fiji eventually granted independence around the 70s, part of Prior’s attempts to end the nuisance of colonial power.

In the Western hemisphere, despite the protest of the white-supremacist and discriminative Empire, the Dominions in the Caribbean (Trinidad, Jamaica, and the West Indies) were inclined to stay under the Commonwealth banner. A simple reason for it was they respected the Queen, the only "English presence" in the empire, with their local government entitled to their wellbeing. If one asked why other protectorates don’t echo the similar idea, Meacher believed that they were too passionate about the idea of anti-imperialism, all but no connection with the British. However, this was later proven false by third-person narratives because the British had numerously interfered on Dominion affairs much against the agreement did on the new form of Commonwealth.

In the 70s and 80s Britain, in a nutshell, was full of diverting the blame away from British failures of the empire. Jim Prior was ecstatic that under his unionist leadership, British local productivity increased by fivefold. The United Kingdom, on its miserable shell, became Europe’s greatest machinery exporter. Moreover, the pound sterling intentionally devalued and weakened by the Prior’s government continued to maintain British charm on the international stage as the well-priced commodities on entire Europe, challenging Italy’s fiat which was even dwarfed by Rome’s agricultural exports rather than British industrial.

However, noticing East Asia, Meacher discovered that the British government merely stagnated in time, while the East Asian governments, including the wretched Indonesians, had surpassed Britain in economic power, while industrial capabilities were not far away. Indeed, even Meacher bet Japan had passed Britain and eventually matched the United States. British perpetual devaluation also crippled the strong financial sector of London, moving bankers too much more favourable places like Berlin, Rotterdam, and heavens forbid Paris itself.

“Prime Minister, regarding the ongoing heat on a Quebecois Referendum, would you still agree to Prior’s previous choice?”

On the telephone was Lieutenant Governor of Quebec Gilles Lamontagne, he informed multiple times that the Prior government instructed a green light on the referendum of Quebec, much to the French population’s support on that proposal. Prior, also Meacher, had thought that even if the French-Canadians decided to separate from Canada, the circumstances between the First Nations will be awkward, as the natives still believed in the federal government. The worse situation would be the First Nations forming their own country, which eventually is as weak as the crippled Quebec, eventually prayed for Canada to reannex those regions. Quebecois, on the other hand, was optimistic that years of discriminatory Apartheid-supportive unionist government would eventually scare the Natives to secede from the Dominion of Canada. Also, the date agreed was 1990, probably Meacher would have quelled the native’s fear by then.

“Of course, Lieutenant Governor, the Meacher government will do as promised to the Quebecois as the Prior government had done so. Besides, I was under the impression that Canada, along with South Africa, Jamaica and other of our Dominions, have relatively freer autonomy as Commonwealth members.”

That quote, as naive as one might seem, will fall on deaf ears. The Quebecois were upset by the British government by their relentless campaign for a pro-unionist government, denoted as English-supremacist, to rule in Canada. His far more crucial affairs, rather than a referendum three years away, was the impending doom of the West Indies Federation. The cultural differences in each nation, including the black’s sentiment against a pro-apartheid government, continued their discourse to split from the West Indies. Moreover, they had no intention to unite as an independent union, but separate islands under each chiefdom.
post_5.jpg

The "Yes" or "Oui" campaigners, despite 1990 as the referendum year, have been preparing this since 1987

[1] happened similarly to IOTL, but the background of ITTL was more severe as it linked to Glenn on his obsession with Space Race. This obsession (more on the upcoming date) led NASA to hurriedly push for space launches, which caused this in the first place.

Explaining things in the UK, partly Canada, and the US (once again). Keeping up the pace I have previously. The next post would entirely be a side story, much like my Christmas and Independence post previously.
 
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Subandrio just couldn't stop screwing the country and i thought the main industrial exporter in europe was Germany?
 
Subandrio just couldn't stop screwing the country and i thought the main industrial exporter in europe was Germany?

Germany is indeed the main industrial exporter for the world. Britain in here is biggest producing machineries (just the bits and that's why i wrote machinery exporter, not exporter only), while Germany exports more of the finished products (i.e. cars, tractors, electronic appliances). Your point still stands correct, it's just Britain still have better exports in some ares.

Besides, Germany and Britain competing each other in small sectors by the 70s and 80s is just a lucky fluke for the latter (imo). Britain have stagnated themselves in industrial society, while most of Europe and East Asia had progressed to service based, they have remained as such.

For Subandrio, he surely messed up big time.
 
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New Year 2022 Update
Garden City, NY, United States
31st December 2020

Picture1.png

Courtesy of Google Earth, please note that I choose this house with reasons for the TL's plot, not by other means or worse, "stalking".

The bedroom is filled with plushies and private merchandise of Joseph Ryan H. As an exceptional teenager, Joseph is particularly glad his school life has not inhibited a lot with his virtual career. After two years of getting habituated with his new hobby, he was pleased that “streaming Minecraft” had given him a fortune. With the alias “JRobin”, he has accrued almost 4 million followers, much to his enthusiasm. He is certain that the wealth he gained on streaming was enough for paying his house bills, even to afford to make a living for the entirety of the house.

“Thanks, Tom, for today, it’s unfortunate that your visa was rejected. Mark, Brandon, Eret, Harvey and Shelby are here.”

“Man, it’s fine. Be sure to prepare for our next content. Also, thank you for the sent gift, I appreciate it dearly.”

Almost a three-hour stream with Tom has ended with him awaiting the New Year’s clock at England. Still, it is a five-hour difference in Long Island than in Nottingham. Vlogging content, especially Joseph’s most famous Niagara tour, was liked by tens of millions, boosting his second YouTube account. Nevertheless, he was warned by his family to take care throughout his public events while the modern flu pandemic ravages the world.

He ends the call with his friend, then wanders on the browser to look for stuff. In the meantime, Joseph is aware his friends were downstairs having fun with the Play Console 6. He exclusively wanted a time with Tom for his late-night content. Nathan, his 15-year-old little brother, was great with friends. His extrovert attitude, unlike Joseph, lighted downstairs as great as a middle-school boy could have been. Likely, Nathan has distracted his friends as Joseph enjoys the upper floor’s silence.

As his mind wander a bit, he was reminded of his times with Dad during his stay in the US. As a diplomat, he was famous in NY, befriending a few famous people in the state. From Kirsten Gillibrand, the Trump Family, to actors of actresses living in the state. Unlike most Indonesian officials, his father is beloved by the American youths alike. That may be contributed by his father’s young age of 39. Charismatic and rather mysterious, his father mostly stunned analysts by unorthodox views of the diplomatic world; a reason why he was recalled to Indonesia.

During his father’s presence, he would routinely bring Joseph and Nathan to New York City, enjoying the parks and picturesque skylines. Moreover, as Dad like taking pictures, he would use his multiple DSLR cameras to save the moments. Currently, all those picture’s rest in the basement, while Dad’s old cameras are gifted to Nathan, following his hobby. Meanwhile, Dad also excels in music, which Joseph inherited from his piano skills.

His mother, similarly, is famous in the state for entirely a different reason. Her family rose as one of the richest electronic companies in Indonesia, surpassing a few of the East Asians. Despite her mother not being the nuclear of the family business, she is naturally posh and exclusive. In their childhood, his mother would naturally finance their lives, unlike most regular families. Also, because of it, Dad would raise the boy’s childhood, giving Joseph and Nathan’s fondest memories.

Joseph closes all his browser tabs. He too closes running applications on his computer, his games particularly. However, just before he closes his computer, a video suddenly popped up.
After twenty-five, long, tense days, we’ve reached a historic moment in this election. We can now project the winner of the presidential race. As Pennsylvania has finally called for the former governor [REDACTED][1], putting him above the 280 thresholds. Consequently, the former governor [REDACTED] has won the presidential election as the 47th President of the United States. It is the first time, unlike our previous elections, that a third party-candidate outright win the election. This is partly expected by political analysts, as this four-way race is a win-for all for all the candidates. However, California, New York, Florida, and New Jersey all remain too close to call.

CNN Election Night in America, 28th November 2020​

The 2020 Election video spooked him, albeit briefly. A few days ago, Joseph had received the concluding news about the election. The president-elect managed to win Florida and New Jersey but failed in California. Still, it puts him in a considerable gap of 320 electoral votes. He swept his home state along the Mississippian states, the Rust Belt, partly Midwest and New England, along with the New South’s South Carolina. Joseph, the teen boy in New York, was fascinated by this election after they fixated on the four-way race by January 2020. He, along with all Americans, was proven their highest participation in US history on this extreme mess of the election day. Some, in an eerie sense, had mirrored 2020 as a replay of the 1860 election. The highest turnout in US history of 83.4%, surpassing the 1876 election of 81.8%. The excess voter turnout, predicted to be around 72%, was mainly from the people voting for the third-party candidate by the upset of the party establishment.

This third party is famous to rise slowly, despite being noticed, but continuously underestimated by established parties. The Four Horsemen of the Anti-Establishment, nicknamed four figures of this political party, is consisted of an actor, a real-estate tycoon, a digital conglomerate, and a saxophone player. The last horsemen became the president of these United States. Unbeknownst to his digital friends who were having fun downstairs, Joseph is politically active in school, advocating the third party’s platform from the basis of rationality, centrism, and civic nationalism. He joined the Youth’s Group in Garden City’s High School. He was glad that in Nassau County, a decent 39% had voted for his preferred candidate, echoing his support for reform. Alas, statewide results did not win for the man.

“Joe, Dad’s calling you.” Joseph hears Nathan, his little brother, who shouted from downstairs. His parents were all in Indonesia, unfortunately, as both preoccupied with Indonesian matters. Joseph and Nathan, both born in the United States, eventually stayed with his aunt from the mother side. His aunt was ecstatic, especially since his father requested to take care of both brothers after his return to Indonesia in 2017.

Unlike his American friends, he is mixed, not purely Asian. The blend between Dutch and Chinese heritage gives Joseph and Nathan an unusual facial feature. Joseph’s small eyes inordinately fit with the dark-brown bowl cut. Nathan’s looks are particularly blended with pale buttery skin. Every time a stranger gazed upon these two brothers, most of them transfixed towards the weird combination of racial features. Occasionally, the two brothers’ handsomeness (or cuteness for Nathan) is acclaimed as it is different from most Asian Americans living here.

“A minute, I’m closing the pc.” He shuts down his computer, tidies his bedroom and goes downstairs.

Joseph greets his friends all in the living room while excuses himself to the basement. As soon as reached the basement, he immediately noticed a TV screen of his father. Dad had video-called Joseph and everyone for now. Before acknowledging the children, Dad had asked Aunt for some time, sharing hospitalities. Soon, Aunt, Uncle, Nathan, and Joseph all sat downstairs, eyes pondered on Dad and Mom on its casual attire. On the other side of the screen, Nathan notices Louisa and Patricia, both are siblings of them, staying in Indonesia. Joseph almost forgets about his little sisters, probably from years of separation. Unlike Joseph and Nathan, Louisa and Patricia had been uncovered by the media.

“Hello, Joseph. It’s been quite a while.”
...



Half an hour almost passed in the basement. Dad and Mom asked a few things throughout the year, commenting especially on Nathan’s accomplishment to afford a living. The two brothers initially signed an agreement with Dad. Because of Dad’s renowned status in the international world, especially in the US, he would remain undisclosed on Joseph and Nathan’s life, saving them the normal life as opposed to their two younger sisters. This, as a result, indicates Joseph’s gaming career is entirely built upon himself. Luckily, even Joseph’s closest friends had known his father, nor his famous surname.

He returns to the living room, all ready and preparing for yet a New Year’s Eve stream in his house. Before streaming, he would mask himself to conceal his real face. That came from worry that maybe someone would recognize the resemblance between Joseph and his father. Not Nathan, though, because his face was a mix from both parents. Parenthetically, Nathan had also been strongly inclined to Mark’s younger sister, Casey, who had been invited from her hometown Oakland. It was a big friendly Youtuber gathering; Joseph and Nathan did not want to miss this.

“Hey, there is Joe. Shelby here has prepared the camera, three.” Harvey snickered, “we have also prepared chips and snacks for whatever we will do later.”

“Pogg! Let’s go.” Joseph answered.

Just as Joseph tries to sit, he heard Mark calling from the kitchen. Instinctively, he excuses himself and walked to the kitchen. He is distraught that Shelby and her friends decided to start without Joseph. Nevertheless, he still walks to Mark. Mark, overall, is Joseph’s TwitchTube friend from Oakland, California. He met Joseph in Minecraft SMP, the owner, Clay, invited him as a new member while Joseph had been one for a few months. Mark suffered facial dysmorphia, which caused him to conceal his face with his authentic mask during streaming. However, this time he doesn’t use the mask. Progressively, Joseph develops a crush on Mark. However, he doesn’t know that urge because of mere pity, pure fondness, or something else entirely.

“Look, Joe. Casey thought that Nathan was inviting her. She then urged me to follow because she thought a secret content was happening there. I too did not realize any problem until I saw your family facetime.”

Joseph had warned everyone, including his friends, that his family affairs were not to be brought up until he is ready. His father unanimously opted his sons to have a normal childhood, away from his prominent standing. So, he obscured all family ties to his parents, including mentioning his family name. Outside his school, friends don’t particularly recognize Joseph’s family name. Now, it seems Mark stumbled on his family reunion, especially noticing his father and mother.

“You see everything?” Joseph calmly infers. Despite his calmness, many have thought reversely. Just like his father, calmness indicates active brain activity within, either thinking about something or keeping hold of one’s anger not to be shown. Furthermore, his dad usually silences himself on the latter’s reason, just like Joseph.

“Yep. Also, I see that you look like your dad. A bit fascinated on why your classmates don’t deduce that.” Mark opted for a low-key joke, but later revert himself because Joseph doesn’t flinch. Meanwhile, Joseph is thinking about that too, why his classmates are too oblivious to see the similarities between Joseph and his father. His speculation mostly rests that there is no way his father would leave his children here, in the politically dangerous United States.

“Look, man. I’m sorry. I honestly ...”

“It’s fine, Mark,” Joseph interjects.

“Really? This isn’t the “handling” you give to me, right?” Mark replies. When Joseph distanced themselves from someone, he would calmly express no problems regarding the matter, but later cleared themselves on the friend list. Finally, Joseph would “forget” the friend, as if we weren’t existing at all. Unfortunately, this unpleasant mannerism inherits too from his father.

After a quick ponders, he sensed Mark kept talking sense, so Joseph doesn’t get mad. Truly, Joseph’s threat on the family question is harsh, as he won’t make friends with anyone that don’t abide by his terms. However, he truly thought Mark here is a bit overreacting, as he found out by chance.

“Close your eyes, Mark.” Joseph cuts Mark’s plea. “Just trust me.”

Mark looks towards his friend, before entrusting his words. For just a brief second, Joseph is requestioning himself of his decision. Still, his reflexes overwhelmed him. After it is done, Joseph realizes that he and Mark lock lips for a moment.

“It’s fine, Mark.” Joseph returns to his bit lively voice, “Just please don’t let Casey spill about Dad. Not that I don’t trust you, but she’s more talkative than you.”

Mark just froze on what happened, slightly composing himself of the sudden awkwardness before he acclaimed.

“We’re merely 17, Joe! Heck, we’re Roman Catholic.”

“Look, Mark. Spare me with the religious thing. I prefer you just keep talking about my parents.”

Mark slowly grins at Joseph’s response. The boys continue their conversation about Joseph’s parents. Joseph is astonished by Mark’s intrigue to his parents, especially his father. Later, Mark reveals himself to be a fan of Joseph’s Dad, cheering Joseph a bit. Mark, now in a much better attitude, courage himself to ask his deepest question.

“Joe, about all of this, why don’t you tell the world about your family?”

This struck Joseph unprepared because he has never asked himself the same question. Mostly, his father would advise his sons that publicity isn’t necessarily positive for character growth, especially to his boys like Joseph and Nathan. However, he was reminded of what his father told him in an ice cream shop. That answer would resonate with Joseph’s brain; thus, he tells Mark the same thing.

“Dad used to say it was fear of me and Nathan’s safety. The fear of one day, maybe his career would render his children, hostage, from his advances in diplomatic career, many risks during the early 2000s. However, I justly think that I received another value on this. As I and Nate don’t have the publicity as an official’s son, we are humbled by default. In addition to Dad’s constant advice to start bottom and reach the top, I became a much better person, grateful for his advice ringed to be faster than most of my age. Honestly, my YouTube career would probably not succeed without Dad’s confidential agreement.”

Joseph lets that talk sink in for a moment. Then he resumes speaking.

“Alright, enough with that. Let’s go back to the living room. Also, what happens here, stay here, okay?”

“What if I don’t want to?” Mark replied.

For a brief second, he smacked Mark with the nearby paper towel. This gives snickers from the two boys as they walk back to the all-ready living room. As the content creators greet Joseph and Mark, both with masks on. Joseph returns for the content, preparing himself for the new year of 2021.​


[1] I'm not giving the name, but the clues surrounding it would entice you for detective mode.

If you watch Minecraft twitch streamers, some would maybe ring a few bells. Although quite a light post, this was important to build up the main protagonist of this TL that I've been preparing for months. Shame that with the current speed of this TL, 2020 would be like 3-4 years away...

Just to peak your interests, here below lies the 2020 Map. Colours are not party-based, but more ideologically based. Try finding out what happened :)

2020_spoiler.png

Wish everyone a happy new year in advance. As always, likes are good, but comments are much preferred.
 
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