A party congress, i believe, should be more than just changing faction names. In OTL Indonesia, most of them were directly correlated to party's future (i.e. party leader, party direction or party manifesto). However, OTL Indonesia can surely have a worse party congresses, (look at the modern Partai Demokrat fiasco recently or at worse Kudatuli Incident)
Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL
- Thread starter SkylineDreamer
- Start date
The Decay of Stability Part 12: A Latin Prologue
3rd May 1987
Singapura, Indonesia
Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim returned to Japan for annual cooperation of goodwill between the two nations. Encompassing the EAC’s future, a pan-Asian alliance and the First Island Defense Chain, the republic wished to improve relations with Japan, especially now, as one observes the circumstances, Indonesia and Japan are quite alike. The foreign minister, completely detached from President’s foreign policy, also can only resort to neutral pacts that both parties like, for example, this type of discussion.
The President wished the EAC to be Indonesia’s tool to resuscitate the economic downturn caused by the Labour Law. Although their intentions are entirely within domestic interests, they demanded Japan to improve Asia-Pacific commerce, continue boosting the old mechanism of trades, increasing Indonesia’s farmers and fishermen to reach various places. For example, native fishes in Indonesia were bought by Japanese restaurants, at least on that account, both sides of the government agree to push on.
The Foreign Minister, as ardently progressive on the Barisan Progressive, tried to court Japan simply by their closeness to the United States. After the Pacific War, Japan relations with the United States had been extremely amiable, some Presidents even endorsed Japan as an everlasting ally on the Asian frontier. Anwar thought by siding with Japan, at least Indonesia’s reputation as freebooters would not linger too much.
Emil Salim’s team of economists researched based on Rostow’s stages of growth showed Indonesia had just left the take-off stage after completing the preparation. In the agricultural stage, most believed Nasution’s high-debt-high-payoff had contributed to a rather stable cycle, despite the common populace considering food production as scarcely endangering, the national quota for one was still tolerable. Except for the densely populated urban centres, most import quotas were sent to the outskirts of Indonesia, Papua alike, as those nations had a high influx of foreign arrivals that brought their foreign staff to Indonesia. This, although gradually shifted the power struggle to the hands of geek technologists, intellectuals and pro-Americans as sighted from a ‘low’ point of view, was never a horrible implementation. Instead, this Indonesia, a third world nation with many profoundly scarred colonization stages, emerged as a just transformed country with a rational, logical, and advancing nation.
Japan, as part of this dynamic, can be represented as Indonesia’s ‘teacher’ on experience and maturity. Since the early 80s, Japan has officially emerged as Asia’s first advanced nation. Fortunately, Premier LKY had understood this and pushed for a better relationship with Japan by the EAC and other bilateral agreements. The new system, where the President tried taking over, was not entirely sunshine. Also, Japan’s archipelago resembled similarly to Indonesia, its maritime significance to one’s country is significant and both nations can understand that.
Anwar Ibrahim received a note from the foreign ministry office back in Jakarta, stating that Indonesia wished for a better trade term with Japan. It involved lowering tariffs on electronic goods. Indonesia tried to introduce mechanical electronics into everyday human basis, Subandrio’s solution was to ask for lower tariffs from Japan. Others, like prominent figure Ginandjar, expressed that Subandrio was merely extorting Japan. Ginandjar stated that Japan soon demands something in return, as sure Anwar Ibrahim knew.
As part of lowering tariffs on electronic goods, Japan bargained for lowering the prices of Indonesia’s raw resources, notably coal, fish, and nickel. Subandrio was completely against this, argued Japan to be imperialistic in nature and intent to destroy Indonesia’s raw resources. Anwar Ibrahim, however, had transcended on this simple mindset, declaring this was nothing unnatural to bargain. The President, still insistent, demanded Japan to find another alternative.
“Foreign Minister, EAC indeed has lowered trade tariffs for members at almost 20% against normal price. The bilateral agreements had added another 30% specifically for Indonesia’s great prospect. Many of Japan’s corporates had great hopes for Indonesia as a great market. But your President had increased prices on raw minerals, strip some Japanese companies on mining holding and somewhat eradicate Japanese privileges stated in our old bargain. Japan has held the bargain, Foreign Minister. Indonesia does not.”
Singapura, Indonesia
Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim returned to Japan for annual cooperation of goodwill between the two nations. Encompassing the EAC’s future, a pan-Asian alliance and the First Island Defense Chain, the republic wished to improve relations with Japan, especially now, as one observes the circumstances, Indonesia and Japan are quite alike. The foreign minister, completely detached from President’s foreign policy, also can only resort to neutral pacts that both parties like, for example, this type of discussion.
The President wished the EAC to be Indonesia’s tool to resuscitate the economic downturn caused by the Labour Law. Although their intentions are entirely within domestic interests, they demanded Japan to improve Asia-Pacific commerce, continue boosting the old mechanism of trades, increasing Indonesia’s farmers and fishermen to reach various places. For example, native fishes in Indonesia were bought by Japanese restaurants, at least on that account, both sides of the government agree to push on.
The Foreign Minister, as ardently progressive on the Barisan Progressive, tried to court Japan simply by their closeness to the United States. After the Pacific War, Japan relations with the United States had been extremely amiable, some Presidents even endorsed Japan as an everlasting ally on the Asian frontier. Anwar thought by siding with Japan, at least Indonesia’s reputation as freebooters would not linger too much.
Emil Salim’s team of economists researched based on Rostow’s stages of growth showed Indonesia had just left the take-off stage after completing the preparation. In the agricultural stage, most believed Nasution’s high-debt-high-payoff had contributed to a rather stable cycle, despite the common populace considering food production as scarcely endangering, the national quota for one was still tolerable. Except for the densely populated urban centres, most import quotas were sent to the outskirts of Indonesia, Papua alike, as those nations had a high influx of foreign arrivals that brought their foreign staff to Indonesia. This, although gradually shifted the power struggle to the hands of geek technologists, intellectuals and pro-Americans as sighted from a ‘low’ point of view, was never a horrible implementation. Instead, this Indonesia, a third world nation with many profoundly scarred colonization stages, emerged as a just transformed country with a rational, logical, and advancing nation.
Japan, as part of this dynamic, can be represented as Indonesia’s ‘teacher’ on experience and maturity. Since the early 80s, Japan has officially emerged as Asia’s first advanced nation. Fortunately, Premier LKY had understood this and pushed for a better relationship with Japan by the EAC and other bilateral agreements. The new system, where the President tried taking over, was not entirely sunshine. Also, Japan’s archipelago resembled similarly to Indonesia, its maritime significance to one’s country is significant and both nations can understand that.
Anwar Ibrahim received a note from the foreign ministry office back in Jakarta, stating that Indonesia wished for a better trade term with Japan. It involved lowering tariffs on electronic goods. Indonesia tried to introduce mechanical electronics into everyday human basis, Subandrio’s solution was to ask for lower tariffs from Japan. Others, like prominent figure Ginandjar, expressed that Subandrio was merely extorting Japan. Ginandjar stated that Japan soon demands something in return, as sure Anwar Ibrahim knew.
As part of lowering tariffs on electronic goods, Japan bargained for lowering the prices of Indonesia’s raw resources, notably coal, fish, and nickel. Subandrio was completely against this, argued Japan to be imperialistic in nature and intent to destroy Indonesia’s raw resources. Anwar Ibrahim, however, had transcended on this simple mindset, declaring this was nothing unnatural to bargain. The President, still insistent, demanded Japan to find another alternative.
“Foreign Minister, EAC indeed has lowered trade tariffs for members at almost 20% against normal price. The bilateral agreements had added another 30% specifically for Indonesia’s great prospect. Many of Japan’s corporates had great hopes for Indonesia as a great market. But your President had increased prices on raw minerals, strip some Japanese companies on mining holding and somewhat eradicate Japanese privileges stated in our old bargain. Japan has held the bargain, Foreign Minister. Indonesia does not.”
Prime Minister Masajūrō Shiokawa [1]
It was excruciating for Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim to receive that reply from the Prime Minister of Japan Masajūrō Shiokawa. Barely last year, Indonesia’s relations with Japan had been well and dandy. Now, with the President offering his own hands, everything seemed to run out of order. Anwar had benefited from great relations and good diplomacy under his great ministry. Nevertheless, as he was jeopardized and barred by the President himself, he wondered the time he remained until either he resigned by frustration, or the president replaced him.
“Prime Minister, I understand your concern towards our nation. We have received a popular antipathy towards many things, one of them particularly related to foreign nations. The President acknowledged these pleas and wished for a better domestic policy.”
“Should one tried for a better inner self, one should maintain how he relates on foreign nations,” Prime Minister answered. It became a humiliation for Anwar to receive such a slight insult towards Indonesia, but he had nothing to refute it.
It had been an hour after the ordeal with the Prime Minister. The President had been bold enough to not congratulate Japanese officials in Singapore because of ‘domestic’ issues in Cilacap, Banyumas State. As nearing the end of his second term, he was completely dancing around a populist attitude, finding the people demands and demands only, not noticing how badly Indonesia would be presented on the international stage.
“Foreign Minister, I just received the news that Da Nang Air Base was captured by the red militias. North Vietnam has steamrolled discouraged South Vietnam, completely obliterating Saigon and advancing to Cambodia, Laos and now arriving at proper South Vietnam.”
Anwar sighed in national disbelief; the Vietnamese would be going bonkers as we wouldn’t help them. The SEATO was effectively defunct. If Saigon falls, Indonesia will lose an ally forever. Yet, it would not seal the fact that Saigon would like us after negligence on our behalf.
“How about the Americans?” Anwar questioned his secretary.
“The Americans remained on the defensive, partly processing the withdrawal motive after Glenn-McNamara’s strength ended.”
After the Challenger Explosion, the space race and Glenn’s presidency ended with a relatively low percentage. He, already understand the doom, tried to reverse his misery by simply adopting the new notion of the party’s allegiance. Although he really hated to leave Saigon, he was forced to, the Congress would impeach anything beyond withdrawing troops.
“Well, at least immigration to Papua remained.” Anwar chuckled on his own statement to briefly humour himself. As he was wedged between a divided party and a stubborn president, he had done hard to persuade the people. He wished to fulfil his own plans, but that would divide the party even further, possible harnessing a national crisis under that banner. The President also can use populist rhetoric to bully his way inside the cabinet. A reshuffle is imminent if the PPP Convention resulted in Mahathir’s victory, but a riot is possible if Musa remained on top. It was between a rock and a hard place, Anwar thanked Musa that he was spared for this excruciatingly impossible option.
“Well, Foreign Minister. There has been a small stir in the Middle East, Sir.” Anwar’s Secretary replied.
“Raja, the Middle East is always on fire, what possibly different they have there?" the foreign minister asked his secretary. According to his perspective, the Middle East should have at least one major conflict ongoing. Like the Israel-Palestine Wars, the UASR Expansion or the Turkish Revolution. The Iranians, meanwhile, was also suffering from low popularity, the former Shah had been overshadowed by charismatic Shia preachers, luckily the religious sentiment loved the young Shah after the old’s death.
“No, Sir. Saudi Arabia and the Soviet Union had been trying to form some sort of agreement. They tried formulating one where communism and Islamism, fundamentally opposite ideologies, coexist and fight against Western values. So far, General Secretary Vitaly hated this proposal, but many Soviet scholars agree as this would boost the communist struggle into an anti-Western one, the latter brought many supports from third world countries.”
Anwar nodded. The Soviet Union was revitalizing itself after the Andropov Stagnation in foreign policy. Yet, one might congratulate the late secretary's great domestic relation with Warsaw Pact members, even boosting their economy albeit maintain socialism. The new Secretary demanded a change with the Soviet’s sphere of influence, wishing for an expansion especially on the Middle East and Asian nations.
In Indonesia, communist sympathizers were poignantly suppressed by their own charismatic leader, Guntur Sukarnoputra. His childhood was presented with many American values, as Sukarno before heavily loved Kennedy and his country before the entire communist fiasco happened. Even as an adult, Guntur remained nonchalant on anti-Western values, even citing some as a necessary evil to boost Indonesia as a regional power. The PPI, as a result, softened itself on campaign promises gradually, despite Njono’s extreme opposition to revolutionize the nation.
Communism slowly becomes a weak force in Indonesia, but Islamism was returning its power on the national status. Even after decades of humiliation by the Rocket Party, PUI was returned to power by few charismatic leaders of the prominent preachers. In the PPP itself, Islamism had slowly encroached on Mahathir on his conservative, pro-people view. In Indonesian politics, you will have something as weird as a nativist politician insulting a minority because of their elite status, despite both members derived from the same PPP party. This was why Trihandoko and many others believed the PPP was unreasonable, we need to establish a new party, going full front with the LKY values that were great.
South America: Communist Sympathizers?
FARC, a pro-Sandinista force in Colombia
As early as Monroe Doctrine, South America had become America’s most stable sphere of influence for nearly two centuries, and the Monroe Doctrine adopted a harsh stance that the United States should become the leader of the New World. One might assume that has been entirely egoistic on the American people, but the term had been commonly recognized throughout the world, even to those deemed as the ‘sphere’ of it. However, arriving at the latter half of the 19th century, things had revolved deviated from the common trajectory.
After Carter Doctrine revoked the Monroe Doctrine as to ancient and irrelated to the United States as the world's superpower. The United States continued to dive under a series of isolationist policies that, from the early Glenn Presidency, was infected with young liberals who derived from the anti-war generation of the Nicaraguan War issue. The Carter evades this crisis by simply withdrawing on one Nicaraguan War while using few enlisted American troops to use as intervention measures abroad. But that changed as Carterism lost power in the Democratic Party.
The New Deal Coalition was slowly eroded with the Carter new faction, which in turn transformed as an arbitrarily strange coalition of isolationists. For starters, the Blue Dogs, the former segregationist people that moved to the Conservative Party, had somehow regained confidence to return to the Democrats. On the other hand, the progressive free-sex movement had filled many young Democrats as the new Progressive of the Carter Era. Although these factions had nothing in common, they wished for one thing, a better social welfare program and an end to the intervention measure of the United States.
That effectively put President Glenn, the Democratic nominated candidate of 1984, in a precariously awkward position, as the President had endorsed partly interventionism and mostly science, both issues somewhat opposed by the factions on the rise, as his campaign wishes. After the midterm of 1986, resulted in a slim Democratic majority, the Glenn Presidency seemed to change midcourse to adopt the new Democratic policy, all about refurbishing the domestic image and livelihood of the people. Thus, it would transform the future of ongoing American intervention, in Vietnam, Afghanistan and Pakistan. As these three nations were partly American interests, these later became the three failures of American interventions not because they failed to win, but they failed to fight.
Glenn, 1987
As effective as 1988, President Glenn reluctantly announced the end of Saigon assistance militarily. This also included many efforts in Pakistan, Afghanistan, and other nations, not to mention various CIA operatives that were carried out to tackle communist support in various places. In Pakistan, they had turned for more reliable partners, strangely Saudi Arabia extended their hands on this. Including Afghanistan, they understood the change of tides from the American society, oblivious of their struggle of anti-communist efforts, and eventually resorted to other models to embolden their struggle. Islamism of Saudi Arabia, ironically as Saudi Arabia was a rather close associate with the Soviet Union, became their reliable partner to combat communism.
This measure of withdrawn interventionism backfired, hit the United States close to home. As early as 1980, left-wing paramilitaries had sprouted in the junta governments across South America. However, Chile, Argentina and Brazil had solid junta governments on a moderately supportive people. In Venezuela and Colombia, however, was not. Especially with Nicaragua left behind despite intense CIA observation, the David of the American Goliath never surrendered, they continue to fight against their domestic American-sympathizers and stabilized the nation slowly with passionate anti-American rhetoric. As the CIA Operation in the country backfired as spies were captured in 1986, Nicaragua slowly regained composure to be impervious to American woes. They formed their counterattack on other Latin Americans.
Belisario, the president of Colombia, was pushing towards a peace negotiation with paramilitary groups across Colombia when he was assassinated in 1987. Fernando Cepeda Ulloa, the interim president, failed to harness a sound peaceful negotiation, rather returned Colombia into a rump state. The communist sympathizers understood the current chance and pushed forward to fight for a socialist state in Columbia. The Communist Party of Colombia fought as the Bolivarian Revolution of the 20th Century. In Venezuela, a similar occurrence happened as the binarism and military junta continued to pass on, which left the people restless of no political representation. The current democratic government Luis Herrera Campins was dubbed to be too sympathetic to authoritarian rule, and the communist sympathizers established a nationwide insurgency.
The United States continued its presence but did not act as any provocative measures would be noticed by the people. Since the creation of the French Fifth Republic, many Americans had forgotten the nuclear fear of war against the Soviet Union, the Carterian welfare program only endorsed leftist ideology as beneficial to most society. Although Carter never specifically endorsed it, many of his policies reflected lefties. Then, as the Southern golden boy, he later became Southerner’s source of adulation, some even condemned the northerners as ‘scaring the reds unnecessarily’, some radicals even denouncing the Kennedys to ever be Democratic.
Nearing the end of the 80s, the American people now became dull and insusceptible to military adventurism, some questioned them to be costly and unruly. As the dynamics shifted in the new political spectrum, the MIC (Military Industrial Complex) feared by the Eisenhower Administration seemed to unravel themselves as they pushed too far in Saigon and Kabul. Yet, this time, the debate became tense as the topic mention was too close to home.
For many intellectuals and historians, the 1980s bear fruit of the 2000s and 2010s political struggle of the United States, albeit the great wealth, military power, and economy it possessed. For Indonesia, the 1980s and the 90s was their luckiest era of being insolently opportunist but somewhat isolationist. The geopolitical standpoint, after the Bolivarian Revolution, continued its legacy quite remarkably well, at least for the supporters.
[1] Details of his ministership here.
This will be the 'reopening' of my longest hiatus so far (nearly two weeks) this year. A small introduction on South America, the Latin world will pose a great significance to the 90s. Slight progress with Anwar and how they think so far.
I'm still not satisfied with a South American introduction, we will return with Nicaragua and their 'stones' against the American goliath. Meanwhile, the Convention will slowly rise in tension, as I'll try storytelling the minuscule people activities regarding the political drama.
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The Decay of Stability Part 13: How America can't win against Nicaragua
Beneath the United States
Sandinistas Revolution after their victory.
The United States endured a long and convoluted political shift that culminated in Shafer’s idealism. From then on, the Conservative portion of the party, the relic of the Republicans, lingered indignant towards Shafer’s foreign policy. It had destroyed many of the Conservative {or Republican} attempts to return power as Shafer, especially at home. As a result, the United States’ adult population, all that was mature witnessed the fabric of the American republic humiliated by such weird romanticism of a foreign policy, into tremendously revanchist and hawkish.
The Carter decade was shone with the President’s wholesomeness on energy conservation and struggle of livelihood improvement, but his foreign policy remained strong, sometimes considered to be faithfully interventionist, especially regarding South America. To appease the anti-war youths that shunned the Nicaraguan War, the President instigated a less revealing strategy. Instead of national drafts implemented for national television to gain coverage, Carter launched special operative task forces, albeit frequent, that received less publicity thus no further bitterness from the youths. However, to appease the older folks that Carter wanted, he proposed a ‘containment’ effort to communist sprawls around the world, Nicaragua as one. He provoked multiple CIA operatives, many of whom never exposed until decades to come, to infiltrate and reduce the communist’s fame in the country.
Operation Seal of the CIA attempted to boost Medellin Cartel's efforts in business. This in turn had aided the Contras, Sandinista's arch-nemesis. Pablo Escobar here speaking against communist ideals.
President Glenn, meanwhile, was bolder than Carter in terms of foreign policy. He still believed Kennedy and Nixon’s aggression, at least each accordingly different but similar objective that foreign policy against communism should not be received tenderly. However, this belief, in addition to his passion for the space race, had ruined his presidency because the Democratic party had reformed against it. Their new manifesto, gradually influenced by the anti-war, pro-environment, New South[1] politicians. These generations, young during Shafer’s presidency, had by accident joined the Democratic party from the backlash of the deceased Republicans. Reagan and Nixon attempted to appease the South by their law-and-order romanticism, but Carter’s Southern origins along with a pretty successful presidency killed the chances of that [2].
President Glenn with George HW Bush ended poorly for the President's approval among Democrat peers.
Latin America, in the interim, had become the debate of the Americans due to immediacy, tactical location, and geopolitical influence. For those who argued to improve America’s presence in Latin America, had expressed themselves the incorporation of Cuba, Puerto Rico and Panama as newly admitted states without further background checks had made America’s union stumbled on overextension, but they do support these places as new hotbeds of American presence to control the situation in Latin America. As a result, these places became respectable suitable locations for military institutions, providing the American military power to become the by-station of the US in America’s southern neighbours. The Cuban citizens, providentially, had deep wounds during Castro’s initial reign and had formed as a great anti-communist island without question. Panama and Puerto Rico, meanwhile, was still prone to pro-socialist sympathizers [3] and, sometimes, Raul Castro’s speeches against the American rule. For now, the Panamans still benefited as an ‘American’ from basic healthcare rights and various other profits. The Puerto Ricans consoled the Democratic Party as a strong Democratic presence in the outer islands.
These Democratic people that supported a strong military presence were President Glenn, Vice President McNamara, the remainder of the New Deal Coalition, and the entirety of the Conservative Party. The Democratic Party ironically became the anti-war, anti-interventionist party that wished their lives to leave at rest. This process of strange radical evolution, from the party of Wilson and FDR to the party of Bentsen, Stevenson, and Hunt, all of whom were radical domestic thinkers that put aside international problems away from the United States. These ‘fix home first, then abroad’, was a great motto for youngsters who saw the hypocrites of the American adults that pushed for democratic coups abroad while maintaining an unjust, corrupted system. [4]
Lloyd Bentsen, Texan Senator
The Democratic Party’s inconsistent measure on foreign policy was what had created Nicaragua to remain America’s closes enemy that they cannot eliminate. The Carter Administration had weakened the country’s unity but never destroyed them. The Glenn Administration, ridiculed by series of mismanagement, gaffes, misconducts, and scandals, provided a slight room to let them breathe and thrive, therefore restored the national stability of the communist regime immediately. Not long, the ‘Small American Enemy’, launched their first ideological counterattack, supported wholeheartedly by Soviet Union’s new Secretary, in America’s backyard.
The Latin nations had two relations with the United States. The ones that idolized the nation, continue to have citizens who endorsed the authoritarian, militaristic, junta or oligarchic government from the economic growth. These countries, like Argentina, Chile and partly Mexico, became third world nations that happily followed America’s virtues. On the other hand, the ones that had less friendly, even hateful relations towards the gringos were left with either remained in global isolation for the time being or go against the US by siding with communist militias. The revolutions in Colombia, Venezuela, and later by the start of the 90s, literally most Latin America, was that result.
Unfortunately for the United States, the junta governments in South America had lost their populist support, and the annexation of Panama and Cuba terrorized the locals that American intervention is imminent. Despite many campaigns, even from natives, the State of Panama failed to persuade the Latin Americans, more so accused these people as ‘brainwashed’ and ‘traitorous’ to the capitalist American beliefs. As we might have guessed, the 80s and the 90s were great for Nicaragua’s relation towards the surrounding people.
The Pope in 1987, preaching about Catholicism and how they conflicted with communism. Abused by military juntas to terrorize the communists that they will be condemned to hell.
Nicaragua’s little ambition started as means to survive in the United States. In time, as they stabilized themselves domestically, they turned for a broader ambition, to export communist idealisms all across Latin America. Yet, challenges in Latin America were the high religious rates in the region. The Papacy has stated communism as one evil to Catholicism, that statement has brought many obstacles in Latin America to uphold a true communist uprising. Furthermore, the military juntas had successfully broadcasted the Papacy’s words to every single nationality each on their nation, indoctrinate them by the basis that by being communist, you betray God.
Their first attempt, truthfully, was to reform the Central American Republic [5] that broke in the 19th century. The Nicaraguans wished for unification with El Salvador, Guatemala and Costa Rica to reclaim the territorial extent. However, Guatemala was still under the same leadership under the protection of the United States, any attempts for such reunification lingered as challenges of the future. Consequently, Nicaragua gazed southwards.
Costa Rica, since 1948, has been the most stable nation in Latin America. A nation without coups, separatism and militias had been established for this dangerous geopolitical reason because of a few factors. One, their military became non-existent and used the money for welfare and health programs. Two, social unity is better than most regions that regionalist tendencies on exclusivism never took place. Lastly, their unattractiveness on raw resources and location relative to Panama and Nicaragua made them less viewed by contesting superpowers. Nicaragua, currently, was trying to change that. [6]
These small steps of Nicaragua made them the small nation that projected as the hidden regional power of the Latin nation. From being battered by the Americans, they evolved as resilient, restless, and passionate about their communist beliefs to be shared all across Latin America. Pitifully for the Americans, Nicaraguans had become the rolling snowball.
4th May 1987
Pangkal Pinang, State Republic of Indonesia
Lawyer Raymond Hutahuruk, a professional from a renowned legal firm in Jakarta, has landed at Bangka Island three weeks ago. Sabuk Biru Project [7] was continued by Musa Hitam and researchers have found massive deposits of Thorium minerals there. Thorium minerals, acknowledged by nuclear physicist Bakrie, was important for a new generation of nuclear power plants. The thorium deposits can be used for a new batch of a different reactor, MSR as Bakrie stated. Indonesia, upon this discovery, can independently invent as its first achievement on nuclear efforts, at least in Asia according to him. There were other areas reported to have rich uranium resources, the Western parts of Kalimantan and Sulawesi, large swaths of Papua. Many of these regions were untapped radioactive resources for Indonesia. The United States had noticed that and tried offering bilateral consortiums on peaceful nuclear development. Raymond Hutahuruk was astonished by Bakrie’s devotion to nuclear research in Indonesia. Despite being underfunded and understaffed, Bakrie has confronted those obstacles and created many of Indonesia’s notable nuclear achievements.
Pangkal Pinang, State Republic of Indonesia
Lawyer Raymond Hutahuruk, a professional from a renowned legal firm in Jakarta, has landed at Bangka Island three weeks ago. Sabuk Biru Project [7] was continued by Musa Hitam and researchers have found massive deposits of Thorium minerals there. Thorium minerals, acknowledged by nuclear physicist Bakrie, was important for a new generation of nuclear power plants. The thorium deposits can be used for a new batch of a different reactor, MSR as Bakrie stated. Indonesia, upon this discovery, can independently invent as its first achievement on nuclear efforts, at least in Asia according to him. There were other areas reported to have rich uranium resources, the Western parts of Kalimantan and Sulawesi, large swaths of Papua. Many of these regions were untapped radioactive resources for Indonesia. The United States had noticed that and tried offering bilateral consortiums on peaceful nuclear development. Raymond Hutahuruk was astonished by Bakrie’s devotion to nuclear research in Indonesia. Despite being underfunded and understaffed, Bakrie has confronted those obstacles and created many of Indonesia’s notable nuclear achievements.
Raymond Hutahuruk, 1987
Lawyer Raymond arrived here to be the project lawyer of the Bangka-Belitung Nuclear Research Project. He has expertise in planning and environment, building and construction, resumption law, property and strata law, and dispute resolution. His initial assumption was the Premier intended to open a new research centre here to expand the old one that was erected during Nasution’s late presidency. But now things had changed, newer technologies had become feasible that a Thorium-reactor can be opened in this island to power the entire Sumatra Island without concerning the cost of cables. This, including Revolusi Biru’s projects that remained under the radar to most people, had become great Bakrie’s research field to explore nuclear physics without interfering by petty media, debates, nor politics. However, Bakrie was unsure that he will be immune to the last one.
As the Labour Law increased the political participation of labour and workers to fight and voted dearly towards the Kesejahteraan Rakyat faction, a small problem occurred regarding nuclear power. For farmers, nuclear power was outlandish, lavish, and extravagant, not necessarily important to their common desires of better food and livestock production. Despite adhering to the One Island One Plant by President Subandrio, Kalijati citizens, mostly farmers and industrial workers, felt threatened by the existence of a nuclear reaction there. In response, the President’s attitude towards nuclear energy slowly became redundant and less interested.
Meanwhile, Musa’s cabinet has expressed decent interest in nuclear power, as it would boost Indonesia’s national power as a great technological nation. Not only would nuclear power solve the waste of mineral resources by less inefficient methods such as coal power plants, but it is also proven to have minimal pollution.
Nevertheless, Raymond Hutahuruk is here to meet upset landowners that thought the negotiation of land transfer was unfair. He has prepared his thesis for these landowners, persuading on behalf of the government. He was a well-known lawyer for the government, persuading people with his persuasive skills. On one occasion, Guntur Sukarnoputra invited him to join the party because of how great his oration he was in Semarang when a strike happened.
“Coffee, Sir?” a middle-aged woman offered Raymond. Raymond reminded his presence in this small warung, the proximity of this place towards his workshop, and a delicious bowl of noodles put him in a routine state of coming here every week. The bliss of food put him to rest, admiring the life he is in instead of becoming stressed.
“Yes, Bu. Two please. I’ll have a friend.” Raymond answered.
Just as he told the woman, his friend arrived at the warung. The woman gazed at the man, totally understand who the figure was. Ginandjar Kartasasmita arrived at the table while the woman prepared the mugs.
“Raymond! Nice to see you.”
“I’m pleased too, Sir.”
Ginandjar Kartasasmita, despite holding no ministerial positions, is a military officer with magnificent influence especially on the energy and economic sector. Currently, he is positioned as a government bureaucrat that will conduct oversight on the Bangka construction.
“Have you spoken to the people here?” Ginandjar asked Raymond about the people’s plea here. They have been quite anxious about the government’s formal negotiation on land transfer. Some have argued that these are ancestral lands that wished not for sale, and many of whom demanded excessively high amounts of money to the government. The government, as pragmatic as LKY had used to, had adopted a standardized purchase per square mile that Musa adopted here. For the government and Raymond, himself, the standardized regulation regarding the purchase help to localize the issue. Consequently, he found out that these locals were just opportunistic, and the government deal was as generous as they could.
The issue afterwards was the people would comment this on national media about ‘government oppression and ‘liberal economy’. This tactic had been used by Mahathir’s bloc and has increased in power ever since the death of LKY. Raymond personally argued Musa to have a weak attitude towards people’s bad perspectives about him. Especially comparing to Premier Lee who once destroyed a man in debate with extreme truths. From another perspective, Raymond thought this is the reason why Lee had died in the first place.
“Yes. So far, I have reduced tension on the town folks. I mentioned that nuclear power’s benefits on electricity would certainly end these region’s constant blackouts and isolation in electricity. Furthermore, you and I both know the area being built is safe on international standards.”
“Still, we lived in Indonesia. Many of whom never fully fathomed international standards, let alone care about them,” Ginandjar slight criticism was acknowledged by Raymond. He was a lawyer, his job constituted to talk to people about stuff that either they don’t know or don’t care. Still, he was interested in national politics, and being a lawyer had certainly given him a good connection.
“Sorry to interrupt, gentlemen. But the TV has a piece of interesting news to offer,” the same woman offered. On the news, there was an interesting group of gentlemen with white robes. They announced on the television proudly and vigorously.
Raymond saw the man in the middle as a local preacher in Depok. He never knew the man’s name, but his demeanour certainly reminded him of a person he couldn’t remember currently. Meanwhile, both the warung owner and Raymond looked confusingly at Ginandjar who laughs hysterically at the broadcast.
“I enjoy their passion. But both NU and Muhammadiyah would surely undermine them the best they can.” Ginandjar told that both NU and Muhammadiyah were different Islam organizations that encompass Indonesia’s Islamic population. Despite NU having a pluralist attitude by the arrival of Gus Dur, Majapahit State, one of the largest provinces in Nusantara, were heavily loyal to NU. These were traditional folks, sometimes rural areas, that endorsed local tradition more than the desire for Islam fundamentalism. They thought the ‘mimickers’, city or suburban people that were too obsessive on Arabian culture, are irrational and brainwashed to cleans Indonesia’s core tradition. For Raymond, he truly understood Ginandjar’s words. When he arrived in Madiun, these people, as opposed to voting PNI-R, PPI, or PRD to the urban legend, has been returning to the old NU base. This, in turn, will foreshadow a possible resurgence of PUI in the next election. Especially with the PUI solidify themselves after the split from PNI-R in 1973, they now had a coherent voice of embracing Islam as a major factor of the political system, but not the regulation of the system itself.
The Muhammadiyah, meanwhile, accommodated urban Muslims that had experienced Western education and teachings. These people, in essence, still endorsed pluralism like the NU, but their main difference lies in societal values. For a Muhammadiyah, they were progressive in science and technology, unlike NU whose people were naturally satisfied with the status quo. This, in addition to tolerant Jewish migrants that became primary scholars for Islamic teaching, adopted a synthetic thought that one can respect other religions while converting people to pure Islam. For some, this might be assumed as more radical Islamist than the NU. However, since the last decade, the Muhammadiyah has invited more non-Islamic intellectuals into their domain, much so to teach Muhammadiyah intellectuals about the advanced world they can achieve.
These two big simplifications of politics, Raymond had summarized, comprised the society that demand Islam to have a greater presence on the government. Jakarta, Bandung, and Padang scholars had campaigned for Muhammadiyah doctrines. However, Raymond worried that NU might be too ‘Jombang-centric’ [8] for the liking, which instead make Pasundan State a bizarre exclusion. The high rural population and Islamic fans would make them easy bred for the new party base, totally threatening the balance of Nusantara’s Islam.
Raymond remained silent on Ginandjar’s answer and listened to the woman on her political beliefs. In Bangka, they were evenly divided on PRD or PNI-R’s politics. Yet, as PRD slowly edged themselves on the controversial President, many Bangka people switched to the PPI. The PNI-R percentage stagnated and gradually weakens, while PRD’s base has plummeted for the PPI.
To be frank, I'm still having some difficulties with Islam in Indonesia that seemed paradoxical on the world perspective, {in OTL, you have the traditionalists NU that is somewhat more pluralist than the modern Muhammadiyah, as opposed to modern thinking}. But, as an Indonesian, I tell you this is naturally common in political identity in Indonesia IOTL as ITTL, many were too vague to draw a line. Nevertheless, the main point of the writing is now both NU and Muhammadiyah has embraced pluralism ITTL that the fundamentalists 'have lost a political platform'.
The arrival of Jews as refugees {not victors}, on their struggle in the Middle East, along with various atrocities that mostly the UASR folks did for revenge, had changed the hearts of many Islamic preachers upon hearing their stories. NU {with Gus Dur even has not hated Jews enough IOTL [see here]} and Muhammadiyah later soften up on the usual simple narrative and thus pushing for more pluralism than before.
[1] New South doesn't mean the term here. It is similarly defined but the New South term ITTL meant new Southern politicians that starting to adopt big government as a good cause. As opposed to OTL where the South had been advocating small government.
[2] No 'Reagan Coalition' and no Conservative Revival as IOTL. Carter did not become the 'paradox' president as IOTL.
[3] These left-leaning sympathizers would in turn shape the politics on the islands, you'll find more of it by the 2000s.
[4] This, although surely sound like a modern progressive narrative, can still be relatable on an 80s ITTL America looking at the circumstances.
[5] The communists wanted more like a Soviet Union system, rather than the federalist system at the link shown.
[6] Such a shame that Costa Rica, the most stable nation in Latin America, will not be so stable anymore.
[7] Sabuk Biru is mentioned here.
[8] Can be said as exclusively regional, as NU voter based were always high on their headquarters in Jombang. they have a loyal base in Majapahit State {IOTL Eastern Java}.
I have promised micro-interactions between people which I failed today. I do wholeheartedly promise the next chapter would be one.
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Yes. Worsely, instead of different continents, this "Vietnam" hits too close to home.
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That 4th reactor should work fine since it has a not great yet not terrible quality. (Bad pun because I kinda forgot what the line said but should still work)
Tradition vs Progress Part 1: Traumas of the Past, Desires of the Future
Traumas of the Past, Desires of the Future
Friday, 4th May 1973
17.00, before Maghrib Prayer
Friday, 4th May 1973
17.00, before Maghrib Prayer
Location illustration, 1987
The one-way street of Gajah Mada [1] was lit with cafes and noodle bars. Possibly the most unique road in Jakarta, Gajah Mada Stroad entails a two-lane street with an extra lane for parallel parking. At first, the street was an integrated large road, but after years of public planning on the Federal District’s Authority, they eventually move the road to Hayam Wuruk. The road functions as an arterial between Kota Tua and Harmoni {later continues to the Presidential Palace and Jakarta’s office districts} [2]. The street accommodates travellers in the growing food industry there.
Muhammad Abbas Maulana was a native of Jakarta. He knew this neighbourhood since childhood. Abbas afterwards gazed on the other side of the canal, formerly Hayam Wuruk Street now became a road devoid of commercial activity. In 1958, the Australian and British bombings, along with flying pamphlets of surrender occurred daily on the streets of Jakarta. On one sorrowful night, his house along with his entire neighbourhood was carpeted with British bombs unalarmed by the government. He stayed at his friend’s house, approximately five blocks away, on that night, completely oblivious until he returned home only to see piles of dirt and a destroyed district.
An orphan, Abbas must return to his extended family back in Indramayu to be taken care of. As he reached adulthood, he realized he was still unaccustomed to rural conditions and later left for the city he had left. Since the 1970s, he had tried searching for a home in Jakarta. Since the city was still devastated by the bombings, he settled at Bekasi for a brief time. He remained his wish to find a house near the city centre. Fortunately, in 1977 he found a house in a government terrace complex in Krukut [3]. The complex was erected in 1975, a part of Nasution’s reconstruction program. Despite owning a house at a high price, Abbas remained committed to buying what he called ‘home’. Now, more than ten years of living and a family of four, Abbas surely lived quite happily with the life he had made.
Not the same as this, but it got the inspiration.
He found a decent profession as a textile artisan near a tailor shop in Harmoni. He worked and trained arduously on tailoring that he eventually formed a distinctive bravura. Later, in 1984 he opened his tailor shop for the middle-aged white-collar population, moderately successful as by three years, he owned a sustainable income to afford two televisions and a car. Nevertheless, his neighbourhood also grew in income alongside him. Tempo magazine once reported his neighbourhood as the ‘fastest-growing place in Jakarta. Jumping from a poor purlieu in the 70s to a middle-income neighbourhood currently.
The streets of Gajah Mada, inevitably, became the commercial strip for these house owners to enjoy a Friday evening. Not only did the place become entertainment spots, but they developed gather point of communities, multiple RTs and RWs [4] held their annual events here. Soon, Gajah Mada's attraction to people outside of the neighbourhood, giving a great place to have fun. For a few years living at Krukut, he saw the change on where he left the place in childhood, totally in ruins, until a bustling spot now.
He now looked across the canal, his neighbourhood was now transformed huge city garden called 58 Memorial Park [5]. This Park was reported by the government as half the size of Central Park, NY, where Abbas has never visited. However, he did agree that the park was humongous should the government intended to say from the comparison to New York Central Park. His face lightened as he saw the captivating scenery of the park. Although he personally wanted a more urban park, a natural break from the urban life seemed to take approval by most of the citizens here.
The restaurant where Abbas ate.
“Thank you for eating in Bakmi GM!” [6] shouted the cashier clerk when she saw Abbas leaving the restaurant. Frankly, he enjoyed a daily bowl of noodles and cap-cay here. He was fascinated with Chinese cuisine, sometimes can get too obsessed unduly. But his mind had wandered elsewhere: the park on the other side of the canal. Pacing a few coffee shops, he arrived at the pedestrian crossing. The sense of relaxation and terror mixed his senses during his walk. Terror jolted because of how vivid his childhood was that the bridge he walked was destroyed multiple times during the war. The relaxation kicked in because of how the government attempted furiously to face-lift this place. The bridge, notwithstanding the unattractive empty canal, still possessed unique features that one can admire. If only the bridge was a little wider, the place would be perfect for photographers.
Parts of the city park, 1987.
He arrived on the outskirts of the park. Green in trees although some spots of ruined debris still existed in few areas. Right around the pedestrian crossing, the government created a statue of Pak Tiung [7], a remembrance of the dark past he had lived. Pak Tiung was a Chinese-Indonesia merchant living as his past’s neighbourhood chief. Pak Tiung rescued uncountable numbers of people during the daytime. He was always the first to spot enemy aircraft whenever the sky was clear enough. Moreover, he donated most of his money to those families whose one member had died because of the bombings. Sometimes, he also helped the locals by alerting them if government officials had arrived to distribute information or other goods. Sadly, he was killed by the same deadly bombing that killed Abbas’ family. In remembrance of the man, President Nasution erected the state, reminded everyone regardless of skin colour, race or ethnicity, we can still share kindness and give help to others without return.
Pak Tiung was only one of the thousands of non-native Indonesians that contributed great merits to Indonesia. The Australian Aggression did bring the true sensitivity of the people into helping each other surviving against the British menace. Dutch Indonesians who lived here also shared a great service towards the common people. People outside Jakarta considered these acts of heroism as too anomalous to be true, thus accusing city dwellers to fabricate stories. However, these events do occur, and Abbas was one of the many living witnesses.
Abbas arrived at the square located not far from the statue. There stood an activist voicing towards several people. After the opening of this public space during the late-Nasution presidency, it was allowed to publicly campaign here or form some sort of movement. However, newer developments on Subandrio changed this permission, especially activists by city-dwellers considered too liberal for the liking. Nonetheless, his eye fixated on the activist voicing. The activists returned look; a familiar welcome followed.
“Abbas! How are you!” Devon Ezekiel Siahaan exclaimed in glee. They ignored the people that were looking at them, they hugged anyways.
“I’m good. You?” Abbas exchanged with a delighted expression.
“Fine,” Devon answered. “Hang on a second. Fadillah, can you replace me for the time being?” Devon asked his colleague, apparently one of the audiences, to replace him as the activist. Devon then ushered Abbas quite far from the crowd, allowing them to continue their conversation.
“How long it’s been? Two/three months? How is your daughter?” Devon asked.
“Very well. My daughter had just been admitted to physics studies.” Abbas mentioned his daughter’s high school studies. The high school education was very selective on the process. In their classification between physics, biology and social science, physics was the most prestigious and challenging one. Mere 25% can be admitted to study there. [8]
“That’s wonderful,” Devon exclaimed, “Congratulations on your daughter!”
“Thanks. By the way, how’s your campaign going?”
“Quite a stir to the newcomers, but the campaign proceeds quite well.” Devon’s campaign involved new political thinking caused by the bombings in Java. Most dwellers there had a changing course of life, which in turn became very distasteful in the United Kingdom. However, as the United States showed and help Indonesia, the city dweller does seem confused when they see two similarly cultured Western nations fight each other. Ultimately, they discover the key difference was the United States endorsed democracy; the United Kingdom upholds monarchy.
This simplistic mindset eventually spread towards all citizens that witnessed the bombings with their own eyes. The notion that old establishment, kingdoms, and autocrats alike, was abhorrently evil and should be abolished. The democracy of the United States was the ultimate good and saviour that we should adhere to. This added to the fact where the United States continued their help with a reconstruction grant to President Nasution, which completely glued the traumatic society to fully embraced American liberalism as the Messiah.
Gradually, this mindset attacked the existence of local Sultanates in Indonesia. These kingdoms, never bombed once during the entire war, was dubbed to have secret collusions with the British government. The rift cracked wider as migrants from these places invaded the city and blatantly threw accusations that the city is foreign-friendly and less ‘nationalistic’. Devon was one that took the insult deeply.
Devon was a history teacher. He understood Indonesian and the world’s history. During his research, he realized that feudalism evolved to monarchism and autocratic governments. Another discovery enlightened Devon that the source of Indonesia’s corruption also originated from the deep feudalism characteristics Indonesia have adopted since the Majapahit Era. Therefore, he campaigned that the practice of feudalism is stopped. The entire population of Indonesian should be taught forward-thinking or simply American values.
“I heard that your petition had 50000 signatures already. That’s quite an achievement.” Abbas mentioned Devon’s petition on something Abbas did not know further. All he knew was Abbas’ neighbour mentioned Devon when he passionately asked people to sign the petition.
“Oh, you mean the city car? Yes, it did pass 50000. I wished to go further, maybe got into national television or something.” Devon replied with a slight pause in the beginning.
Jakarta's trams. They eventually added fans in the 1970s
Upon the realization that the petition he talked about was not related to the campaign, Abbas remembered the public commotion that public trams had extremely ugly stacks of electric posts hanging on Kota Tua, the city’s most historic places. He wished the trams to be deleted entirely, giving place for a cleaner street. However, Jakarta’s Secretary Hendarto argued otherwise, and newly pushed for a revitalization of artistic European architecture. It gained criticism from the people on why the trams need to be salvaged so deeply. However, many people had shown less opposition as Sudomo Hendarto did contribute a lot to the city.
Firstly, he was the one who transformed ‘debris square’, places of debris from the ruins of the war, into a naturally beautiful city park. He established around 13 across Jakarta [9], 5 of them were huge like 58 Memorial Park. He also reshaped the city roads more beautifully, adding green spaces and trees for pedestrian shades. In essence, he made Jakarta stunning and artistic.
City newcomers, or commuter migrants, would occasionally criticize the man for simply taking care of unnecessary things rather than important policies, like public taxes, and government welfare. However, native city dwellers were fixated on these urban planning solely by their traumatic experiences during the war. For them, the Federal District had offered the best psychological therapy by simply adding beautiful city streets. In a newspaper Abbas had read, 77% of native Jakarta had regained their love for the city and a staggering 98% of the natives supported the city’s revitalization. The natives hated to be remembered of the dusty war times, Hendarto had made the city as green as he could.
Abbas, as a business owner, also acknowledged the newcomer's accusation of the District Secretary of too pointless totally false. Just a month ago, Hendarto had created a green tax that funded the city’s revitalization program from the business owners and corporations. However, the government did not simply take Abbas’ money, they granted multiple benefits of the business. For example, the sidewalk in front of his tailor shop was extensively beautified and allowed parking. In addition to the newly added parking multi-story near his shop, he was benefited by allowing more car-commuters to arrive at his tailor shop easily. Moreover, his tailor shop, located in Roxy, was promised a station due to the extension program of the East-West Line MRT Jakarta. In efforts of reforming the city, Hendarto also announced many public transport usages. For Abbas, more connectivity means more profit for him. Moreover, it would also increase land value on his place, increasing his property wealth substantially.
“Right. I forgot that the petition was about the trams. Back to the previous topic, did you suffer a backlash from the new Tasik arrivals?”
“True. Those rascals just rush in and use their understanding of seeing Jakarta.” Devon was commenting on those migrants that moved to the city from their backwater countryside. As Jakarta became an attractive capital with opportunities and growth, some people, despite arguing the labour wages was not the same as in the Nusantara State Republic, rushed to the city. However, they brought dispute on native Jakarta, especially on their preference on all aspects. For example, the Serang workers that arrived at the Tambora regency strike against the public workers because their illegal food stalls were demolished. In Tebet, many Javan mob ran the regency office because the government destroyed their illegal house wells.
Personally, Abbas only saw these people as trying to adapt to the city culture, but his neighbours also commented on how rude those newcomers had infiltrated the city. Not only do the city had a deep dark past that nearly all urban folks have perceived, but the outsiders also sidestepped it as some sort of lie from Jakarta. You can also see a similar trend, albeit less radical, in Surabaya, where local citizens had argued against rural arrivals on the monuments Nasution had erected in memory of the deep scar on cities.
“Well, I see that you are quite tired. Want to go hang out in a café? We can talk there.” Abbas recommend Devon.
“Sure, Abbas. It’s time for my friend to take a stand also. Besides, it is almost maghrib, most people would leave for prayer.”
Both men knew, that despite Abbas being a Muslim, he frequently failed to pray daily. Today was no exception, he had worked tirelessly day and night for the last five days, he wanted entertainment with his friends.
Place of entertainment, just a few blocks north of the restaurant Abbas ate.
Quite a long post. Just to clarify, the narrative explains a number of people's mindsets towards general events. As a result, it would differ person-by-person, I just coincidentally cover this man's story. As a result, you may think his thoughts are flawed, and I personally can't object it. But, for the sake of the story, let's just look at his perspective, shall we?
A lot of references, let's dissect it further.
[1] Gajah Mada Street (one-way Northward), as a reminder, lays parallel with Hayam Wuruk Street (one-way Southward) in Jakarta. In between lays the Ciliwung canal the Dutch had built to divert the water. IOTL, both Gajam Mada Street and Hayam Wuruk became great commercial spots. ITTL, Hayam Wuruk became a two-way road while Gajah Mada Street continued as a one-way street.
[2] Hayam Wuruk is an ITTL exception, but the hybrid-type of roads are actually quite common in major arterials in Jakarta. For e.g., IOTL Jenderal Sudirman Artery before the MRT establishment do function likewise a hybrid. ITTL, these types of roads are still heavily supported by the government.
This is a great photo to visualise the hybrid stroad.
[3] As part of Nasution's Reconstruction plan, the terraced homes would look like the picture shown on the post.
[4] RT are basically a housing neighbourhood while RW is more like a housing community. RT usually comprised 20-30 families while RW usually gets up to 150 families.
[5] 58 came from 1958, the year of the bombing.
[6] For Jakarta citizens, you probably know this restaurant.
[7] Just an ATL character.
[8] Before the change in the 90s, high school students in Indonesia usually was split into physics, biology and social science. While current education is split into natural science, social science and language. These affect their lesson {for e.g. social science students don't study biology and natural science students don't study geography}, career prospects, and honestly their connection for their future relations.
[9] Likewise, 58 Memorial Park, these places are spots that are too heavily bombed that they make it a city park solely from the soil damage. You'll see more in future chapters.
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I thought the social issue between the inlanders and the city dwellers is just typical bickering type between a city and a rural area like in irl. But didn’t realize it’s actually that toxic to the point that they said everything that the city endure is a lie.
Tradition vs Progress Part 2: Convention Dates and Emerging Crisis
Winds of Convention
The situation across Indonesia, especially the State Republic of Nusantara, remained tense despite the 1986 Labour Law revised to fulfil a compromise between two actions. Relationships between urban-rural neighbourhoods become unreceptive that many could ensue local scuffles in zones. Correspondingly, the economy was limping as opposed to the LKY Era, many people have tried disparaged the government to be extremely frail. Then again, the President seemed to shift course on his initial crusade, abandoning pro-LKY legacy to everything against it. It was firm the politics of this decade was wild, few reasons have been identified as key origins.
The first, visibly laid, was how the death of LKY seemed to apprehend Subandrio’s worthlessness on the national step. Despite being popular early on 1978 until his second inauguration, Subandrio steadily waned as LKY continued to gleam above him in terms of domestic wisdom. In the dawn of the late premier's death, Subandrio resolute not to continue LKY’s policy, as it would maintain his irrelevance, thus finding all opposite things he can execute that is constructive and anti-elitist. But then, people remained mystified on why so. As his health continued to fail for the old age, the older ruling President in Indonesian history, many have speculated that a third term would never happen. Either by health problems or gaffes, Subandrio would certainly struggle heavily, even impossibly, should he run for a third term. That begged another question if he stepped down in 1988, why bother reversing everything LKY had done in the first place?
The answer, naturally, rested on the hands of his political aides, many of whom were influenced by Mahathir’s bloc. As opposed to the cabinet who LKY had smartly put like-minded individuals into his circle, the President’s circle was dominated by PPP’s other faction. Hussein Onn, previously drafted the Constitution of 1973, had been Subandrio’s main advisor across his presidential record. Hussein, whom Mahathir flattered as a political senior, became the accurate creator of the Malayan bloc that would rival the Malacca bloc in the 80s.
The situation across Indonesia, especially the State Republic of Nusantara, remained tense despite the 1986 Labour Law revised to fulfil a compromise between two actions. Relationships between urban-rural neighbourhoods become unreceptive that many could ensue local scuffles in zones. Correspondingly, the economy was limping as opposed to the LKY Era, many people have tried disparaged the government to be extremely frail. Then again, the President seemed to shift course on his initial crusade, abandoning pro-LKY legacy to everything against it. It was firm the politics of this decade was wild, few reasons have been identified as key origins.
The first, visibly laid, was how the death of LKY seemed to apprehend Subandrio’s worthlessness on the national step. Despite being popular early on 1978 until his second inauguration, Subandrio steadily waned as LKY continued to gleam above him in terms of domestic wisdom. In the dawn of the late premier's death, Subandrio resolute not to continue LKY’s policy, as it would maintain his irrelevance, thus finding all opposite things he can execute that is constructive and anti-elitist. But then, people remained mystified on why so. As his health continued to fail for the old age, the older ruling President in Indonesian history, many have speculated that a third term would never happen. Either by health problems or gaffes, Subandrio would certainly struggle heavily, even impossibly, should he run for a third term. That begged another question if he stepped down in 1988, why bother reversing everything LKY had done in the first place?
The answer, naturally, rested on the hands of his political aides, many of whom were influenced by Mahathir’s bloc. As opposed to the cabinet who LKY had smartly put like-minded individuals into his circle, the President’s circle was dominated by PPP’s other faction. Hussein Onn, previously drafted the Constitution of 1973, had been Subandrio’s main advisor across his presidential record. Hussein, whom Mahathir flattered as a political senior, became the accurate creator of the Malayan bloc that would rival the Malacca bloc in the 80s.
Hussein’s contextual came from the colonial British era when the United Kingdom had debated over a plausible Malayan Union as a part of the tussled decolonization passé. Many of the Malayans argued that the Chinese held a weighty influence on their control. With money and status habitually on their slice, ethnic Melayus thought they would be forced to obey those people instead of helping themselves. This, in turn, came into a sounder upshot as LKY proceeded to become the Premier of Indonesia. He, who campaigned for urban redevelopment more than rural reconstruction, made rural Malayans disgusted by the Premier and disdained eternally.
Hussein, along with the then Melayu Bersatu Faction, often argued LKY to be too city-centric and neglected farmer’s necessities that a famine was shortly looming due to low productivity. LKY, who often denied that technological improvement would replace those jobs soon, gave the wrong dismay that hinter farmers responded as their existential threat. This, slowly, rooted the strong divide between city and countryside in Malayan Peninsula, which later infested Java and other islands.
On the 6th of May 1987, the PPP Convention was finally determined on the 27th of June 1987. Almost 500 delegates will arrive in Jakarta for the vote on who should be the leader of the party. For nearly Instantly, both sides of the PPP party had gathered early supporters on this momentous event. Subandrio allowed this event to carry significant resemblance as a national election, pamphlets and banners allowed them to campaign for each other. The people remained aware of Subandrio’s little allegiance, some Barisan Progresif’s ads were taken down believed to own ‘less Pancasila-ist’ nature. But, as resilient as the late Premier, Musa’s faction refused to let in. They will campaign until the convention, whatever the sacrifices they had to offer.
In a national poll, the media had unwritten the demographics on how PPP delegations from across Indonesia will vote. As the poll lingered evenly divided, hopes of one overturning the other were glowing amongst each agitator, activist, and politician. Because PPP’s delegated are larger in western portions of Indonesia (Java, Sumatra, Malaya, and Madagascar), Barisan Progresif was predicted to have the higher half of the percentage, confirming for another Musa’s security as the nation’s Premier. However, probabilities remained low for a landslide, both factions competitively pushed themselves for the leadership.
Barisan Progresif would win the urban cities and exclusively Madagascar. As LKY had constructed within two previous general elections, LKY solidified the urban moderate-to-liberal voters into his sphere. Also, youths had been increasingly gained towards their favour, therefore gaining the reputation as young Indonesians’ main party. Because of LKY’s fondness and Musa’s quite astounding post-mortem succession, these city dwellers have assurance towards him. In terms of Madagascar, LKY’s governmental development along with urged investments by Indonesian bourgeois completely mesmerized local Madagascar unto Barisan Progresif. As the State Republic had changed dramatically since French withdrawal, Madagascar’s population was strongly pro-Musa and remained so confidently for decades to come.
On the other faction, the Kesejahteraan Rakyat faction had the numbers and most scattered regions, especially after the Labour Law. Although in battle with PPI, PRD and PUI voter base across rural Sumatra and Java, Kesejahteraan Rakyat had successfully swayed the rural population towards their side after the Labour Law and Subandrio’s sudden change. Their percentage was rising in deeply cultural conservative parts of the region, quite combating with PUI and PRD’s base. In the Malayan Peninsula, everything outside the city was dominated by Kesejahteraan Rakyat. In an interview, Badawi felt self-assured that with good cards and favourable momentum, the convention would be theirs. Also, Mahathir had been slowly harnessed support from the Sultanates of Indonesia, effectively isolate them against Musa for the upstream fight.
Again, as expected, Fraksi Reformasi had become the true loser of the party, a defunct sad state of the Hatta Faction once glorified during the 60s and 70s. With a small pocket of the population in urban and suburban pecks, they were forced to choose between the two giants, each conflicting with non-consolidatory views, each sat on the opposite chair. Also, with Adam Malik losing influence and Sabam Sirait too weak for leadership, Fraksi Reformasi remained headless for the time being.
As an outsider of the PPP, all parties remained distantly observing the party’s forthcoming. Despite the PRD and PPI allied themselves with Kesejahteraan Rakyat in terms of anti-business, pro-labour policy, they had no intention to ally themselves whenever possible. Their main objective was to acquire the most votes on Indonesia, as under Kesejahteraan Rakyat’s propaganda success, slowly eroding PRD and PPI’s portion in strongholds. Highly communal villages with highly conservative norms had gained more attention towards the PPP’s faction. The PUI, arbitrarily, grew upset with PPP’s success in many of NU’s strongholds.
The best possible scenario for non-PPP politicians was they would divide themselves equally devastating similarly to PNI-R in 1983 and PKI in 1978. However, the future would not be as perpetually cyclic as one might seem.
Migratory Crisis: The Second Wave
5th May 1987
Port of Singapore, Indonesia
5th May 1987
Port of Singapore, Indonesia
Lim Boon Heng, the Deputy Secretary of the Singapore Federal District, sat on the long seat of the Airport’s Solo Arrival Bay. After years of positive recognition, he felt the world rested too heavily on him. Under the command of Yeoh Gim Seng as the current District Secretary, he instructed Lim to personally observe the breaking crisis on the Singaporean Port. He later cursed himself, as nearly five thousand Chinese citizens have demanded asylum to the Federal Republic of Indonesia.
To understand how Indonesia, a Malayan majority nation, had attracted the Chinese into the republic. It cored from the fundamental difference of two Chinese leaders, Mao Ze Dong and Jiang Qing, a mere couple but drastically different characteristics. Mao Ze Dong prohibited his people to emigrate elsewhere, this isolationist society continued under his leadership. However, there was, as a matter of fact, no incentives for the Chinese population to flee their home country. Mao Ze Dong was rebuilding the nation with reputable intellectuals and true nation-builders. Notwithstanding the Sino-Soviet Split in the 70s, Mao was satisfied on his local engineers contributed amazingly to their nation, despite growing slower than most East Asian nations.
Jiang Qing, his wife, however, was completely different from Mao and reversed China’s policies then. Rather than the humble, laborious struggle to stand up on one’s feet while gradually shifting the populace against old norms, Jiang Qing adopted a more revolutionary version, sweeping measures to combat against old culture, the Culture Revolution annihilated ancient virtues to promote true communist ideals.
The impact of the Cultural Revolution and all the subsequent that followed was the decline of China’s population. The economy halted completely during the Cultural Revolution as the government prioritized purges, cleansing and public denunciation of old teachings such as Buddhism, Confucianism, and ancient Chinese teachings for modern communist thinking. However, the Cultural Revolution purged intellectuals, scholars, and scientific professionals. From Jiang Qing’s “Grand Anti-Rightist Campaign”, she had denounced scholars as to the perpetrators of the Ban Qiao dam.
The effects of the Cultural Revolution reversed the isolated yet growth of China, returning into a totalitarian state of legalist government. Yet, Lim noticed that not all Chinese citizens opposed Jiang Qing’s policy. Many of the Northerners had been influenced by the dam failure’s propaganda from Jiang Qing, growing a sense of hatred, distrust and disrespectful attitude towards the intellectuals and professionals. Still, the Southerners were exposed to inept farming conditions, uncontrolled government corruption and bureaucratic oppression. Rice farmers in those places suffered famine, followed by government punishment due to rice farmers’ failures. Fear and poverty invigorated them to migrate.
Since 1985, Hong Kong was continually flooded with Chinese refugees that sought asylum. Under Thatcher’s governorship, she accepted those people until Hong Kong cannot bear the population strain. As a result, the British Hong Kong government even assigned Hong Kong mafias to depart those people away. In 1986, the Mutual Understanding of Government Amnesty (MUGA), gave the mafia’s great sum of money with amnesty on crimes should they successfully deported these people elsewhere.
Currently, Lim Boon Heng saw the aftermath of Jiang Qing, the Cultural Revolution, and MUGA right here. They have smuggled hundreds of Chinese in, successfully, to Port of Singapore. Deputy Premier was extremely furious about this discovery, as this had indirectly contributed to the rise of disturbance reports in Singapore’s Federal District. It didn’t enumerate the other ‘unfounded’ smuggling that had happened before. Though he hasn’t received calls from other big ports of Indonesia, like Jakarta and Surabaya about this case, probably others were landed in non-port places or Singapore is the closest between the three. Plus, he believed that judging from past migratory paths, these Chinese would land mostly on Borneo.
Two Vietnamese governments, the Philippines, and other Southeast Asian nations were preoccupied with their war and hatred towards Indonesia. They never disclosed likewise cases to Port of Singapore authorities. Yet, in Taiwan, there had been a small increase in nationality registration, possibly from those migrants that escaped across the strait. Other cases of Singapore as an appealing destination for these migrants can be disclosed by the international significance of shipping routes.
“Look, Mr Goh. I don’t care what our stances towards these people are. We cannot risk our images from the inattention we have done.” Mr Lim shut Mr Goh on a conversation before. Mr Goh demanded these people be admitted for further asylum grants because of the fear of labour raise. As the Labour Law was upon resolution, the cheap labour force Singapore had received would be null, and hopefully, these arrivals would replace that in case it happened. Mr Lim acknowledged the economic prospect of the immigrants, but he was adamant about maintaining law and order, these types of arrivals would not echo that.
Moreover, it was just yesterday that Changi Airport was signed for an expansion, a second terminal by the end of the project. If President Subandrio took noticed this, not only would Kesejahteraan Rakyat would use this event as leverage for conservative, partially anti-Chinese voters, they would also use this to decrease the federal spending Singapore has been given. That would instantly stop Changi’s expansion project and many other infrastructure projects Singapore needed.
“Commissioner, has the media knew any of this?” Lim asked the police commissioner that was assigned to enclosing the port.
“Fortunately, no, Sir. But the police force would surely be questioned by many Singaporeans as we stayed longer here.” Commissioner Song reminded him.
Lim cursed himself. Indeed, the media were like vultures of mysteries. Currently, Singapore still covered the report as ivory smuggling. Luckily, Singaporean police did capture three tones of ivories that were never reported before, they will use that as a misdirection from both the federal government and the people of Indonesia.
“Good. Commissioner, we need a secret investigation about this matter. We need to know who exactly smuggled these people, how they smuggled, and where are the others should they have sent waves before. I repeat I don’t want the people to know this. This should be confidential until we decide.” Lim instructed the commissioner.
“Yes, Sir. But where should we put these people?” He referred to the newly found immigrants.
“I will contact our friends in the federal government, I don’t want this event to be used politically.” He told the commissioner. Any political show on this would cost his position, Lim added to himself.
As November comes, I will be flooded with college assignments and extra-curricular activities. Consequently, you will see more of these late posts.
Next up I will finally have Australia return during this domestic chapter. Also, I am retrieving a well-known (possibly infamous ITTL), Indonesian general, into the next post.
Tradition vs Progress Part 3: A PRD's Sneak Peek and A New Bipolarity in the Down Under
The PRD: A Humble Discussion
15th May 1987
Menteng, Indonesia
“Welcome, Mas. It has been quite a while.” Mbah Tutut greeted one officer that they all know too familiar.
“Thank you, Tutut.” Defense Minister Try Sutrisno replied with a smile.
Try Sutrisno arrived at the House of Cendana, home to one of the legend General Suharto, who died in a car crash few years prior. His death caused the division of the PNI-R, eventually the Armed Forces. Currently, as Try Sutrisno contemplated the years of bickering, political manoeuvring, and betrayal, he consciously reconsidered his past doings thoroughly.
Defense Ministry had been in the hot seat for years, especially forthcoming the second term of the President. He was despised by the President, but he miraculously survived for years, advocating for few defence policies that the President blatantly excused. Today was no exception for Try Sutrisno, the rumours of reshuffle have been increasingly rampant. Certainly, whoever the President intended to replace; Try would be one of them.
Strangely, it had been the late Premier, LKY, that protected the defence minister at the lowest tides, despite his views not entirely coinciding with the PRD faction. Despite being debated on numerous occasions with the late-Premier, in some moments even sprouted as scorns, the Singaporean gentleman had never vied the legitimacy of his position nor intended to seclude him across the chamber. After Musa Hitam ascended, he finally conversed genially and knew the reasons behind that.
The Barisan Progresif, believing in LKY’s meritocratic cause, had based their decisions on people with experience in specific fields. Therefore, all the earlier decades of government programs had been constructed with solid minds and careful planning. Jakarta’s urban planning had been one example, the city had been controlled by those like-thinkers that Try couldn’t possibly think that few acres of land across the city must remain vacant for the subway expansion. Moreover, the PPP politicians also discussed expanding the highway network to three lanes. Another plan that Try considered as ‘pipe-dream, was a land bridge between Sumatra and Java.
Try Sutrisno, consequently, do understand particularly why he was bothered no more than a little debacle. He was an, if not ‘the’, expert in the military, apt and skilful despite the questionable reputation. This was strengthened with Barisan Progresif that has no experts on military expertise. It was a harmonious coalition, the founding reason why PPP had agreed on accepting the PRD. Although little to nonmilitary revitalization had been done under the President, LKY does consult occasionally with military officials on remote developments. Unfortunately, the balance of the old government came crumbling in response to a new, erratic, Subandrio late presidency.
“Mas, how would you think about re-allying ourselves with the PNI-R?” Mbah Tutut stunned Try with the question. It took a few moments of Try to recuperate, then return to answer it.
“I don’t know. I seemed to think that PRD would be better off independent as one body. Although the PNI-R and the PRD were two sides of the same coin, it surely does possess a slightly different political spectrum, party manifesto, and mostly, the leadership. Why so, Mba?”
“This is rather figurative, Mas. The President persisted in our campaign to be less supportive of military policies. I believe you and I both knew that the plea was impossible as the PRD was the party of business soldiers. “
Try Sutrisno, undeniably, understand that many of the PRD politicians were people under similar occupations. Most, if not many, originated from military families or participated as active personnel, then moved on to become great armed leaders. If they wished to retire, they would participate in the business, which many post-Nasution officers had done. Truthfully, Try had no career in political decisions, he was less talkative and political in those matters. Moreover, the Tangerang Riots had barred him from chances of majority approval. He rather patronized his allies, but he would do it secretly as public endorsements would slaughter his aide in the popular forum.
Still, despite his well-known gauche and disconnection with the people, Try knew that the PPP’s conservative faction had been strongly insinuated the trend of fully-fledged Malayan conservatives, going against the conservatives in Java, mostly attribute themselves as PUI’s NU faction. As the general election will be held next year, the whirls of political deals had started to spiral.
Moreover, the PPP’s conservative had been trending towards anti-military, anti-West, and anti-business. The PRD, however, were not capable of such a shift as Tutut had owned great shares in automotive franchises. Many of the PRD’s military were also businessmen, they have despised the Labour Law, especially the proposed laws that Rahmat had planned.
“I had a conversation with Bapak Kunto this morning, he thought that maybe we can reconcile. Still, I don’t particularly think that rejoining is a good political move. Maybe, instead of rushing in steps, we should wait for the next PPP Convention.” Try assumed Kunto was the spokesperson of the PNI-R. Tutut was overshadowed by his father’s successes, yet she had shown her posture and charisma that maintained the PRD’s pro-Suharto party to this day. Priorly, the party had been Nasution’s criticism of Malayan’s neglect, wishing for more control and centralized management. Currently, the part had focused on improving the military might of Indonesia as well as balancing business deregulation and labour rights. The last clause was put on the PRD’s manifesto reluctantly because the people would flood towards the PPP’s particular faction.
Tutut suddenly inquired, “Another thing, Mas. How has been the condition on the Thailand-Indonesian border?”
At last, Try Sutrisno finally had a topic he could grasp. “Nothing much to be honest. I guess the wars on Indochina do occupy them with other business rather than mere pestering our borderlands.”
“Good. But not towards the Indochinese Wars, if the communists win, it would certainly be us as the next target of the proxy wars.” Tutut responded.
Indeed, Try agreed with Tutut’s statements. During growing tension, Indonesia would certainly not become the pawn for superpowers. Hopefully, if the PPI failed to win by the next election, the communist faction would wane gradually, reducing attention by the weary United States or the agitated Soviet Union.
Try Sutrisno worried that the Indochinese Wars continued to invite new members to the rising tension. However, the United States had withdrawn itself against Vietnam, a governmental suicide by the current administration. China had been a worry too; Jiang Qing could give a bite on Indochina’s communist struggle. Soon, Indochina could be a global crisis, possible a spark for the inevitable.
Defense Minister shuddered at his last thinking, opting instead for a less apocalyptic mindset. Still, he was cornered by career-ending decisions. The most apparent for him was the reshuffle Subandrio will commence shortly.
“Oh, Mas, so sorry to have conversed quite a bit. You haven’t been properly served. Would you like some tea? Moreover, Ibu had prepared some meals to share.”
“Thank you. I would love to.” Try answered.
Menteng, Indonesia
“Welcome, Mas. It has been quite a while.” Mbah Tutut greeted one officer that they all know too familiar.
“Thank you, Tutut.” Defense Minister Try Sutrisno replied with a smile.
Try Sutrisno arrived at the House of Cendana, home to one of the legend General Suharto, who died in a car crash few years prior. His death caused the division of the PNI-R, eventually the Armed Forces. Currently, as Try Sutrisno contemplated the years of bickering, political manoeuvring, and betrayal, he consciously reconsidered his past doings thoroughly.
Defense Ministry had been in the hot seat for years, especially forthcoming the second term of the President. He was despised by the President, but he miraculously survived for years, advocating for few defence policies that the President blatantly excused. Today was no exception for Try Sutrisno, the rumours of reshuffle have been increasingly rampant. Certainly, whoever the President intended to replace; Try would be one of them.
Strangely, it had been the late Premier, LKY, that protected the defence minister at the lowest tides, despite his views not entirely coinciding with the PRD faction. Despite being debated on numerous occasions with the late-Premier, in some moments even sprouted as scorns, the Singaporean gentleman had never vied the legitimacy of his position nor intended to seclude him across the chamber. After Musa Hitam ascended, he finally conversed genially and knew the reasons behind that.
The Barisan Progresif, believing in LKY’s meritocratic cause, had based their decisions on people with experience in specific fields. Therefore, all the earlier decades of government programs had been constructed with solid minds and careful planning. Jakarta’s urban planning had been one example, the city had been controlled by those like-thinkers that Try couldn’t possibly think that few acres of land across the city must remain vacant for the subway expansion. Moreover, the PPP politicians also discussed expanding the highway network to three lanes. Another plan that Try considered as ‘pipe-dream, was a land bridge between Sumatra and Java.
Try Sutrisno, consequently, do understand particularly why he was bothered no more than a little debacle. He was an, if not ‘the’, expert in the military, apt and skilful despite the questionable reputation. This was strengthened with Barisan Progresif that has no experts on military expertise. It was a harmonious coalition, the founding reason why PPP had agreed on accepting the PRD. Although little to nonmilitary revitalization had been done under the President, LKY does consult occasionally with military officials on remote developments. Unfortunately, the balance of the old government came crumbling in response to a new, erratic, Subandrio late presidency.
“Mas, how would you think about re-allying ourselves with the PNI-R?” Mbah Tutut stunned Try with the question. It took a few moments of Try to recuperate, then return to answer it.
“I don’t know. I seemed to think that PRD would be better off independent as one body. Although the PNI-R and the PRD were two sides of the same coin, it surely does possess a slightly different political spectrum, party manifesto, and mostly, the leadership. Why so, Mba?”
“This is rather figurative, Mas. The President persisted in our campaign to be less supportive of military policies. I believe you and I both knew that the plea was impossible as the PRD was the party of business soldiers. “
Try Sutrisno, undeniably, understand that many of the PRD politicians were people under similar occupations. Most, if not many, originated from military families or participated as active personnel, then moved on to become great armed leaders. If they wished to retire, they would participate in the business, which many post-Nasution officers had done. Truthfully, Try had no career in political decisions, he was less talkative and political in those matters. Moreover, the Tangerang Riots had barred him from chances of majority approval. He rather patronized his allies, but he would do it secretly as public endorsements would slaughter his aide in the popular forum.
Still, despite his well-known gauche and disconnection with the people, Try knew that the PPP’s conservative faction had been strongly insinuated the trend of fully-fledged Malayan conservatives, going against the conservatives in Java, mostly attribute themselves as PUI’s NU faction. As the general election will be held next year, the whirls of political deals had started to spiral.
Moreover, the PPP’s conservative had been trending towards anti-military, anti-West, and anti-business. The PRD, however, were not capable of such a shift as Tutut had owned great shares in automotive franchises. Many of the PRD’s military were also businessmen, they have despised the Labour Law, especially the proposed laws that Rahmat had planned.
“I had a conversation with Bapak Kunto this morning, he thought that maybe we can reconcile. Still, I don’t particularly think that rejoining is a good political move. Maybe, instead of rushing in steps, we should wait for the next PPP Convention.” Try assumed Kunto was the spokesperson of the PNI-R. Tutut was overshadowed by his father’s successes, yet she had shown her posture and charisma that maintained the PRD’s pro-Suharto party to this day. Priorly, the party had been Nasution’s criticism of Malayan’s neglect, wishing for more control and centralized management. Currently, the part had focused on improving the military might of Indonesia as well as balancing business deregulation and labour rights. The last clause was put on the PRD’s manifesto reluctantly because the people would flood towards the PPP’s particular faction.
Tutut suddenly inquired, “Another thing, Mas. How has been the condition on the Thailand-Indonesian border?”
At last, Try Sutrisno finally had a topic he could grasp. “Nothing much to be honest. I guess the wars on Indochina do occupy them with other business rather than mere pestering our borderlands.”
“Good. But not towards the Indochinese Wars, if the communists win, it would certainly be us as the next target of the proxy wars.” Tutut responded.
Indeed, Try agreed with Tutut’s statements. During growing tension, Indonesia would certainly not become the pawn for superpowers. Hopefully, if the PPI failed to win by the next election, the communist faction would wane gradually, reducing attention by the weary United States or the agitated Soviet Union.
Try Sutrisno worried that the Indochinese Wars continued to invite new members to the rising tension. However, the United States had withdrawn itself against Vietnam, a governmental suicide by the current administration. China had been a worry too; Jiang Qing could give a bite on Indochina’s communist struggle. Soon, Indochina could be a global crisis, possible a spark for the inevitable.
Defense Minister shuddered at his last thinking, opting instead for a less apocalyptic mindset. Still, he was cornered by career-ending decisions. The most apparent for him was the reshuffle Subandrio will commence shortly.
“Oh, Mas, so sorry to have conversed quite a bit. You haven’t been properly served. Would you like some tea? Moreover, Ibu had prepared some meals to share.”
“Thank you. I would love to.” Try answered.
The Decade of Crisis: Australia’s Tumbling Era
Australia's National Flag post-1975
Immediate the Australian Aggression, the government crashed under political turmoil. The Australian people demanded responsibility for the most humiliating defeat against battered, unmatched, and primordial Indonesian weapons, added insult as the United Kingdom do assist in the war effort. As a result, political revanchism arrived under Matthew Courtney’s National party. He bravely campaigns for the return of Australia’s greatness, contemplating on their old territorial extent, prestige, and sovereignty. For all around the world, this method had been all too familiar; conducted by a failed painter on the other side of the globe. Consequently, people do understand that Matthew Courtney’s actions, would increase tension in the fragile Southeast Asian region. Bill Kerr, the new National leader, conducted a coup as Matthew’s speeches became increasingly White supremacist. He toned down on racial discrimination but maintained the territorial return of Australian lands.
Series of snap elections occurred barely annually within the 70s. 1968, 1970, 1971, 1973 and 1974, all became Australia’s most baffling era as the government failed to stabilize. It climaxed before the latest 1973 election, where the National Party had won, and Matthew Courtney’s dictatorship briefly ruled Australia for the second round in Indonesia. Bill Kerr, acknowledged the Americans’ Shafer presidency that condemned harshly dictatorships, doubled down on Matthew Courtney’s efforts with scandals, blackmail, and conclusively stage a coup on his behalf.
However, as Australian politics radicalized, 1975 marked the Australian moderates of the severe futures should the far-left (Socialist) and far-right (National), continued to increase in power. With the help of isolationist SCP, which have gained power across 5 elections, rewarded the Liberal and Labour’s coalition into a majority. Fortunately, as the moderates stabilized in unity, the radicals failed to win in the subsequent elections, reducing their reactionary attitude and restabilizing Australian politics.
The first President of Australia, Billy Snedden of the Liberal Party, conjured a package of uniquely accustomed Australian policies that were mismatched between Labour, Liberal, and SCP’s campaign promises. Despite the President owning the power of state and government by the US’s staunch efforts of ‘presidentialise’ Australia, the Parliament remained possessive on high amounts of power. The President, consequently, had become ‘Prime Minister’ under the status of presidency. Yet, Billy Snedden was a pro-presidential republic but fathomed the necessary compromise he must take for this coalition of moderates to survive under the claws of the far ideologues.
Series of snap elections occurred barely annually within the 70s. 1968, 1970, 1971, 1973 and 1974, all became Australia’s most baffling era as the government failed to stabilize. It climaxed before the latest 1973 election, where the National Party had won, and Matthew Courtney’s dictatorship briefly ruled Australia for the second round in Indonesia. Bill Kerr, acknowledged the Americans’ Shafer presidency that condemned harshly dictatorships, doubled down on Matthew Courtney’s efforts with scandals, blackmail, and conclusively stage a coup on his behalf.
However, as Australian politics radicalized, 1975 marked the Australian moderates of the severe futures should the far-left (Socialist) and far-right (National), continued to increase in power. With the help of isolationist SCP, which have gained power across 5 elections, rewarded the Liberal and Labour’s coalition into a majority. Fortunately, as the moderates stabilized in unity, the radicals failed to win in the subsequent elections, reducing their reactionary attitude and restabilizing Australian politics.
The first President of Australia, Billy Snedden of the Liberal Party, conjured a package of uniquely accustomed Australian policies that were mismatched between Labour, Liberal, and SCP’s campaign promises. Despite the President owning the power of state and government by the US’s staunch efforts of ‘presidentialise’ Australia, the Parliament remained possessive on high amounts of power. The President, consequently, had become ‘Prime Minister’ under the status of presidency. Yet, Billy Snedden was a pro-presidential republic but fathomed the necessary compromise he must take for this coalition of moderates to survive under the claws of the far ideologues.
The first policy originated from the Liberal Party’s policy, which was to increase the inflow of trade from the United States, and subsequently, Japan. The ‘Selective Openness’ policy, adopted by the first president, allowed reforms in fewer trade tariffs, more connectivity, and more inflow for economic growth in Australia. However, the nations allowed for, understandably, remained extremely selective by the Australian government, calculated by the strength of the economy, and closes in governmental relations. New Zealand, Australia’s closest neighbour, had been the first mutual partner. The United States is the second. There had been proposals on opening with Europe, but their distance and lack of interests caused Australia to lose attention.
The second policy came from the Labour’s manifesto, increased social benefits following labours and trade unions. As the Labour party’s voters were split between moderate supporters and radical defectors (moved to the Socialist Party), the coalition struggled to find a natural attraction for these voters to return. Social benefits, such as basic healthcare, minimum wages, and regulation of workforce appealed to these members, thus increasing government popularity slightly.
There were few policies, likewise above, that mixed between Liberal’s conservative and Labour’s slightly left policies. However, as the government endured for few years, it seemed apparent that those policies eliminated each other. The reforms to increase trade was discouraged by higher regulations in the workforce, while low tariffs were met with strict consumer goods laws. ‘Selective Openness’, naturally, had been one setback as Australia became importers on these countries while good export markets, ironically Indonesia as an example, was not capitalized by the Australian government.
Policies that were from the SCP, shockingly, had been the most effective and well receipted by the Australian people. The ‘Beacon of the Capricorn’, campaigned by Alex Somlyay, was a systematic 1323 pages of 30-years long-term planning of the government divided into three stages. This, during that time, was considered drastically ambitious for a small contender to form political planning of that stage. The ‘de-facto manifesto had been the account of years of gradual stages in which Australia must proceed. That, arbitrarily, had been the reason for SCP’s emergence as the dominant force in Australian politics.
The first gradual stage planned by the SCP was the reform of the Australian image nationally and internationally. The first was the true harmonization of the Australian people, divided eternally by ideologues of the opposite spectrum. The SCP adopted the ‘horseshoe theory, adopted by an Australian scholar Don Aitkin. It described the far right and the far left, which had been reflected different from each other, giving a new perspective on their similarities. One similarity, Aitkin proposed, was the authoritative attitude with destructive measures on achieving the proposal. However, SCP’s proposal was not immune to protest, the Socialist and the National depicted these proposals as ‘authoritative’ measures of silencing the angered populace against an unpopular government.
In response to SCP’s proposal, the government launched multiple crackdowns on many far left and far right allegiance in Australia. Labour unions or red communique was disbanded especially after they launched protests. Fringe racist groups were targeted as well. Many argued that these would lower the government’s popularity by authoritative measures. In contrast, as these infringed organizations launched destructive terrors against the government, the Australian people were disillusioned by the radical parties. The Socialist party were affected dearly by SCP’s policy. Nevertheless, a different case happened towards the National.
The National, owning a stronger base from veteran groups and conservative Liberals, have countered SCP’s scheme by accusing them of ‘cowardly Australians’ who determined to forget the failures of Australia’s past. Bill Kerr, formerly disheartened with Courtney’s supremacist speeches, eventually resorted to those same tactics to win the election. One SCP’s case, as an example, was the education curriculum reform about Australia’s aboriginals. The SCP patronized the aboriginals as the better beings of the Australian settlers, thus ‘white folks’ actually ‘borrowed’ their land and kindness. This had not been accepted by some Australians, who had a stronger racial sense and determined Aboriginals as inferior. In addition to the intolerance of the many, the veterans accused those Aboriginals, whose race was akin to the natives in Papua, to be those who defeated Australia in the Australian Aggression.
National Aborigines Day became a national public day to remind Australians of the Aborigines and their legacy for the Australian continent. The Nationals accused this as 'tainting Australian values' and 'weak like the hippies'.
The Labour, Liberal and Socialist, in the end, must be adopted against these two parties that became the dominant force of Australia’s politics by 1979. As the Labour and Liberal dimmed under the more popular and sensational SCP, many politicians fled to the party. Some of them, certainly, moved to the National albeit at a lower percentage. Under an election upset, the National Party won with a significant margin, contributed from the cunning FPTP system that favoured the National’s voter base. The new President, Bill Kerr, passed as the second president of Australia.
As National returned to the governance, Australia returned to its aggressive stance, increasing the reduced military budget and training the populace for an upcoming liberation war against the Indonesians. The expansionist views were ingrained by the populace as propaganda of redemption was covered everywhere. Still, there were few policies many experts agree that caused Australia’s growth. The first was the lower tax brackets as a stimulus for Australia’s growth, as well as increased educational attraction towards the Australian people. Adopted from SCP’s education proposal, the National had used it for different means, but the effects of improved Australian education lingered into decades ahead.
Australian Military Excercise, 1980. Only to be warned by the US by the same month.
However, the National government never incurred against Indonesia nor showed a threat against the government in Jakarta. Instead, the Australians were pressured by the United States under Jimmy Carter. In response to protecting one of the largest United States partners in the Asia Pacific, the United States protected Indonesia against Australia, rendering them any chance of attacking. Should they announce their belligerence, Carter would respond with active assistance, thus bringing the US into war against Australia. The National, feared the United States’ involvement, back down against any attacking, and waited for a chance by the next presidency. Alas, time was not in the National Government.
As the National, under the 4-year term, failed to pass the aggressive promises on the Australian people, the SCP used the momentum to attack National for ‘senile redemption’. They condemned the party to possess no awareness of realism, that isolation during the century was better off. Including scandals from the inner government. The Killen’s Scandal increased distrust towards low-income urban as accusations of corruption involved the Australian local government responsible for bulldozing thirteen neighbourhoods. The Port Sea Disappearance of Lionel Bowen increased people’s suspicion of malicious National attempts on discouraging SCP’s voter base.
John Dawkins, 1983 Inaugural Speech
In 1983, the National government faltered under the now dominant SCP. As the Liberal and Labour had been a minor party by this time, John Dawkins, a young compassionate SCP, was elected as the nation’s third President. Unlike the unstable Billy Snedden and unmandated Bill Kerr, Dawkins brought the SCP’s manifesto and increased it a notch. As mere goodwill from the first government, the SCP maintained the presidential system and strengthen it under a distinct Austral value. Overall, 1983 had been Australia's Decade of Silence. Despite rumours of Australia entering the EAC or returning on an amiable relation with Indonesia, isolation eventually won and Australia remained isolated from the world.
Try's talk with Tutut was inspired, honestly, by this TL's last post before hiatus. However, I can assure you and the writer that this conversation was wholly on a different objective, topic and situation. Here, you can see Tutut's trying to explore party partnerships outside the PPP's grasp, especially as Musa is slipping.
Australian related threads ITTL here and here. Obviously, the new dominance had both been rather isolationist. The SCP stated that in their own party while the Nationals tried to fight rather than befriend. This was mostly the reason why Australia remained dormant until the 90s arrives.
ITTL characters are adopted from IOTL people. But with slight alterations. For example, under three presidents, only John Dawkins actually served in the Australian Aggression. As a result, he had no intention on those islands (New Guinea, Christmas and Cocos) and thus refrain very well against military expansion. Billy Snedden, a mature politician of the liberal, was the 'lion' of the party, only to be washed by the tides of change. Bill Kerr can be perceived as the 'reactionary' candidate as people demanded revanchism of such a political defeat.
I won't promise the exact time of the next post. But tomorrow I will finalize a third edit of the US Election {yes, I'm still not satisfied by the second revision}, with notable bellwether states, better explanation and ongoing trends {per super region}.
Australian related threads ITTL here and here. Obviously, the new dominance had both been rather isolationist. The SCP stated that in their own party while the Nationals tried to fight rather than befriend. This was mostly the reason why Australia remained dormant until the 90s arrives.
ITTL characters are adopted from IOTL people. But with slight alterations. For example, under three presidents, only John Dawkins actually served in the Australian Aggression. As a result, he had no intention on those islands (New Guinea, Christmas and Cocos) and thus refrain very well against military expansion. Billy Snedden, a mature politician of the liberal, was the 'lion' of the party, only to be washed by the tides of change. Bill Kerr can be perceived as the 'reactionary' candidate as people demanded revanchism of such a political defeat.
I won't promise the exact time of the next post. But tomorrow I will finalize a third edit of the US Election {yes, I'm still not satisfied by the second revision}, with notable bellwether states, better explanation and ongoing trends {per super region}.
Tradition vs Progress Part 4: Short Update
The Democratic Maelstrom
17th May 1987
The Speaker of the Congress, Samuel Blakeley Hall Jr., arrived with a distraught state. As a member of the Carter Centrists (namely Progressive to bring confusion), Hall was adamant on Glenn’s desperate attempt to court Democratic support towards his agenda. Mostly put, the Southern Democrats, unlike the FDR ones, were slightly powerful in the Democratic Party. The leak today has bolstered the trend further.
Just days before, a leak of the United State’s true involvement in South Vietnam has been leaked to the press. The Washington Post had received it first, along with the New York Times and many others. Not only do they portray the initial years of war, but the leak also explained the crises to maintain stability in South Vietnam, as well as the ‘permanent base of South Vietnam for Americans to linger. From the Kennedys to Glenn, the leak ranged decades on how government objectives in South Vietnam changed over time.
This had been, truthy, the worst government scandal in the United States in history. It spans multiple presidencies, with lesser evils on Shafer and Carter (quite shocking as a matter of fact, even the public endorses it). Glenn under the new Vietnam War, with Kennedy on the previous one, had shone a bad light on how the New Deal Liberals tend to overexert power in third world countries. The current scandal also shows that Carter Democrats, arbitrarily, turned more into the ‘isolationist’ ones and ‘pacifist’ instead of the intervention Northern. At least, Hall has perceived it as such.
“The scandal is horrendous! We might lose the party’s stability. We should do something about it!”
Tom Foley exclaimed this to Hall, who has not been advocating any stance whatsoever. The Conservative Party discredit the government as instant as the scandal had turned out. However, the plan softly backfired as the Pentagon Papers also uncovered Haldeman’s short presidency as “erratic” and “dangerous”. Eventually, the Conservative Party stumbled upon itself as equivalent evils to the New Deal Liberals.
“There is no hope, Tom. The liberal faction will falter. Glenn has started losing popularity faster than his space endeavours.” Hall attempted to curb Tom Foley’s paranoia as the circumstances show the Carterian Democrats to be highly favourable on this scandal’s aftermath. However, after decades of FDR’s dominance, the Democratic Party was so ingrained in one’s position that shifting it to the South again, in his opinion, would be particularly difficult.
Tom Foley exited his office frantically, disappointed with Hall’s partial judgement on one’s faction. However, Hall was distraught in another case. The red politicians, despite anti-war, was clinging too much to regionalist attitude. New Englanders, despite protesting the interventions in most American involvements, never gave the crucial criticism because of one’s bias on a region. It never changed the fact Glenn barely win a state in the South from his campaign policies: overtly dissuading Southern voters.
The Democratic Party, as part of the journeys of time, had been dominant with New England politicians immediately after FDR’s domination as the greatest American president of all time. Winning the Pacific War and, ultimately, the victory of the Allied cause in Europe, the Democratic Party had become strongly dominated as party success both domestic and foreign. They cured the Great Depression, expand public works, drastically changed the social system in the United States.
The Southern progressive, mixing Southern norms with slightly liberal virtues, had been a mixture of Carter’s policy as he became the 2nd President with the longest term in the United States. Despite he promoted green energy, the basis of the argument relies on favouring farmers and ranchers. He successfully did so, ironically alienating labour unions against this policy as most industrial workplaces closed for this policy. Glenn’s administration, fully prioritized the labour unions of the Rust Belt, had angered Moderate Southern Democrats that wished for a continuation of the predecessor’s policy.
The marriage between Carter and Glenn, on his last term, fruited to be stable for party unity. However, as Glenn nominated McNamara as his running mate, Southern Democrats felt alienated with the party to leaning for New Englanders. The revealed Pentagon Paper will destroy the faction.
Hall then analyses the Conservative efforts on claiming the government. For some time, the reformist Conservatives, the Young Four, in particular, had endeavoured to appease the Rust Belt with moderately conservative values that labour unions can support upon. The campaign for the protection of workers’ rights while paradoxically pushing for the right-to-work law. Joe Biden, specifically, argued Delaware’s situation to be quite grim, pushing for transformation from the old industrial region into service workers. He, along with New England conservatives, put few conservative policies on an overall agenda that was roughly not conservative. Indeed, the Conservatives were that desperate after the latest attempts in 1980 and 1984 ended with a humiliating defeat.
The formerly Texan State Representative, Hall will try to secure the Northern Democrats if possible. However, if this Sixth Party System, as many analysts had coined the terminology, defined a resurgence of Southern Democrats, Hall will gladly do so.
17th May 1987
The Speaker of the Congress, Samuel Blakeley Hall Jr., arrived with a distraught state. As a member of the Carter Centrists (namely Progressive to bring confusion), Hall was adamant on Glenn’s desperate attempt to court Democratic support towards his agenda. Mostly put, the Southern Democrats, unlike the FDR ones, were slightly powerful in the Democratic Party. The leak today has bolstered the trend further.
Just days before, a leak of the United State’s true involvement in South Vietnam has been leaked to the press. The Washington Post had received it first, along with the New York Times and many others. Not only do they portray the initial years of war, but the leak also explained the crises to maintain stability in South Vietnam, as well as the ‘permanent base of South Vietnam for Americans to linger. From the Kennedys to Glenn, the leak ranged decades on how government objectives in South Vietnam changed over time.
This had been, truthy, the worst government scandal in the United States in history. It spans multiple presidencies, with lesser evils on Shafer and Carter (quite shocking as a matter of fact, even the public endorses it). Glenn under the new Vietnam War, with Kennedy on the previous one, had shone a bad light on how the New Deal Liberals tend to overexert power in third world countries. The current scandal also shows that Carter Democrats, arbitrarily, turned more into the ‘isolationist’ ones and ‘pacifist’ instead of the intervention Northern. At least, Hall has perceived it as such.
“The scandal is horrendous! We might lose the party’s stability. We should do something about it!”
Tom Foley exclaimed this to Hall, who has not been advocating any stance whatsoever. The Conservative Party discredit the government as instant as the scandal had turned out. However, the plan softly backfired as the Pentagon Papers also uncovered Haldeman’s short presidency as “erratic” and “dangerous”. Eventually, the Conservative Party stumbled upon itself as equivalent evils to the New Deal Liberals.
“There is no hope, Tom. The liberal faction will falter. Glenn has started losing popularity faster than his space endeavours.” Hall attempted to curb Tom Foley’s paranoia as the circumstances show the Carterian Democrats to be highly favourable on this scandal’s aftermath. However, after decades of FDR’s dominance, the Democratic Party was so ingrained in one’s position that shifting it to the South again, in his opinion, would be particularly difficult.
Tom Foley exited his office frantically, disappointed with Hall’s partial judgement on one’s faction. However, Hall was distraught in another case. The red politicians, despite anti-war, was clinging too much to regionalist attitude. New Englanders, despite protesting the interventions in most American involvements, never gave the crucial criticism because of one’s bias on a region. It never changed the fact Glenn barely win a state in the South from his campaign policies: overtly dissuading Southern voters.
The Democratic Party, as part of the journeys of time, had been dominant with New England politicians immediately after FDR’s domination as the greatest American president of all time. Winning the Pacific War and, ultimately, the victory of the Allied cause in Europe, the Democratic Party had become strongly dominated as party success both domestic and foreign. They cured the Great Depression, expand public works, drastically changed the social system in the United States.
The Southern progressive, mixing Southern norms with slightly liberal virtues, had been a mixture of Carter’s policy as he became the 2nd President with the longest term in the United States. Despite he promoted green energy, the basis of the argument relies on favouring farmers and ranchers. He successfully did so, ironically alienating labour unions against this policy as most industrial workplaces closed for this policy. Glenn’s administration, fully prioritized the labour unions of the Rust Belt, had angered Moderate Southern Democrats that wished for a continuation of the predecessor’s policy.
The marriage between Carter and Glenn, on his last term, fruited to be stable for party unity. However, as Glenn nominated McNamara as his running mate, Southern Democrats felt alienated with the party to leaning for New Englanders. The revealed Pentagon Paper will destroy the faction.
Hall then analyses the Conservative efforts on claiming the government. For some time, the reformist Conservatives, the Young Four, in particular, had endeavoured to appease the Rust Belt with moderately conservative values that labour unions can support upon. The campaign for the protection of workers’ rights while paradoxically pushing for the right-to-work law. Joe Biden, specifically, argued Delaware’s situation to be quite grim, pushing for transformation from the old industrial region into service workers. He, along with New England conservatives, put few conservative policies on an overall agenda that was roughly not conservative. Indeed, the Conservatives were that desperate after the latest attempts in 1980 and 1984 ended with a humiliating defeat.
The formerly Texan State Representative, Hall will try to secure the Northern Democrats if possible. However, if this Sixth Party System, as many analysts had coined the terminology, defined a resurgence of Southern Democrats, Hall will gladly do so.
What Good Comes from Subandrio’s Populism?
As many Indonesians had seen Subandrio’s attempts on dissuading LKY’s popularity by shooting his party in the foot, Subandrio had his final straw when his education reforms were overshadowed by Premier Musa Hitam. As efforts of co-operating in governance, he seemed to do poorly as he desperately needed popularity nearing his presidential term-end. However, as many policies recoiled under sick twists of fate, Subandrio’s presidency stumbled on how he can regain his image in Indonesia.
In 1987, various policies had been deadlocked by the government, either with growing dissent to Subandrio or opposing equally within the PPP or the opposition. Yet, Musa Hitam’s strength as the Coalition was barely firm as the PRD was inching away against the robbery and open opposition the conservating wing of the PPP had done towards the PRD’s manifesto. Even in Mahathir’s political game, the PRD was dwindling in favour of Kesejahteraan Rakyat, not mentioning various opposing parties like PPI and PUI hungrily aimed for these voters.
Subandrio, covertly against his premier’s acquaintance, contacted Mahathir for the intricacies of Malayan politics. As politicians of different historical backgrounds, Subandrio became well acquainted with Mahathir’s "politeness" as opposed to most of Malacca’s "frankness". He hatched a plan that changed the political balance of Indonesia.
Initially, the balance of power for government laid on workers ranged from agricultural farmers into arduous labourers. However, the true common goal for these workers rested on their well-depicted struggle for independent governance. Sukarno had given the decades-long strive that ended with pyrrhic victory. Traumatised war victims, especially city dwellers, had been staunchly advocated on Nasution’s reconstruction program, unlike the countryside which mostly remained untouched throughout the war.
Subandrio’s initial victory, in essence, was the loss of PNI-R’s mandate in most city workers, contributed by LKY’s success in Singapore. As the PPP is the party of LKY too, his popularity increased his chances of victory, then winning the election. However, the radicalization of the city dweller fully ingrained in their idolization of LKY, ended with the countryside populace fully alienated and distant themselves from cities. Slowly, the PUI, PPI, a particular faction of the PPP and somewhat PNI-R, became opposed to Musa’s faction whose power ended prematurely before the 1988 election.
Musa’s insistence on continuing LKY’s policies with Subandrio’s insistence against it, caused the government post-1987 to be relatively unstable in comparison to the previous decades. Not only do common occurrence of city vs rural can be seen commonly on Parliament, but suburbs might also become battlegrounds between urban invaders and rural defenders. The hellhole that caused this, in addition to the PPP Convention, was Subandrio’s fateful meeting on 5th May 1987.
Subandrio’s background on that meeting came across an idea where the Malaya-Java dispute can end easily with allying them against the cause of Musa’s modernization. Both regions had conservatively traditional Islamist, both regions are mostly rural that hated city dwellers whose percentage of minorities are overrepresented than nationally. Although ethnic rivalry still existed, Subandrio attempted to curb the rivalry at least by advocating a united cause: rebuking the rapid liberalization of societal norms and continuing the old traditionally accustomed traditions one adopts.
As reshuffle rumours started to spread, the President started to move his notion into one objective: uniting the Melayu conservatives (Mahathir’s Faction) with Javan conservatives (the NUs). The task, albeit simple in words, were not in action as they already had differences in a few policies. The NU, for example, had accepted Jews as rightful citizens of Indonesia, while the Melayus don’t. The NU favoured slight modernization of the economy, as the Majapahit State benefited from stronger Surabaya, the Melayus don’t as both Malacca and Singapore became Malaya’s go-to-city instead of Kuala Lumpur.
On 5th May 1987, the President announced a surprise meeting between NU figure Abdurrahman Wahid and Mahathir Muhammad. That faithful Tuesday, the President discussed with the two figures their views of Islamism, politics, and a few other interesting issues. The President deliberately barred a few of his failures into mentioning, although he later expressed them as "lesson learned". Surprisingly, it went rather well and both parties amend their bitter dispute.
The response of this meeting was a blow towards PNI-R and PPP’s Liberal Faction, each thinking they have courted Wahid’s backing as he supported the Jews. The NU Faction, purposefully, gave the blur stance so their voters would not dwindle from a side-picking. The NU’s pesantren had been rather accepting towards the new era of Indonesian tolerance, revoking the ambience would certainly hit some wrong people into opposing the NU.
Both are critical issues for the 1988 Election in both countries. Also, this post is the first that I inserted non-Indonesian perspectives into writing. From now on, I can say that American politics will strongly influence Indonesia's, but not vice-versa (at least until the 2000s kicks in)
A quite short and rather bland update. But I need to post this before a two-week hiatus because of college events. In the meantime, I hope this would suffice and see you in probably two weeks.
A quite short and rather bland update. But I need to post this before a two-week hiatus because of college events. In the meantime, I hope this would suffice and see you in probably two weeks.
I have been reorganizing my college work, and last week I had a science competition. However, we will resume at the latest by the end of the week.
While you all wait, I give you a few spoilers about what's to come [not necessarily the upcoming post, but sneak peeks of "Tradition vs Progress"]
Domestic Events: [First row as the immediate chapter, the second row of what's to come]
Foreign Events: [First row as the immediate chapter, the second row of what's to come]
Tradition vs Progress Part 5: End of the Hiatus!
Jakarta Flood of 1987
A black-white picture of the flood, romanticised by a local newspaper
Jakarta has been renowned to bear flash floods throughout its antiquity. A lowland with a rather undeveloped flood bank from years of neglect and demographical mismanagement would cause routine flash floods in wet seasons, Jakarta is one of them. In 1960 for example, due to progressively intensified regularity of bombings, along with days of the deluge on the city, the flood of 1960 happened in Jakarta. The historical records, along with people’s narrative of that time, however, never criticized the government for the disasters because of the bigger crisis. The flood of 1987, however, was a different case. The aftermath of which declare the hitherto urban planning debate.
The Gambir region had been affluent and top of the nation. Located at the heart of the city, it was also the centre of the federation as the highest of authority lies within that area. Home of the presidential palace, various ministerial offices, and regional secretariat, Gambir was debuted to be profoundly protected towards any calamities.
On 21st of May 1987. The weather in the city was filled with dark clouds, a rare occurrence in the hot season on Javan Island. Badan Meteorologi dan Geofisika (BMG) argued La Nina, a seasonal event in the Pacific Ocean, as the prime suspect. La Nina is caused by abnormally lower temperature gradients in the Western portion of the Pacific Ocean which affects a higher rate of rain. However, none should be concerned as by May the brute of the wet season has gone, and no imminent flood disaster should happen.
It all changed in a single week.
The first day of downpour arrived welcomely by the populace who had longed for rain. Indeed, it has been a week ago that Jakartans endured a mini ‘heatwave’ across the region, days, and days of clear sunny skies. That day, was a relief for most and a blessing for all. On that day, nearly 7 hours of it was occupied by rain. The second day of the projected downpour, meanwhile, poured intensively as Jakarta used to in the eclipse of the rainy season. For three hours, a heavy downpour washed the entire city. On this day too, several residents had noticed strange incidents.
The first complaint arrived on the walkers of Monas. At three in the afternoon, he confessed a foul scent all over the national monument, a smell as bad as faeces itself. Not long, many also experience the same smell. Media outlets argued the foul scent came from dried pollution that lingered during the early months of no precipitation. Now, because of the rain, the process of ‘washing’ is underway. Even a few scholars expressed no concern, stating that it will soon be gone. On the third day, nevertheless, never enjoyed the prediction. Instead, it had gone worse. Undeniably, BMG stated possible five-day precipitation with the peak on the fourth day. Notwithstanding the weather forecast, the problem shifted to the stronger smell in the area. District-Secretary Sudomo Hendarto instructed a check on the urban drains, he suspected the problem to lie there. The specialists responded him to wait for two more days of preparation. In his mind, the lack of urgency and swiftness disturbed him for imminent adversity. Unfortunately, he was right.
On the 25th of May 2021 at 22.00 in the night, the government officials began to panic as the three-hour torrential rainfall caused puddles to emerge throughout the street. These occurrences also happened in coincidentally demographic-concentrated areas like Roxy, Jatinegara, Tebet and Pademangan. These puddles later turned into flash floods by midnight. In the morning, the Monas region had flooded waist-deep, including the Presidential Palace located merely North of the national icon. Similarly, the other named areas were flooded. Worse, as Tuesday morning arrives, office workers and urban commuters must endure the smell and touch of the stinking liquid on the streets.
The aftermath of the flood near Senen
District-Secretary Sudomo Hendarto was furious by the sheer problem he had overseen. A district overhaul was set to address where and when ineptitude had taken place under his management. He feared condemnation of him as a leader, which indirectly could cause discrimination of his race, furthermore, fueled the political battle the federal government had been materializing. He trod on dangerous grounds as the first Chinese-Indonesian District Secretary of the federal capital, he needed answers rapidly to avoid unwanted consequences. Luckily, he received the answer fast, and the culprit was not his to blame. A group of social voluntary workers from Senen discovered blockages beneath a few chokepoints of Jakarta’s drainage system. This in turn had emerged into an expansive 1500 points of blockages, all of them located in the flooded areas and other non-flooded areas (notably called ‘high-risk’ ones). The causes of these blockages were initially found from collapsed ditches possible from the bombings. Yet, many of the obstructions came from the appalling trash that blocked the underbelly of Jakarta.
The drain near Pulo Gadung, Eastern part of Jakarta
The District-Secretary proposed the city a solution by Friday of the same week. He introduced strict government urban planning on the city of Jakarta, nicknamed “Gambir Decision”. Appointed many environmentalists, urban planners, and architects across the nation and overseas, Hendarto opened the initial program of a staggering ten long years long term planning to revitalize the city. Gambir Decision was divided into three stages. The first stage explored all high-risk flooding areas in embankment or coastal areas. These areas will be classified as hierarchical categories each contributing to specific prioritization from the government. From there, these high-risk areas will receive government programs like drainage revitalization, canal enlargement, or green-city intensification. These actions must be done indefinitely. Consequently, eviction, demolition and other coercive methods may be used to forcefully fix the urban environment. The second stage expanded the programs conducted in the first stage, to the whole city of Jakarta. The third stage grants governmental permission to seize areas necessary for future endeavours.
Hendarto used this program to alleviate the uncovered mess in Jakarta, as well as anticipate the future events one might exacerbate. A fringe community of migrated American settlers have terrorized Hendarto ‘global warming’ would sink Jakarta to the sea. He, although did not believe the words until the term was trivialized in the 2000s, determined to fix Jakarta anyway from a different perspective. He wished for better urban management under his city. Conveniently, many of the unregulated places are located on the same ‘high-risk’ areas that the observation had uncovered. Because of the federal agreement, all citizens born or living as a Jakarta residents may receive well compensation. The commuter ones, sadly, receive none.
The Gambir Decision had received a positive response from Jakarta native population, but the opposite of it in non-native settlers of Jakarta. These countryside migrants became the bulk of the eviction methods by months to come. This led to increased wrath on rural settlers towards cities, aggravated the societal conflict. Simultaneously, the federal government was struggling with each other as the President pushed a shocking initiative.
27th May 1987
Trengganu, Indonesia
Achmad Affandi, the Indonesian Ministry of Agriculture, stood on the clear sky of the Malayan Peninsula. He chuckled at the weather as in Jakarta a flash flood had befallen. He awaited Hendarto’s comeback on the so-called ‘worst disaster of the decade’, the man’s wittiness had been well-known even to political rivals. In the meantime, he stood here alongside President Subandrio, a visit towards the farmers of the peninsula. As the Minister of Agriculture, Affandi advocated on government’s priority towards farmers and rural conditions. The LKY and Musa Hitam leadership both partly neglected the situation, the President of Indonesia did not.
Trengganu, Indonesia
Achmad Affandi, the Indonesian Ministry of Agriculture, stood on the clear sky of the Malayan Peninsula. He chuckled at the weather as in Jakarta a flash flood had befallen. He awaited Hendarto’s comeback on the so-called ‘worst disaster of the decade’, the man’s wittiness had been well-known even to political rivals. In the meantime, he stood here alongside President Subandrio, a visit towards the farmers of the peninsula. As the Minister of Agriculture, Affandi advocated on government’s priority towards farmers and rural conditions. The LKY and Musa Hitam leadership both partly neglected the situation, the President of Indonesia did not.
Achmad Affandi (1988)
Affandi was the first defector of the Hatta Faction to endorse the growing Kesejahteraan Rakyat Faction. Although the two factions’ manifests are to improve the prosperity of all classes of the people, especially the lower ones, the Kesejahteraan Rakyat faction had strongly suggested Malayan supremacy on governmental politics, siding the LKY or the Malacca Faction that filled with minority figures. Bumiputera or pribumi in terminology alike would be endorsed higher than other groups of the population. In his opinion, the elitist community LKY had created by the slogan ‘meritocracy’ had affected the common majority into a tyrannical minority rule.
Beside Affandi was the President of Indonesia, holding the area’s bountiful harvest while exclaim stated to the press before.
The president then instructed Mahathir Mohammad, the region’s golden boy. To speak after him.
President Subandrio, during that speech
Affandi had known of this to be publicized on this place, despite his criticism to focus more on the upcoming predicaments the Malayan farmers should overcome. However, part of him wished for a change of government, especially on the current administration to still possess a gregarious allegiance towards pro-business and pro-elite policies.
A series of chants erupted among the arrived farmers. Mahathir was extremely popular in these groups, especially on the Malayan Peninsula. The LKY administration, although indirectly, pushed for many modernization reforms that eventually expanded the economic equality and discrimination of the people. Chinese Indonesians and other white minorities had emerged as higher classes of the economic platform, while farmers in this area particularly pushed into the lowermost end.
In the cabinet, the President was courting for few ministers to join the cause. Hopefully, surprises will come to help the President reclaim the populist chant back into the cabinet members, notably the Prime Minister position.
Meanwhile, Affandi heard the news from the President's aide in whispers. Although he remained committed to not listening, he recollected a few words such as 'Iraq', 'purge' and 'Saddam Hussein' all in one sentence. He certainly was oblivious of that time to what that would mean, maybe foreign minister Anwar Ibrahim will understand well.
25th May 1987
The Representative of the California 5th District, Harry Britt, expressed his opposition against offshore drilling in California. After the Exxon Valdez Spill in Alaska, the environmentalist on Western Coast has pushed for anti-drilling efforts. However, as relatively few oil disasters happened in the region, these motions received heavy opposition from people that had optimistic views about offshore drilling being better than onshore drilling.
The Representative of the California 5th District, Harry Britt, expressed his opposition against offshore drilling in California. After the Exxon Valdez Spill in Alaska, the environmentalist on Western Coast has pushed for anti-drilling efforts. However, as relatively few oil disasters happened in the region, these motions received heavy opposition from people that had optimistic views about offshore drilling being better than onshore drilling.
Exxon Valdez incident, 1988
In California, offshore drilling has been heavily oversight by the government of California. Unlike few states that pushed for profit, the drillings in California pursued a careful approach, sometimes expending a few million over budget from the initial plan. Still, these actions, albeit not profitable, caused California to have the safest offshore drilling in the United States. In addition to Carter’s harsh punishment against polluting associations, oil companies have checked to the minutest of things. Consequently, the environmentalist kept losing opinions against these successful corporates.
In another perspective, the Mexican newcomers that arrived in the United States from Carter’s quite liberal immigration policy had attracted many to the border states, notably California and Texas. These Hispanics, less educated and fewer estates than the White population, moved them into blue-collar jobs. Unlike most whites who occupied as superiors, these men rely on those dirty work, oil drilling companies until factories as their source of living. As the Democratic-leaning of the group, the Hispanics among others have caused a slight shift in the Democratic Party. Despite Carter’s environmentalist tendencies during his presidency, the faction he resides in was eroding the fringe greens. Harry Britt had been one of them.
The conditions applied had returned, the strong unity under Carter’s voting bloc has maintained farmers and white rural southerners better while the north remain stagnated. Before, Kennedy had fractured the New Deal Coalition because of Civil Rights and societal issues. As Carter partially healed the chasm, Glenn returned the status quo, returning the Democratic party into crossroads once again. The party’s manifesto has been strong on pro-immigrants and pro-minority people. This has been Glenn’s campaign to restrengthen the liberal voting bloc, but the Southern Democrats had opposed deeply against this matter. The higher-ups have intended to mediate the endangered unity by proposing a compromise between both sides. Ultimately, the compromise they agreed fruited destructive for the one faction he endorsed heavily on.
Harry Britt and his pro-environmental friends, caught between the compromise which both factions agreed on environmental issues to support against green and eco-friendly initiatives. This, despite going against Carter’s administration, had been agreed on both echelons of the faction’s leader. The ‘Glennards’ thought environmentalism would kill their chances on union workers, while the Southerners thoughtless on eco-friendly consumerism as those products are substantially luxurious to an everyday farmer.
In California, the so-called ‘Sixth Party System’ had arrived to shift California’s dichotomous politics into bizarrely extreme ways. The most liberal state of the 80s had mixed with populist tendencies of the lower class of the economic class as well as minorities that remained mostly within that same identity. Indeed, the liberal-minded populace remained the highest on the state but waning from the agreement caused by Glenn’s presidential disaster. Harry Britt, as a result, grow anxious about how the environmental movement in California would proceed.
Harry Britt looked through the bus’s window, which presented a group of college students campaigned for the closure of Union Oil in Santa Barbara. Offshore drilling has remained the safest drilling on the entire Western Coast, but the dangers of an oil spill would cause extensive damage on Southern California’s coasts.
Hello all, it's been quite a while. Have you ever had a thought where you just tell everyone "Yeah, I can do it tomorrow," and suddenly the entire world gave you complete burden so to break a promise? Yeah, that was me. The first two-thirds was actually finished last week, but the last third remained in the editing section because of how incoherent it would be for my upcoming post. Therefore, I apologize that the international events remained vaguely described, if not entirely misleading. Moreover, it's foolish of me to promise something I probably break.
Anyways, enough of the personal stuff.
Jakarta has always experienced flash floods in three hour-duration during anomalous weather during summer times, but not on the scale described above. This event can be described entirely as negligence and carelessness from the government and the people. However, this story remained steadfastly coincide with the narrative I've prepared for the convention day (if you have guessed it, there is a subtle message on the date).
The same goes for Subandrio's attempts to alienate himself from the government. He invited opposing sides of the same party, affirming that Subandrio is pro-people but remain loyal to one's party. Unlike the effects of the PRD, which the PNI-R split caused few disheartened voters that move somewhere else, like the PPP, causing damages to both sides equally potent.
The international events will be a precursor to both Exxon Valdez's importance to Glenn's survivability in reelection, as well as the other picture I haven't covered enough. However, we can safely assume that Carter was reforming the coalition voter group of his predecessor (albeit weaker than Roosevelt's). The Glenn's Administration however progressed similarly like the 1960s Democratic Party, currently at crossroads (on this time) either the southern Carters or the more pro-union Glennards. I purposely left the Conservatives aside as they too will have a transformative change in the future.