Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL

What do you think about this thread?

  • Awesome!!

    Votes: 80 61.5%
  • Okay...

    Votes: 33 25.4%
  • Meh...

    Votes: 12 9.2%
  • It's Bad

    Votes: 5 3.8%

  • Total voters
    130
Maybe we can take designs from IRL and make it as a joint program or license build with Euros for the fighter designs. Such as Tornado fighters or the Typhoons.
Yeah i suppose that would be best since designing an indegenous/original aircraft design is quite hard so indonesia ittl probably just get a license to built them same with ships,tanks and guns (though for the guns i have a feeling pindad already designing a new rifle ittl)
 
Yeah i suppose that would be best since designing an indegenous/original aircraft design is quite hard so indonesia ittl probably just get a license to built them same with ships,tanks and guns (though for the guns i have a feeling pindad already designing a new rifle ittl)
License build would be better where in the long run experience from license building would be implemented when Indonesia make their own indigenous equipment (In particular Naval equipment since IRL german has a really good SSK and some good surface combatant)
 
License build would be better where in the long run experience from license building would be implemented when Indonesia make their own indigenous equipment (In particular Naval equipment since IRL german has a really good SSK and some good surface combatant)
Indeed and since the german ittl taken over the east german i bet they would copy several stuff (maybe the sks) and market it as a cheap service/marksman rifle
 
Ah thanks and also speaking of nurtanio will they br able to produce a locally produced fighter jets in the future? Be it only license built or even a new localy made design one
At least not until the change of millenium, but Indonesia is, in my confident opinion, capable for that. Even ITTL-wise, their propeller jets are a big hit for air travel.


Honestly, the idea of Subandrio justified of this actions is how his predecessors has implemented their own policies. Many of them are substantially popular even to current ITTL "present day". For instance, Sukarno's Revolutionary Struggle is no exception of love for the people, and his resignation in favor for the continuation of war felt right even on the minds of people. He obviously played his cards right and popularity stayed high. Nasution, despite his latter term mixed with Premier Subandrio's socialist norms, are heavily popular by certain policies, regardless of nationalistic or not, is still extremely popular. Look at his mega construction projects. Even with highest debt, the govenment successfully woo the people by simply giving them shiny toll roads and shiny monuments.

This now came to Subandrio. His education policies (Bilingual Act, etc), healthcare, and other stuff had changed the 1970s in favor for his popularity, but LKY's economic system slowly dwarfed him in terms of "pro-people-ness". His lack of luck in his reign, mostly if not alwaya, has damaged his reputation like the previous Cengkareng Massacre (which increase his suspicion to the military), LKY's impeachment (slowly question himself whether LKY's liberalism is the way) or all the crises after LKY's death.

To put it simply, I can safely acclaim this political era of Indonesia as the "Populist Era", where politicians went the way people look as "the norm" or "acceptable". The difference between Subandrio and the two previous men in charge is both Nasution and Sukarno had their own charisma to 'influence' people to adopt their idea as the 'popular norm', while Subandrio kept failing or dwarfed by others. Consequently, he has been inching to the 'populist chants' with the neutrality and pro-labour stuff. That's why he was jealous of his own co-worker, he just could not believe that a President would be outpopular, against the common history of his predecessors.

For Germany, I rather think this era as not the decline of Europe along with the war-guilt mentality to 'erase all identity and borders' akin to the OTL. But the return of monarchy in Germany signified a change which old Europe can withstand, despite all the atrocities succeeding after the fall of monarchism along with the preceeding before the revival, that Germany can be 'traditional' and 'modern' at the same time.

I may stop myself since telling more would spoil the TL, but this new form of 'monarchism' will be tested by the winds of extreme progressivism (note that no Reagan, therefore America continues the 60s movement without the backlash in the OTL 80s).
 
At least not until the change of millenium, but Indonesia is, in my confident opinion, capable for that. Even ITTL-wise, their propeller jets are a big hit for air travel.



Honestly, the idea of Subandrio justified of this actions is how his predecessors has implemented their own policies. Many of them are substantially popular even to current ITTL "present day". For instance, Sukarno's Revolutionary Struggle is no exception of love for the people, and his resignation in favor for the continuation of war felt right even on the minds of people. He obviously played his cards right and popularity stayed high. Nasution, despite his latter term mixed with Premier Subandrio's socialist norms, are heavily popular by certain policies, regardless of nationalistic or not, is still extremely popular. Look at his mega construction projects. Even with highest debt, the govenment successfully woo the people by simply giving them shiny toll roads and shiny monuments.

This now came to Subandrio. His education policies (Bilingual Act, etc), healthcare, and other stuff had changed the 1970s in favor for his popularity, but LKY's economic system slowly dwarfed him in terms of "pro-people-ness". His lack of luck in his reign, mostly if not alwaya, has damaged his reputation like the previous Cengkareng Massacre (which increase his suspicion to the military), LKY's impeachment (slowly question himself whether LKY's liberalism is the way) or all the crises after LKY's death.

To put it simply, I can safely acclaim this political era of Indonesia as the "Populist Era", where politicians went the way people look as "the norm" or "acceptable". The difference between Subandrio and the two previous men in charge is both Nasution and Sukarno had their own charisma to 'influence' people to adopt their idea as the 'popular norm', while Subandrio kept failing or dwarfed by others. Consequently, he has been inching to the 'populist chants' with the neutrality and pro-labour stuff. That's why he was jealous of his own co-worker, he just could not believe that a President would be outpopular, against the common history of his predecessors.
Yep I can see since the start when the protest by the farmers and the Nusantara State Gov debacle with the Federal Gov that this would be a start of a populist era. But to be honest I have to agree for some part of it about while the industrial growth help Indonesia a lot, in the long run there should be a sorr of protectionist law in particular for the farmers to ensure they are protected and also to ensure at least the country would still be independent on food production. And to be honest I will say I kinda felt pity for Subandrio because he want to make a name of himself like the former Presidents. Yet he got closed by the prestige of the Premiers (LKY to Musa Hitam)
And at the end I felt he just making more enemies and having seen negatively than making him more open (I mean as you said before Nasution handle this more better because he still seen popular on some stuff but for Subandrio while his populist rule will help some people and also mix with his early succeses yet in the long run I feel things could be back fired for him). World situation is not on his side either especially with the War in Indochina.
 
At least not until the change of millenium, but Indonesia is, in my confident opinion, capable for that. Even ITTL-wise, their propeller jets are a big hit for air travel.
This is just a suggestion but in the chapter I remember Habibie mention Israeli engineers in Nurtanio. Now I just thought lets say what if since Israel doesn’t exist anymore means israeli companies like IAI or Rafael is doesn’t exist anymore. And lets just say what if some of those engineers, scientists, or employees of the companies run say either to US or Madagascar (Indonesia) and just so happen found employment in Naturtion. And from then with the help of the help from them Habibie would start the creation of Naturtion Defense Systems as part of Naturtion as a whole and start creating missiles and maybe lets say the reason that Habibie go to German is to gather some additional technology for their projects (both missile and aircraft)
 
Indeed, we'll see more on Subandrio later on.

Habibie is trying what every intelectual tries to do, making their own legacy for the people. This jet deal he's making is crucial for Indonesia's prestige and his own. With the Jewish engineers, I can possibly imagine that not only Habibie, but most academias in Indonesia to fully support their wit and minds. The problem, meanwhile, stem on the great populace, whether Islam is still compatible to a Jewish presence, or the Arab's hatred has infected Indonesia too.

In a eerie sense, I can imagine Indonesia, for decades to come, evolve to a OTL American political system where the academias (like colleges) support minorities while Islam Conservatives (like White Evangelists) do the "build a wall" chant or some sort in the future.
 
Indeed, we'll see more on Subandrio later on.

Habibie is trying what every intelectual tries to do, making their own legacy for the people. This jet deal he's making is crucial for Indonesia's prestige and his own. With the Jewish engineers, I can possibly imagine that not only Habibie, but most academias in Indonesia to fully support their wit and minds. The problem, meanwhile, stem on the great populace, whether Islam is still compatible to a Jewish presence, or the Arab's hatred has infected Indonesia too.

In a eerie sense, I can imagine Indonesia, for decades to come, evolve to a OTL American political system where the academias (like colleges) support minorities while Islam Conservatives (like White Evangelists) do the "build a wall" chant or some sort in the future.
It could happen i can already sense a rift between the hardline conservative against the more liberal/moderate i guess academics or youths
 
Indeed, we'll see more on Subandrio later on.

Habibie is trying what every intelectual tries to do, making their own legacy for the people. This jet deal he's making is crucial for Indonesia's prestige and his own. With the Jewish engineers, I can possibly imagine that not only Habibie, but most academias in Indonesia to fully support their wit and minds. The problem, meanwhile, stem on the great populace, whether Islam is still compatible to a Jewish presence, or the Arab's hatred has infected Indonesia too.

In a eerie sense, I can imagine Indonesia, for decades to come, evolve to a OTL American political system where the academias (like colleges) support minorities while Islam Conservatives (like White Evangelists) do the "build a wall" chant or some sort in the future.
It still amuses me how in this TL that the jewish community manage to join this AU Indonesia yet we’ll see how they became in the end. Also even tho Habibie is doing it for legacy I guess there are some merit to it because Indonesia is well a country that is essentially a big bunch of Islands that unite themselves under the banner and the jet deal would probably help further connect the islands (and maybe help military technology too)
 
The Decay of Stability Part 9: The Ultimatum
4th March 1987
Pangeran Diponegoro Street No.58, Jakarta


Usep Ranawidjaja [1] read the morning tribune once more, stuttered from its contents. The presidency has turned up a notch especially with the growing rift between the Cabinet and the President. Even worse, Try Sutrisno and the PRD Golkar Faction seem to endorse the Malacca Faction despite had threatened an impeachment a year before. However, out of Subandrio’s growing intention to push for his policies, the implementations of those are radical and quite authoritarian. Nevertheless, this law expert, a defect PNI to PPP, had observed less ‘gore’ politics than he should.

Yesterday evening, around 10 pm to be exact, the President announced a cabinet reshuffle without any agreement with the Premier. The reshuffle plan would wait for the Premier’s consent for a month, at least the written constitution had stated, but if the Premier decided to reject the motion, the President can ask the Parliament for a vote about the reshuffle. During the time difference, the reshuffle motion would be considered by everyone (party officials, politicians, analysts, even the media) on which path the President wish to move forward. From Usep’s perspective, this is blatantly a rough attempt to kick Musa’s influence out from the cabinet.

Firstly, Finance Minister Radius Prawiro was transferred to the economy minister, ousting the incumbent Emil Salim in the process. Emil Salim, politically, was the aide of LKY during his tenure as Premier, contributing many to the economic growth of the 80s. The new Finance Minister would be Daim Zainuddin, a Kedah politician and businessman. This, obviously, will intrigue the growing Melayu Bersatu Faction, so that the leader Mahathir Mohammad became a political ally of Subandrio.

Secondly, BUMN Minister Frederik Trihandoko would be discharged. This was controversial as this definitely attacked the heart of the Triumvirate LKY had established before his death. Susilo Frederick Trihandoko would be replaced with Sabam Sirait, one of the President’s close allies. Trihandoko’s decline is solely from the blame of the forest fires as those companies indirectly funded or operated by one of Trihandoko’s swelling number of state enterprises. Although Trihandoko has strongly denied any involvement of the environmental damages, many of the government newfound records suggested otherwise, and the public in affected areas soon gave scrutiny to the minister. Usep, still sharp as usual, acknowledged the case as the otherwise. As head of the PNI-R’s central committee, he knew that many, if not entirely, of the enterprises involved in burning the growing air pollution, are companies owned by Malaya’s conglomerates. Those conglomerates, eventually, had a connection to Mahathir Mohammad. Still, that would not match the narrative of the contemporary politics Indonesia had evolved. To continue to vilify the Malacca Faction, Subandrio needed all the others to grow in popularity.
1601451101.jpg

Fire in South Sumatra, 1986. Trihandoko was to blame from multiple media.

The media, however, had blamed many of the environmental attacks on Trihandoko, simplify the President’s attempts to undermine their dominance in the cabinet. Although forest fires had occurred months before the newspaper, the reshuffle notion resurfaced the perusal of intrigued bodies of a humanitarian organization. Indeed, even Greenpeace, a tiny environmental body far in Europe, had campaigned against the growing fires in Indonesia.

Thirdly, with the heaviest impact of them all, Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim was to be ousted for General Soesilo Soedarman [2]. This surprised Usep as the new appointed has military ties yet understood the reason for the foreign ministry’s change. The new minister would be another clear attempt by the President to diffuse opposition made by his NAM program. Anwar Ibrahim had been agitated with the nation’s sudden change of affiliation, he intended to protest to the president. General Soesilo had also been highly staunch in the pro-neutrality doctrine proposed initially by President Sukarno. He expressed Indonesia’s restless army to keep sending special forces to places with our own defence weak. Condemning the interventionist followers as ‘hypocrites’, he pursued that Indonesia should maintain neutrality at all costs.

Coincidentally, Usep’s television announced the same concerns he has been reflecting for the last hour. The young reporter stood there in front of the Parliament Building. Her eyes look ahead to the camera with background sounds from the arriving politicians.
…Yes, Putri. I am here in the Parliament Building with Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, the Johor Representative. Excuse me, Sir. About the evening news about the reshuffle and all the people in it. What are your thoughts?​

Abdullah Badawi, with his usual formal attire, arrived with a few of his politician friends. Beside him, Mahathir himself could be seen standing near the politician. Badawi is a Johor politician but closely associated with Mahathir’s faction and his friends. He was supportive of the PNI-R, the party which incorporated Johor as a unique government status under Indonesia, but later join Mahathir as the new PNI-R leadership has turned against monarchism on the levels of the federal government. The talk of monarchism has become a growing issue in the national populace. Some folks determined that Indonesia should adopt a thorough democratically constituted state, thus no form of undemocratic government like hereditary successors should exist. It has gained in young, educated voters, all of whom had judged the monarchy as an outdated form of government. As a result, many of the pro-kingdom populace flocked to the other spectrum of the PPP, increasing the chasm between Melayu Bersatu’s conservative coalition and Malacca’s liberal faction.
1628934746915.png

Badawi, 1987
I think the President is returning to Indonesia’s former cause of neutrality. Frankly, we were never here at the time Sukarno pushed for the Bandung Conference, but he truly inspired many third nation countries to stand against the dividing world. Now, after decades of the Tripartite Cold War, it has returned to a bipolar world and the President is wise to start withdrawing on supporting any faction as the tension has been growing since.​

Usep agreed with Badawi. The New Secretary of the Soviet Union had revoked the détente stance of Andropov and his peaceful attitude to the confrontationist platform like Khrushchev and Molotov before. This, ultimately, pushed the United States government for a stronger stance to fight the impending Soviet Aggression. Ironically, as the Conservative South had lost the momentum to win the Cultural War, much of the anti-communist stance had died down. It could be the Americans are softening, losing bit by bit from the Soviets. But 1988 may be a game-changing election in America, returning the tension to 1960 levels. [3]

Usep did not listen to the television again as his Deputy has called him downstairs. He said that a few Papuan activists have arrived at the Headquarters of PNI-R’s Board of Federal Committee. He reminded that Papua’s political landscape had downright transformed, the natives are slowly become the minority of their native island and even being divided between the assimilationist faction and the separatist OPM faction. These activists are surely the assimilationist ones, but they insisted on retaining their Christian beliefs. Usep, as a PNI-R high figure, was told to endorse their cause and keep campaigning PNI-R’s multiculturalism on that matter. He hoped today’s events would be okay.​


Musa’s Ultimatum
commonwealthmusa-bin-hitam-G4RCT6.jpg

Immediately after the day, Subandrio announced a few of the cabinet members to be reshuffled, Premier Musa Hitam outright reject that offer and dared the President to ask the Parliament. In response to the President’s actions, he condemned the President as abusive on authority and did not consult him in advance when a reshuffle is being made. This surely attracted news coverage, especially the ratings they received after the dispute between the two highest powers of the federal republic. Another three million people, just from a turn of a single month, was added as daily viewers from the nation’s growing political crisis.

After a period of time when Musa Hitam decided to distance himself from the President after lengthy quarrels, Musa Hitam entered the Presidential Palace on the 5th of February, immediately after he toured urban design in Japan, to confront the President face-to-face. Although many concurred with the media to overly exaggerated events to contribute to higher ratings, the Premier surely was outraged by the President.

Under the secret files that were disclosed in 2027, the talks between the two gentlemen opened with greetings and simple formalities of cordial conversation. They talked about the domestic affairs around the country, many of whom had admittedly declined in growth from the laws passed and initiatives spent. Yet, as the Premier talked about the economy, the President slightly joked the Premier of ‘imitating the dead Premier’. From the records, it seemed that that paraphrase has truly offended the Premier who in turn completely roasted the President on the careless foreign policy. The 4-hour conversation ended with Musa Hitam exited the Presidential Palace in slight exasperation. [4]

The President, after the ordeal, had no comment and rapidly progressed on his own initiative. He flew to UASR and met President Nasser. They discussed the old non-align movement initiative proposed by Sukarno, which failed as Egypt and Indonesia back then endured life-changing events. Now, with the conditions on both countries had stabilized, they formulated an agreement to hold another Asia-Africa Conference momentarily. In his stops, he also invited Yugoslavia, Ghana and other African nations to join the conference. He promised that the third world power will return, and the bipolar world should acknowledge our presence as not pawns for superiority but friends of world cooperation. The media asked whether Indonesia’s new foreign policy had more purposes than decrease the world tension and promoting the third world underbelly, the President only shrugged ‘What else to say? That’s all there is.'

Although the President had expressed fewer intriguing aspects to appease the populace of his new strategy, many of the politicians in Parliament had endorsed it. Firstly, the PPI’s entire group has supported the President’s proposal, stating that Indonesia had returned to its initial course. The Melayu Faction of the PPP had also supported the President, added that the Third World Nations is not necessarily in Asia or Africa, but South America should be included. The PUI had said no comment on the matter, but many of the activists had sympathized with the consensus and wished the President to include the Islamic nations as well. Untung’s dying faction in the PRD party also conceded with the President and urge the entire nation to do similarly.

The opposition of the foreign policy is the PNI-R, the Malacca Faction of the PPP, and the Golkar Faction of the PRD. These factions did not oppose Indonesia’s return to the neutrality cause, but rather our nation’s entanglement with America’s unending donation throughout the years. These so-called ‘moral’ legislators agreed that the sudden turn of neutrality would be seen as a depreciation of America itself. Many of America’s successes such as the Moon Landing, had been analogous to Indonesia itself. As people with morality, surely Indonesia should maintain the current pro-American cause and move towards that path.

Nevertheless, the President had pushed for his own foreign policy, with a conference starting on April 18, 1987, exactly 32 years after the previous conference, and it will be located in Bandung too. This was hope to be a historic event, returning to the era of third world resurgence. The purpose had differed from the previous one, the current Non-Aligned Movement will be invented to reinforce world peace in the times of an increasingly polarized world. Furthermore, the NAM will try to stop all ongoing wars of nations under hot war by ideological issues. The last line had given the hope for the end of the Indochinese Wars and other sporadic crises in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Colombia, and many more.

Then, came the Premier. The Premier announced himself that the President had withdrawn all efforts of compromise and wished to fulfil his agenda rather than the common goal of the cabinet. By 15th March 1987, he announced the ultimatum with his Malacca Faction to President Subandrio. It became the Sunday Ultimatum, a significant event that changed Indonesia’s history.
Good Evening, Citizens of Indonesia. I hope you have a good day.

It has been a few months of exchange of ideas and direction for all of us. Here today, we have been introduced to new foreign direction, one which will change the course of our relationship with many foreign countries. Although it has been a revival of the old, we can all agree that the common goal is to position ourselves as a good nation in the international media.

What has been particularly interesting in my behalf is the fact that we had shifted to a new foreign direction for decades that some might considered wrong. The engaging of Indonesian people on one side of this global’s hegemon. As was mentioned by the honorable president for a few months. That is, the attitude we have been adopting for decades has slanted quite greatly on the previous goal that Indonesia had planned. To be frank, neither of the Malayan, Eastern Papuan nor Madagascar people formerly united on that common consensus back in the 40s but our nation has united far greater to adopt a united goal despite our differences.

Yet, personally, I need to disclose my concerns, particularly on the matter which we attempted to change course. Of course, the President’s goal has been noble, but that disregard on how the opposite party think. As fellow Indonesian, we have been thought moral virtue and custom, many of which agree that should one had aided so much we ought to repay as such. The problem is we should have repaid the United States so much for her protection and security. I believed that as we go towards a new direction, we have destroyed our relations with the old ones.

It seemed that despite my concerns to be true, endearing and certainly significant that many of my cabinet members agree, the President himself strive on his own beliefs. Indeed, Indonesia is passionate and resilient. These traits had carried them to become the greatest nation in maritime Asia. Yet, it is time to observe our surroundings. Should we remain resilient and frankly stubborn, the obstacles and dangers ahead would maybe be unnecessary.

Although we, as citizens of Indonesia, must solve a compromise rather than confrontation, three months before had not been the case in Indonesia’s politics. Furthermore, the dispute had been so severe that media attention is inevitable. Nevertheless, the government shall be transparent on this matter, and as the Premier of Indonesia, I will speak as such.

Starting today, I will give the President 30-days to resolve his own determination about his unwillingness to cooperate. The cabinet members which had signed on this paper had expressed their similar opinion. Those who signed, the Premier of Federal Republic of Indonesia Musa Hitam, Vice Premier of Indonesia Rudini, Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim, Defense Minister Try Sutrisno, Minister of Domestic Affairs Soepardjo Rustan, Minister of BUMN Frederik Trihandoko Beyond that deadline, the President should search for another cabinet member to replace us as we will resign from our posts.

I apologize to the entire nation that we have reached beyond reconciliation. We will expect to oppose the presidency by the next PPP Great Congress, I hope that our entire faction could understand our reasons.

Thank you, and good evening.​

Immediately after the Premier’s completion speech, the news broadcast aired every debate they could regarding this matter. The night after became a bloodbath of politics, experts debating on how the country will proceed. By Monday, the President has not decided to do anything, it seemed he would wait for that deadline, searching for another government to be formed for him, he just knew which ones he would appoint.

[1] He was formerly the head of DPP PDI in 1976 from this file. I have a little reference on this guy but he also wrote some books about law. I hope I have cited this right because the same name with different spelling can be different people (e.g Soerjadi and Suryadi).
[2] I have opened a post about him here.
[3] This came from Carter's landslide in the 80s with great backlash from Shafer's hardcore liberal motives. They later move towards non-left liberal or conservatism. But the conservatism lost plainly from the Conservative Party losing much of the election since 1972.
[4] In 1987 ITTL, this coverage is not publicised. This is an excerpt on a future date on what happened in 1987, similarly to secret presidential phone calls like Kennedy, etc.

I have been busy, again, now with college assignments.


Musa Hitam is challenging the presidency by simply threatening a resignation. Not a great move considering that what's Subandrio wanted but who knows what's ahead. Next should definitely be the NAM and do Musa officially resign or not.
 
Last edited:
4th March 1987
Pangeran Diponegoro Street No.58, Jakarta


Usep Ranawidjaja [1] read the morning tribune once more, stuttered from its contents. The presidency has turned up a notch especially with the growing rift between the Cabinet and the President. Even worse, Try Sutrisno and the PRD Golkar Faction seem to endorse the Malacca Faction despite had threatened an impeachment a year before. However, out of Subandrio’s growing intention to push for his policies, the implementations of those are radical and quite authoritarian. Nevertheless, this law expert, a defect PNI to PPP, had observed less ‘gore’ politics than he should.

Yesterday evening, around 10 pm to be exact, the President announced a cabinet reshuffle without any agreement with the Premier. The reshuffle plan would wait for the Premier’s consent for a month, at least the written constitution had stated, but if the Premier decided to reject the motion, the President can ask the Parliament for a vote about the reshuffle. During the time difference, the reshuffle motion would be considered by everyone (party officials, politicians, analysts, even the media) on which path the President wish to move forward. From Usep’s perspective, this is blatantly a rough attempt to kick Musa’s influence out from the cabinet.

Firstly, Finance Minister Radius Prawiro was transferred to the economy minister, ousting the incumbent Emil Salim in the process. Emil Salim, politically, was the aide of LKY during his tenure as Premier, contributing many to the economic growth of the 80s. The new Finance Minister would be Daim Zainuddin, a Kedah politician and businessman. This, obviously, will intrigue the growing Melayu Bersatu Faction, so that the leader Mahathir Mohammad became a political ally of Subandrio.

Secondly, BUMN Minister Frederik Trihandoko would be discharged. This was controversial as this definitely attacked the heart of the Triumvirate LKY had established before his death. Susilo Frederick Trihandoko would be replaced with Sabam Sirait, one of the President’s close allies. Trihandoko’s decline is solely from the blame of the forest fires as those companies indirectly funded or operated by one of Trihandoko’s swelling number of state enterprises. Although Trihandoko has strongly denied any involvement of the environmental damages, many of the government newfound records suggested otherwise, and the public in affected areas soon gave scrutiny to the minister. Usep, still sharp as usual, acknowledged the case as the otherwise. As head of the PNI-R’s central committee, he knew that many, if not entirely, of the enterprises involved in burning the growing air pollution, are companies owned by Malaya’s conglomerates. Those conglomerates, eventually, had a connection to Mahathir Mohammad. Still, that would not match the narrative of the contemporary politics Indonesia had evolved. To continue to vilify the Malacca Faction, Subandrio needed all the others to grow in popularity.
View attachment 672960
Fire in South Sumatra, 1986. Trihandoko was to blame from multiple media.

The media, however, had blamed many of the environmental attacks on Trihandoko, simplify the President’s attempts to undermine their dominance in the cabinet. Although forest fires had occurred months before the newspaper, the reshuffle notion resurfaced the perusal of intrigued bodies of a humanitarian organization. Indeed, even Greenpeace, a tiny environmental body far in Europe, had campaigned against the growing fires in Indonesia.

Thirdly, with the heaviest impact of them all, Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim was to be ousted for General Soesilo Soedarman [2]. This surprised Usep as the new appointed has military ties yet understood the reason for the foreign ministry’s change. The new minister would be another clear attempt by the President to diffuse opposition made by his NAM program. Anwar Ibrahim had been agitated with the nation’s sudden change of affiliation, he intended to protest to the president. General Soesilo had also been highly staunch in the pro-neutrality doctrine proposed initially by President Sukarno. He expressed Indonesia’s restless army to keep sending special forces to places with our own defence weak. Condemning the interventionist followers as ‘hypocrites’, he pursued that Indonesia should maintain neutrality at all costs.

Coincidentally, Usep’s television announced the same concerns he has been reflecting for the last hour. The young reporter stood there in front of the Parliament Building. Her eyes look ahead to the camera with background sounds from the arriving politicians.



Abdullah Badawi, with his usual formal attire, arrived with a few of his politician friends. Beside him, Mahathir himself could be seen standing near the politician. Badawi is a Johor politician but closely associated with Mahathir’s faction and his friends. He was supportive of the PNI-R, the party which incorporated Johor as a unique government status under Indonesia, but later join Mahathir as the new PNI-R leadership has turned against monarchism on the levels of the federal government. The talk of monarchism has become a growing issue in the national populace. Some folks determined that Indonesia should adopt a thorough democratically constituted state, thus no form of undemocratic government like hereditary successors should exist. It has gained in young, educated voters, all of whom had judged the monarchy as an outdated form of government. As a result, many of the pro-kingdom populace flocked to the other spectrum of the PPP, increasing the chasm between Melayu Bersatu’s conservative coalition and Malacca’s liberal faction.
View attachment 672958
Badawi, 1987



Usep agreed with Badawi. The New Secretary of the Soviet Union had revoked the détente stance of Andropov and his peaceful attitude to the confrontationist platform like Khrushchev and Molotov before. This, ultimately, pushed the United States government for a stronger stance to fight the impending Soviet Aggression. Ironically, as the Conservative South had lost the momentum to win the Cultural War, much of the anti-communist stance had died down. It could be the Americans are softening, losing bit by bit from the Soviets. But 1988 may be a game-changing election in America, returning the tension to 1960 levels. [3]

Usep did not listen to the television again as his Deputy has called him downstairs. He said that a few Papuan activists have arrived at the Headquarters of PNI-R’s Board of Federal Committee. He reminded that Papua’s political landscape had downright transformed, the natives are slowly become the minority of their native island and even being divided between the assimilationist faction and the separatist OPM faction. These activists are surely the assimilationist ones, but they insisted on retaining their Christian beliefs. Usep, as a PNI-R high figure, was told to endorse their cause and keep campaigning PNI-R’s multiculturalism on that matter. He hoped today’s events would be okay.​


Musa’s Ultimatum
View attachment 672959

Immediately after the day, Subandrio announced a few of the cabinet members to be reshuffled, Premier Musa Hitam outright reject that offer and dared the President to ask the Parliament. In response to the President’s actions, he condemned the President as abusive on authority and did not consult him in advance when a reshuffle is being made. This surely attracted news coverage, especially the ratings they received after the dispute between the two highest powers of the federal republic. Another three million people, just from a turn of a single month, was added as daily viewers from the nation’s growing political crisis.

After a period of time when Musa Hitam decided to distance himself from the President after lengthy quarrels, Musa Hitam entered the Presidential Palace on the 5th of February, immediately after he toured urban design in Japan, to confront the President face-to-face. Although many concurred with the media to overly exaggerated events to contribute to higher ratings, the Premier surely was outraged by the President.

Under the secret files that were disclosed in 2027, the talks between the two gentlemen opened with greetings and simple formalities of cordial conversation. They talked about the domestic affairs around the country, many of whom had admittedly declined in growth from the laws passed and initiatives spent. Yet, as the Premier talked about the economy, the President slightly joked the Premier of ‘imitating the dead Premier’. From the records, it seemed that that paraphrase has truly offended the Premier who in turn completely roasted the President on the careless foreign policy. The 4-hour conversation ended with Musa Hitam exited the Presidential Palace in slight exasperation. [4]

The President, after the ordeal, had no comment and rapidly progressed on his own initiative. He flew to UASR and met President Nasser. They discussed the old non-align movement initiative proposed by Sukarno, which failed as Egypt and Indonesia back then endured life-changing events. Now, with the conditions on both countries had stabilized, they formulated an agreement to hold another Asia-Africa Conference momentarily. In his stops, he also invited Yugoslavia, Ghana and other African nations to join the conference. He promised that the third world power will return, and the bipolar world should acknowledge our presence as not pawns for superiority but friends of world cooperation. The media asked whether Indonesia’s new foreign policy had more purposes than decrease the world tension and promoting the third world underbelly, the President only shrugged ‘What else to say? That’s all there is.'

Although the President had expressed fewer intriguing aspects to appease the populace of his new strategy, many of the politicians in Parliament had endorsed it. Firstly, the PPI’s entire group has supported the President’s proposal, stating that Indonesia had returned to its initial course. The Melayu Faction of the PPP had also supported the President, added that the Third World Nations is not necessarily in Asia or Africa, but South America should be included. The PUI had said no comment on the matter, but many of the activists had sympathized with the consensus and wished the President to include the Islamic nations as well. Untung’s dying faction in the PRD party also conceded with the President and urge the entire nation to do similarly.

The opposition of the foreign policy is the PNI-R, the Malacca Faction of the PPP, and the Golkar Faction of the PRD. These factions did not oppose Indonesia’s return to the neutrality cause, but rather our nation’s entanglement with America’s unending donation throughout the years. These so-called ‘moral’ legislators agreed that the sudden turn of neutrality would be seen as a depreciation of America itself. Many of America’s successes such as the Moon Landing, had been analogous to Indonesia itself. As people with morality, surely Indonesia should maintain the current pro-American cause and move towards that path.

Nevertheless, the President had pushed for his own foreign policy, with a conference starting on April 18, 1987, exactly 32 years after the previous conference, and it will be located in Bandung too. This was hope to be a historic event, returning to the era of third world resurgence. The purpose had differed from the previous one, the current Non-Aligned Movement will be invented to reinforce world peace in the times of an increasingly polarized world. Furthermore, the NAM will try to stop all ongoing wars of nations under hot war by ideological issues. The last line had given the hope for the end of the Indochinese Wars and other sporadic crises in Pakistan, Afghanistan, Colombia, and many more.

Then, came the Premier. The Premier announced himself that the President had withdrawn all efforts of compromise and wished to fulfil his agenda rather than the common goal of the cabinet. By 15th March 1987, he announced the ultimatum with his Malacca Faction to President Subandrio. It became the Sunday Ultimatum, a significant event that changed Indonesia’s history.



Immediately after the Premier’s completion speech, the news broadcast aired every debate they could regarding this matter. The night after became a bloodbath of politics, experts debating on how the country will proceed. By Monday, the President has not decided to do anything, it seemed he would wait for that deadline, searching for another government to be formed for him, he just knew which ones he would appoint.

[1] He was formerly the head of DPP PDI in 1976 from this file. I have a little reference on this guy but he also wrote some books about law. I hope I have cited this right because the same name with different spelling can be different people (e.g Soerjadi and Suryadi).
[2] I have opened a post about him here.
[3] This came from Carter's landslide in the 80s with great backlash from Shafer's hardcore liberal motives. They later move towards non-left liberal or conservatism. But the conservatism lost plainly from the Conservative Party losing much of the election since 1972.
[4] In 1987 ITTL, this coverage is not publicised. This is an expert on a future date on what happened in 1987, similarly to secret presidential phone calls like Kennedy, etc.
Cliffhanger, to be honest at this point I felt the President is really like a void or an anomaly. Because it’s just felt careless and you can see what is his reasonings (such as making legacy and stuff) yet it still felt that there is a question of why he do it. I’m not surprised if Musa Hitam and probably some of his Cabinet (especially Try Sutrisno) is really furious on what the President did but I guess we’ll see on the next post.
I have been busy, again, now with college assignments.
Focus on IRL it’s more important (especially with College). And I have to say for the writer that for the past chapters to now just saying in my opinion it is really impressive how you write this for the conflict between Subandrio and Musa Hitam and also for a lot of the domestic conflict that happening in the story. I’m just saying that I found this quite enjoyable and fun to read to be honest.
 
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Cliffhanger, to be honest at this point I felt the President is really like a void or an anomaly. Because it’s just felt careless and you can see what is his reasonings (such as making legacy and stuff) yet it still felt that there is a question of why he do it. I’m not surprised if Musa Hitam and probably some of his Cabinet (especially Try Sutrisno) is really furious on what the President did but I guess we’ll see on the next post.

Focus on IRL it’s more important (especially with College). And I have to say for the writer that for the past chapters to now just saying in my opinion it is really impressive how you write this for the conflict between Subandrio and Musa Hitam and also for a lot of the domestic conflict that happening in the story. I’m just saying that I found this quite enjoyable and fun to read to be honest.

I truly appreciate the compliment. Thank you:)

To be honest to all readers, I actually post Subandrio and this 80s as fully spontaneous. Ironically, I plan a lot of this TL's draft on the 2000-2020 era. Maybe that's a disasvantage for gen Zs, you just felt difficult to envision times before you .

To be frank, this feud can maybe spark the political division of conservative vs liberal voters greater. Hopefully, if the politicians can resolve right, modern Indonesia will not follow a path America does in OTL.
 
The Decay of Stability Part 10: Second Bandung Conference
The Second Bandung Conference and the Non-Aligned Endeavor
foto_1.jpg

War in Afghanistan since 1980, became the great example of proxy wars that Third World Nations despise

The status of Indonesia, under a common perspective, never positioned itself clearly on one international domain. Although firstly championed for a new, non-aligned view against what was the brewing Cold War, it eventually succumbed to a bizarrely unique bond with the United States of America. As the 70s and early 80s progressed, Indonesia had inched for a proper American alliance. In particular, the Roaring 80s, viewed by Indonesians had solidified an inflating number of supporters towards American idealism, including Western culture and social progressivism.

Yet not all opposition faltered and whimpered to the so-called ‘Westernization’. There are still few groups that withdrew the common trend and wished for a resurgence of the old. As Pancasila slowly descended into a mere symbol said by many oppositions, they eventually devised plans of retaliation. They finally drafted a unified approach, a foreign approach, that Indonesia should return on its neutrality doctrine. This opposition, emerging since 1987, was enticed quickly by President Subandrio and instantly adopted as his new approach coming to the LKY’s end.
I believe the new approach of our nation comes not from far beyond the lands of the Americas, but from the old doctrine which we tossed earlier for the sake of growth and change. As I perfect a quote from Adam Malik, we should ‘row between the corals’ (mendayung diantara karang-karang). We shall treat all nations equally friendly, and none should gaze at us as evil, outlandish, and immoral.

Subandrio, 1st April 1987

The people of Indonesia, during that era, crossed paths on the country’s most divisive matter in contemporary time. To those who agree, this neutrality effort would ultimately serve Pancasila the justice it deserves after the absence of so long. It would correct Indonesia’s path rightfully to the fundamental philosophy of Pancasila, honouring the culture of Indonesia and the heroes’ struggles. Also, the failed campaigns in Africa had been heavily scorned as a ‘humiliation’. Common discussions, lectures and religious preaches demanded the necessity to villainize the 80s ‘new face’ of Indonesia’s foreign policy.

On the other hand, those who argued otherwise contemplated solely on another aspect of Indonesia’s norm. The neutrality approach alienated the United States, one nation that had given us extreme measures of assistance, guidance and protection towards Indonesia’s growth and struggle. For starters, the Australian Aggression was won by their aid. The credit for reconstruction, fair bargain and well-off trade also stressed whom the neutrality faction completely ignored. While the agree argued the ideological issue of neutrality, the oppose debated the morality of gratitude. As both sides had shown compelling evidence of persuasion, this became the decade’s divisive issue, even prolonged to the next millennium.

Nevertheless, as the President showed scepticism, or mere hostility, towards Musa Hitam and his cabinet, he individually pursued the revival of the Asia-Africa Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement. His actioned gained warm approval towards anywhere but major cities. Some rural dwellers might call the President ‘enlightened’ and ‘improved’ after few years of urban enfranchisement. Obviously, urban settlers commented on the abhorrence of ‘opportunists’, reverting the insult whom the farmers used for the same urban settler.

The Second Asia-Africa Conference was held based on the Non-Aligned Movement and the return of third-world strength as no puppets of the Soviet Union or the United States. As the Cold War returned to the old playbook, certainly people began showing concern on nuclear war. Ironically, the emergence of France as the Third Superpower halted tension for a while as three had proven to be too convoluted to progress into higher levels of nuclear tension. As a result, the era with France had soothed many of the people minds. President Mitterrand broke the normal circumstances, return to the bipolar competition once again.

Three actors, not counting Subandrio, came to play at this NAM conference. President of the United Arab Socialist Republic, Gamal Abdul Nasser, was one reluctant man when Indonesia announced the return of friendship, showing distrust to Indonesia’s new approach. But, after meeting with Subandrio at late-March, he immediately altered his opinions, expressing hopeful remarks on the Second Asia-Africa Conference. Indeed, he was excited that he personally will persuade native African nations to come and participate, despite the prejudice on Indonesia.

The second was Raif Dizdarević, the President of Yugoslavia. As the quintessential predecessor was a great leader in the country, Raif was under strain to continue the legacy and put the bar remain high. As a result, Tito’s failed plan of the NAM was highly sought after as it would cement Raif’s byproduct during his presidency. Also, his country was slowly encroached on the Soviet Union, inching closer in aggression and Balkan total dominance. Yugoslavia, unwilling to join Comecon since its birth, is still determined to remain distant to Soviet affairs that could signify Yugoslavia’s tilt to the superpower.

The third, President of Ghana Ghana Frederick William "Fred" Kwasi Akuffo was determined to be the new power in independent West Africa. The NAM would provide the opportunity for status and attract nearby neighbours to think of Ghana’s significant presence on the Asia-Africa and NAM initiatives represented Africa’s entrance to the world stage.

Ghana and the UASR both exerted great efforts on appealing to the African and Middle East neighbours to join the Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung respectively. Yet, as many had correlated the meeting with efforts of a third-world revival, some simply rejected by the premises of threat and influence by superpowers. For example, Turkey rejected joining as they preferred the Comecon. Iran firstly agreed, only to then withdrew as the United States had exclaimed their opposition towards that action. Many of the Gulf States pointed to the NAM project as anti-monarchists, although the core reason was the fear of the United States. In Africa, many nations surprisingly join such as Sudan, the Three Congos [1], Tanzania, and some West African States. Those who were rejected were Ethiopia and Eritrea, both felt that Indonesia used this conference as a ‘tool’ to join the American effort, showing distrust of the Indonesian government. What was completely unexpected on anyone was the Philippines government decided to join the NAM, despite withdrawing from the SEATO and Spratly League.

The second Bandung Conference was held from 18-24 April 1987. Those members who joined were Indonesia, the Philippines, Oman, Yemen, the UASR, Sudan, Libya, Chad, Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra-Leone, Guinea-Bissau, Cameroon, Republic of Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo, Katanga, Kivu, Burundi, Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia, and Djibouti. The conference held would determine the Asia-Africa relations as well as the future of Third-World Nations.
foto_5.jpg

Merdeka Building inside, place where the First and Second Bandung Conference was held

The Second Bandung Conference firstly discussed the United States’ involvement in multiple wars around the world. Starting with Indonesia and Vietnam at first, and continue with various places in Africa, Asia and South America. Some members carried out the United States’ collusion in many South American countries simply to repel them from a communist system. The chamber soon filled with chants of anti-imperialism as each member spoke against the Western imperialism methods that had continued well under the United States.

The next topic involved the Soviet Union’s attempts on infiltrating the Muslim world from Turkey as the new model of communism by Islamic characteristics. At the first Bandung Conference, a memo ‘The Moslem Nations under Soviet Imperialism’ was never debated. This time, few dared to speak about this topic. The UASR opened this topic by stating it had harnessed unrest by radicalization on both fronts (orthodox-Islam by Saudi Arabia and hybrid-Islam [2] by Turkey). UASR’s foreign minister Sufi Abu Taleb stated that experimental relations conducted by the Soviet Union and the advocates had a high tendency for ethnic nationalism and die-hard purists. This statement disturbed few members that later ruined the ambience of the meeting.

On the last day, President Subandrio voluntarily allowed himself to hold a speech regarding Third World nations and each common struggle. He expressed Indonesia’s struggle from 1945 who fought against imperialism, and other nations had too had their fights. However, his speech soon was criticized by an ambassador at the end of the first session. He talked to the press and became a trivial discussion on Indonesian media.
I particularly despised how he [the President of Indonesia] all campaigned for anti-imperialism and Third-World Solidarity. His nation had bargained with France for an imperialist program, and the victories in the 70s were gifted with more imperialist ambitions. This should also be noted by the people themselves. The first President [Soekarno] generalized the concept of Greater Indonesia which was none other than imperialism by ethnicity. The second President [Nasution] broadened the perspective by adding Madagascar too. He [President Subandrio] was never perfectly suited as president in this country. What I saw was a brazen politician on his misguided ambition.

This ambassador, whose name has never been disclosed, quickly gathered mobs to discuss his opinion. The Musa mobs instantly underpin the comment as everything that was wrong with the President. They criticized the character as purely ambitious and envious that the Premier had done better than him. Under this commotion, people then began to explore ideas to somehow curb the opposition. One PNI-R politician called Alex Noerdin, even distributed pamphlets on a parliamentary republic system.

Nevertheless, the president responded quickly to that criticism. He stressed that Indonesia had more similarities than differences to a Third World nation, so it is obvious to have a sense of familiarity with each of our struggles. But then continued his reply with criticism of the predecessors, especially his immediate one who had ‘corrupted’ Indonesia with a false sense of nationalism. In a slightly condescending way, he even mentioned an idea of a ‘referendum of independence’ to Madagascar and Papua.

Regardless of the Second Bandung Conference, the entire nation no longer cared about the outcome of the NAM. Instead, everyone discussed the president’s response. Especially for the PNI-R, the old party voiced the harshest slander to the President for proposing such measures.​


25th April 1987
Schaumberg, Illinois

foto_2.jpg

“Mr Robinson, may I ask again what the name of the company is?”

“Walini, Sir. Walini Electronics,” the middle-aged Caucasian man answered.

“Hmm,” one replied, “Isn’t Walini a tea enterprise?”

“No, Sir. Walini is a tea brand, the company name is PT Perkebunan Nusantara VIII.’

Janssens Robinson was on the brink of exhaustion from recent jetlag, but he persisted in a meeting with Motorola. He was the shadow director of the company, as well as the son of the CEO. Walini Electronics, not to be confused with Walini Tea, offers electrical appliances as well as telecommunication devices for Java and other places. It was established in 1955 during wartime. Janssens' father was an electrical engineer and contributed to fixing electrical appliances in Bandung during the Australian Aggression. Despite his pale face, the native folks adored his work and dedication to fix common appliances of that time such as radio, transistor, and other basic tools. On the reconstruction program by Nasution, television had been incentivized greatly, and he later opened a Walini Electronics as a service shop on Bandung. In 1967, he explored industrial production and opened a prime factory on Walini. By the late 1970s, there was a boom in vinyl players and tape recorders as music flooded Indonesian culture, Walini, fortunately, grasped the potential to become a big formidable corporate by 1980.

Walini opened its shares in 1982, immediately after opening its first building in Jakarta. The demanded Walini Electronics rose significantly as cities adopted Western technologies. By early 1986, the service shop had evolved into a telecommunication and electronics production company in Indonesia. Historic and meteoric, the rise of the enterprise gained public attention as one of Indonesia’s economic successes, as well as the growing disparity and inequality by political opposition. Anyway, his father’s expansion program involved a partnership with Motorola for advancement in the telecommunications industry.
foto_4.jpg

Walini HQ in Jakarta, formerly shared by multiple companies, by early 2000s wholly-owned

Earlier on the day, he had met with Motorola officials about the possible partnership. It had gone extremely well, the company aspired great hopes on Walini Electronics. The problem of this journey, however, involved the State Republic’s changing demeanour on companies. Motorola digressed the lack of socio-economic stability in Indonesia, he proved that while Motorola could arrive on a bad time during the nation’s growing consent on outlandish anti-business policy, at least electronics will still be anyone's steady prospect.

Robinson who tried to persuade Motorola to another conclusion, couldn’t help but agree on the same premises. Especially after his father moved the headquarters to Jakarta because the company can have extremely different regulations by changing address. If he continued to stay in Bandung, the State Republic of Nusantara’s Labour Law would affect any entrepreneur’s path. In Section 4 Clause 13, it was stated that all employees from a company reserved the same rights as factory labour does and can conduct similar actions any hard labour do. In another clause, Section 7 Clause 31, any suspension or dismissal of an employee can be investigated and trialled. This simple sentence arbitrarily changed the course of medium business, any discharge would cost them an extensive trial, possibly the company’s image thus felt too risky to merely run a business.

Ironically, Janssens Robinson saw big corporations survive this Labour Law and adapt efficiently. Although they had less revenue, they eventually secured a new equilibrium and change the corporate system. They started adopting part-time vacancies, establishing a form of ‘unofficial’ worker that detour around the law. Outsourcing began in factories, allowing companies less worker that was protected in their rights. It has started in Bimoli, the cooking oil company in Indonesia, they deliberately invited workers outside Nusantara jurisdictions to apply there. As Section 2 Clause 3 stated, the State Republic of Nusantara citizens has every right on the Labour Law, not other republics.

Moreover, his company and many other bigger ones could do the simplest thing; move their factories to other State Republics. Indofood kickstarted the industrial migration to Madagascar, which began recently in 1986. Walini Electronics had created one near Ambilobe, the heartland of arrivals of Jew refugees. Papua had been an interesting spot of massive growth, the Labour Law increased that growth even further. The Labour Law do aid lower-class commoners for protection of abuse and simple livelihood, but it inadvertently killed any chance for those same commoners to rise above their previous status. No stimulus for brilliant thinkers to establish startups nor room for creativity, just pure old ‘inside the comfort zone’ misguidance. Simply put, the government had stressed fondly on labour protection that they ruin enterprises. In the end, the State Government attracted people to live there in the hopes of high wages, only to realized that people have fewer job vacancies.

Premier Musa Hitam had seen this effect that he tried to negotiate with the State Republic about the matter. Yet, the State Republic was enthusiastic about their programs they never heard Musa’s plea. Musa was later compromised by the Labour Law to revise, but the dye is cast for many firms. He really hoped that the Premier would do something about it, Robinson felt pity for the state government giving false pleasure to the people.

Just as he said that he immediately noticed Premier Musa Hitam on the television. He stood in front of the Parliament Chamber along with more than five hundred representatives of DPR. He tried to brief about the President’s thickness on foreign policy when one PPP representative shouted on the back row.
Step Down! Resign, Premier! The PPP does not want you any more of your liberal tendencies. This nation was never liberal, is, and never would be. End this madness of siding with the US, we and the PPP party had enough of LKY, you and your cabinet. Just wait until the PPP Great Congress happen.

The deliverance was given by Ahmad Bashah, a Kedah politician closely side with Mahathir Mohammad. At first, Musa Hitam shrugged the comment with a gentle counterargument. But, as supporters of Badshah started shouting ‘Step Down!’ to the Premier, the PPP had begun infighting among themselves as Malacca Faction quarrelled against the Melayu Faction. The quarrel ended up with a physical brawl, as the Parliament’s cameras were span to see the PPP bloc of the chamber threw nameplates and chairs on each other.
foto_3.jpg

A similar reenactment of the situation in the Parliament, 1987

It shocked Robinson to the core that politicians in Jakarta could end up like children in kindergarten. Musa Hitam could be seen nearly burst in anger, only later to relieve himself away from the Parliament. Janssens Robinson, whose father allied with PPP Malacca Faction, knew that PPP Great Congress would begin on May 3, 1987. At least, he saw that Indonesian politics had a curse on incumbent parties, they eventually dissolved themselves by an internal dispute.

[1] Three Congos as in the states succeeding the old DR Congo, that is DR Congo, Katanga and [Greater] Kivu. I haven't made the newly updated map but more or less the situation is similar to this.
[2] Islamo-communism as explained here.

I have officially begun studying higher stage of education and last week was orientation week. I finally have the time now to publish this. To compensate for my delay, I write a longer post than usual.

I sometimes get perplexed about my accidental patterns in writing a TL. The incumbent party who later had disputes internally [PKI, PNI-R, now PPP], was one obvious example. I'm not determining an ill-fated predicament on PPP too, but at least these patterns can be a superstition topic that ITTL Indonesians can involve themselves, of course as conspiracy theories.

Next up should be the PPP Great Congress.


Edit: My mouse has been acting weirdly since three weeks ago. It can strangely click on things where it shouldn't, like the 'post reply bottom' on unfinished edits.
 
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The Second Bandung Conference and the Non-Aligned Endeavor
View attachment 675279
War in Afghanistan since 1980, became the great example of proxy wars that Third World Nations despise

The status of Indonesia, under a common perspective, never positioned itself clearly on one international domain. Although firstly championed for a new, non-aligned view against what was the brewing Cold War, it eventually succumbed to a bizarrely unique bond with the United States of America. As the 70s and early 80s progressed, Indonesia had inched for a proper American alliance. In particular, the Roaring 80s, viewed by Indonesians had solidified an inflating number of supporters towards American idealism, including Western culture and social progressivism.

Yet not all opposition faltered and whimpered to the so-called ‘Westernization’. There are still few groups that withdrew the common trend and wished for a resurgence of the old. As Pancasila slowly descended into a mere symbol said by many oppositions, they eventually devised plans of retaliation. They finally drafted a unified approach, a foreign approach, that Indonesia should return on its neutrality doctrine. This opposition, emerging since 1987, was enticed quickly by President Subandrio and instantly adopted as his new approach coming to the LKY’s end.



The people of Indonesia, during that era, crossed paths on the country’s most divisive matter in contemporary time. To those who agree, this neutrality effort would ultimately serve Pancasila the justice it deserves after the absence of so long. It would correct Indonesia’s path rightfully to the fundamental philosophy of Pancasila, honouring the culture of Indonesia and the heroes’ struggles. Also, the failed campaigns in Africa had been heavily scorned as a ‘humiliation’. Common discussions, lectures and religious preaches demanded the necessity to villainize the 80s ‘new face’ of Indonesia’s foreign policy.

On the other hand, those who argued otherwise contemplated solely on another aspect of Indonesia’s norm. The neutrality approach alienated the United States, one nation that had given us extreme measures of assistance, guidance and protection towards Indonesia’s growth and struggle. For starters, the Australian Aggression was won by their aid. The credit for reconstruction, fair bargain and well-off trade also stressed whom the neutrality faction completely ignored. While the agree argued the ideological issue of neutrality, the oppose debated the morality of gratitude. As both sides had shown compelling evidence of persuasion, this became the decade’s divisive issue, even prolonged to the next millennium.

Nevertheless, as the President showed scepticism, or mere hostility, towards Musa Hitam and his cabinet, he individually pursued the revival of the Asia-Africa Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement. His actioned gained warm approval towards anywhere but major cities. Some rural dwellers might call the President ‘enlightened’ and ‘improved’ after few years of urban enfranchisement. Obviously, urban settlers commented on the abhorrence of ‘opportunists’, reverting the insult whom the farmers used for the same urban settler.

The Second Asia-Africa Conference was held based on the Non-Aligned Movement and the return of third-world strength as no puppets of the Soviet Union or the United States. As the Cold War returned to the old playbook, certainly people began showing concern on nuclear war. Ironically, the emergence of France as the Third Superpower halted tension for a while as three had proven to be too convoluted to progress into higher levels of nuclear tension. As a result, the era with France had soothed many of the people minds. President Mitterrand broke the normal circumstances, return to the bipolar competition once again.

Three actors, not counting Subandrio, came to play at this NAM conference. President of the United Arab Socialist Republic, Gamal Abdul Nasser, was one reluctant man when Indonesia announced the return of friendship, showing distrust to Indonesia’s new approach. But, after meeting with Subandrio at late-March, he immediately altered his opinions, expressing hopeful remarks on the Second Asia-Africa Conference. Indeed, he was excited that he personally will persuade native African nations to come and participate, despite the prejudice on Indonesia.

The second was Raif Dizdarević, the President of Yugoslavia. As the quintessential predecessor was a great leader in the country, Raif was under strain to continue the legacy and put the bar remain high. As a result, Tito’s failed plan of the NAM was highly sought after as it would cement Raif’s byproduct during his presidency. Also, his country was slowly encroached on the Soviet Union, inching closer in aggression and Balkan total dominance. Yugoslavia, unwilling to join Comecon since its birth, is still determined to remain distant to Soviet affairs that could signify Yugoslavia’s tilt to the superpower.

The third, President of Ghana Ghana Frederick William "Fred" Kwasi Akuffo was determined to be the new power in independent West Africa. The NAM would provide the opportunity for status and attract nearby neighbours to think of Ghana’s significant presence on the Asia-Africa and NAM initiatives represented Africa’s entrance to the world stage.

Ghana and the UASR both exerted great efforts on appealing to the African and Middle East neighbours to join the Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung respectively. Yet, as many had correlated the meeting with efforts of a third-world revival, some simply rejected by the premises of threat and influence by superpowers. For example, Turkey rejected joining as they preferred the Comecon. Iran firstly agreed, only to then withdrew as the United States had exclaimed their opposition towards that action. Many of the Gulf States pointed to the NAM project as anti-monarchists, although the core reason was the fear of the United States. In Africa, many nations surprisingly join such as Sudan, the Three Congos [1], Tanzania, and some West African States. Those who were rejected were Ethiopia and Eritrea, both felt that Indonesia used this conference as a ‘tool’ to join the American effort, showing distrust of the Indonesian government. What was completely unexpected on anyone was the Philippines government decided to join the NAM, despite withdrawing from the SEATO and Spratly League.

The second Bandung Conference was held from 18-24 April 1987. Those members who joined were Indonesia, the Philippines, Oman, Yemen, the UASR, Sudan, Libya, Chad, Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra-Leone, Guinea-Bissau, Cameroon, Republic of Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo, Katanga, Kivu, Burundi, Uganda, Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia, and Djibouti. The conference held would determine the Asia-Africa relations as well as the future of Third-World Nations.
View attachment 675277
Merdeka Building inside, place where the First and Second Bandung Conference was held

The Second Bandung Conference firstly discussed the United States’ involvement in multiple wars around the world. Starting with Indonesia and Vietnam at first, and continue with various places in Africa, Asia and South America. Some members carried out the United States’ collusion in many South American countries simply to repel them from a communist system. The chamber soon filled with chants of anti-imperialism as each member spoke against the Western imperialism methods that had continued well under the United States.

The next topic involved the Soviet Union’s attempts on infiltrating the Muslim world from Turkey as the new model of communism by Islamic characteristics. At the first Bandung Conference, a memo ‘The Moslem Nations under Soviet Imperialism’ was never debated. This time, few dared to speak about this topic. The UASR opened this topic by stating it had harnessed unrest by radicalization on both fronts (orthodox-Islam by Saudi Arabia and hybrid-Islam [2] by Turkey). UASR’s foreign minister Sufi Abu Taleb stated that experimental relations conducted by the Soviet Union and the advocates had a high tendency for ethnic nationalism and die-hard purists. This statement disturbed few members that later ruined the ambience of the meeting.

On the last day, President Subandrio voluntarily allowed himself to hold a speech regarding Third World nations and each common struggle. He expressed Indonesia’s struggle from 1945 who fought against imperialism, and other nations had too had their fights. However, his speech soon was criticized by an ambassador at the end of the first session. He talked to the press and became a trivial discussion on Indonesian media.



This ambassador, whose name has never been disclosed, quickly gathered mobs to discuss his opinion. The Musa mobs instantly underpin the comment as everything that was wrong with the President. They criticized the character as purely ambitious and envious that the Premier had done better than him. Under this commotion, people then began to explore ideas to somehow curb the opposition. One PNI-R politician called Alex Noerdin, even distributed pamphlets on a parliamentary republic system.

Nevertheless, the president responded quickly to that criticism. He stressed that Indonesia had more similarities than differences to a Third World nation, so it is obvious to have a sense of familiarity with each of our struggles. But then continued his reply with criticism of the predecessors, especially his immediate one who had ‘corrupted’ Indonesia with a false sense of nationalism. In a slightly condescending way, he even mentioned an idea of a ‘referendum of independence’ to Madagascar and Papua.

Regardless of the Second Bandung Conference, the entire nation no longer cared about the outcome of the NAM. Instead, everyone discussed the president’s response. Especially for the PNI-R, the old party voiced the harshest slander to the President for proposing such measures.​


25th April 1987
Schaumberg, Illinois

View attachment 675280
“Mr Robinson, may I ask again what the name of the company is?”

“Walini, Sir. Walini Electronics,” the middle-aged Caucasian man answered.

“Hmm,” one replied, “Isn’t Walini a tea enterprise?”

“No, Sir. Walini is a tea brand, the company name is PT Perkebunan Nusantara VIII.’

Janssens Robinson was on the brink of exhaustion from recent jetlag, but he persisted in a meeting with Motorola. He was the shadow director of the company, as well as the son of the CEO. Walini Electronics, not to be confused with Walini Tea, offers electrical appliances as well as telecommunication devices for Java and other places. It was established in 1955 during wartime. Janssens' father was an electrical engineer and contributed to fixing electrical appliances in Bandung during the Australian Aggression. Despite his pale face, the native folks adored his work and dedication to fix common appliances of that time such as radio, transistor, and other basic tools. On the reconstruction program by Nasution, television had been incentivized greatly, and he later opened a Walini Electronics as a service shop on Bandung. In 1967, he explored industrial production and opened a prime factory on Walini. By the late 1970s, there was a boom in vinyl players and tape recorders as music flooded Indonesian culture, Walini, fortunately, grasped the potential to become a big formidable corporate by 1980.

Walini opened its shares in 1982, immediately after opening its first building in Jakarta. The demanded Walini Electronics rose significantly as cities adopted Western technologies. By early 1986, the service shop had evolved into a telecommunication and electronics production company in Indonesia. Historic and meteoric, the rise of the enterprise gained public attention as one of Indonesia’s economic successes, as well as the growing disparity and inequality by political opposition. Anyway, his father’s expansion program involved a partnership with Motorola for advancement in the telecommunications industry.
View attachment 675278
Walini HQ in Jakarta, formerly shared by multiple companies, by early 2000s wholly-owned

Earlier on the day, he had met with Motorola officials about the possible partnership. It had gone extremely well, the company aspired great hopes on Walini Electronics. The problem of this journey, however, involved the State Republic’s changing demeanour on companies. Motorola digressed the lack of stability socio-economic in Indonesia, he proved that while Motorola could arrive on a bad time during the nation’s growing consent on outlandish anti-business policy.

Robinson who tried to persuade Motorola to another conclusion, couldn’t help but agree on the same premises. Especially after his father moved the headquarters to Jakarta because the company can have extremely different regulations by changing address. If he continued to stay in Bandung, the State Republic of Nusantara’s Labour Law would affect any entrepreneur’s path. In Section 4 Clause 13, it was stated that all employees from a company reserved the same rights as factory labour does and can conduct similar actions any hard labour do. In another clause, Section 7 Clause 31, any suspension or dismissal of an employee can be investigated and trialled. This simple sentence arbitrarily changed the course of medium business, any discharge would cost them an extensive trial, possibly the company’s image thus felt too risky to merely run a business.

Ironically, Janssens Robinson saw big corporations survive this Labour Law and adapt efficiently. Although they had less revenue, they eventually secured a new equilibrium and change the corporate system. They started adopting part-time vacancies, establishing a form of ‘unofficial’ worker that detour around the law. Outsourcing began in factories, allowing companies less worker that was protected in their rights. It has started in Bimoli, the cooking oil company in Indonesia, they deliberately invited workers outside Nusantara jurisdictions to apply there. As Section 2 Clause 3 stated, the State Republic of Nusantara citizens has every right on the Labour Law, not other republics.

Moreover, his company and many other bigger ones could do the simplest thing; move their factories to other State Republics. Indofood kickstarted the industrial migration to Madagascar, which began recently in 1986. Walini Electronics had created one near Ambilobe, the heartland of arrivals of Jew refugees. Papua had been an interesting spot of massive growth, the Labour Law increased that growth even further. The Labour Law do aid lower-class commoners for protection of abuse and simple livelihood, but it inadvertently killed any chance for those same commoners to rise above their previous status. No stimulus for brilliant thinkers to establish startups nor room for creativity, just pure old ‘inside the comfort zone’ misguidance. Simply put, the government had stressed fondly on labour protection that they ruin enterprises. In the end, the State Government attracted people to live there in the hopes of high wages, only to realized that people have fewer job vacancies.

Premier Musa Hitam had seen this effect that he tried to negotiate with the State Republic about the matter. Yet, the State Republic was enthusiastic about their programs they never heard Musa’s plea. Musa was later compromised by the Labour Law to revise, but the dye is cast for many firms. He really hoped that the Premier would do something about it, Robinson felt pity for the state government giving false pleasure to the people.

Just as he said that he immediately noticed Premier Musa Hitam on the television. He stood in front of the Parliament Chamber along with more than five hundred representatives of DPR. He tried to brief about the President’s thickness on foreign policy when one PPP representative shouted on the back row.



The deliverance was given by Ahmad Bashah, a Kedah politician closely side with Mahathir Mohammad. At first, Musa Hitam shrugged the comment with a gentle counterargument. But, as supporters of Badshah started shouting ‘Step Down!’ to the Premier, the PPP had begun infighting among themselves as Malacca Faction quarrelled against the Melayu Faction. The quarrel ended up with a physical brawl, as the Parliament’s cameras were span to see the PPP bloc of the chamber threw nameplates and chairs on each other.
View attachment 675281
A similar reenactment of the situation in the Parliament, 1987

It shocked Robinson to the core that the politician in Jakarta ended up like children in kindergarten. Musa Hitam could be seen nearly burst in anger, only later to relieve himself away from the Parliament. Janssens Robinson, whose father allied with PPP Malacca Faction, knew that PPP Great Congress began on May 3, 1987. At least, he saw that Indonesian politics had a curse on incumbent parties, they eventually dissolved themselves by the internal dispute.

[1] Three Congos as in the states succeeding the old DR Congo, that is DR Congo, Katanga and [Greater] Kivu. I haven't made the newly updated map but more or less the situation is similar to this.
[2] Islamo-communism as explained here.

I have officially begun studying higher stage of education and last week was orientation week. I finally have the time now to publish this. To compensate for my delay, I write a longer post than usual.

I sometimes get perplexed about my accidental patterns in writing a TL. The incumbent party who later had disputes internally [PKI, PNI-R, now PPP], was one obvious example. I'm not determining an ill-fated predicament on PPP too, but at least these patterns can be a superstition topic that ITTL Indonesians can involve themselves, of course as conspiracy theories.

Next up should be the PPP Great Congress.


Edit: My mouse has been acting weirdly since three weeks ago. It can strangely click on things where it shouldn't, like the 'post reply bottom' on unfinished edits.
Wow I’m not gonna be surprised if this would become a civil war if it kept escalating more. I mean the division is just really seem. And what Subandrio suggesting is essentially like a path of self destruction for Indonesia to be honest by suggesting those referendum for Madagascar and Papua it’s just even though the Country is a Federal Republic they economically felt like intertwined too much to the point probably losing them both is just too much.

Wait when you say just enter higher education and last week was your orientation so you just grad from Senior High? Nice to know that I’m not the only quite young person in this website hahaha.
 
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Wow I’m not gonna be surprised if this would become a civil war if it kept escalating more. I mean the division is just really seem. And what Subandrio suggesting is essentially like a path of self destruction for Indonesia to be honest by suggesting those referendum for Madagascar and Papua it’s just even though the Country is a Federal Republic they economically felt like intertwined too much to the point probably losing them both is just too much.

Wait when you say just enter higher education and last week was your orientation so you just grad from Senior High? Nice to know that I’m not the only quite young person in this website hahaha.

Yeah, I've started college just this week. ;)
 
Suggesting independence idea is pretty much like shooting himself on the foot, especially since ITTL Indonesia is a federation which had weaker central government compared to OTL and congrats on starting the college!
 
he even mentioned an idea of a ‘referendum of independence’ to Madagascar and Papua.
No don't, if these referendums don't turn out well everyone else is going to be asking for a referendum as well.

Good on you for having an interest not only in history but also in alternate history. Because IMO, you can't do alternate history if you don't have some knowledge of OTL history. Congrats on starting college.
 
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Suggesting independence idea is pretty much like shooting himself on the foot, especially since ITTL Indonesia is a federation which had weaker central government compared to OTL and congrats on starting the college!
Especially looking at OTL Indonesia who still consider *independence* as taboo (just try asking people about Timor Leste), this man is suiciding himself.

No don't, if these referendums don't turn out well everyone else is going to be asking for a referendum as well.

Good on you for having an interest not only in history but also in alternate history. Because IMO, you can't do alternate history if you don't have some knowledge of OTL history. Congrats on starting college.

Indeed, I studied that after 1997 independence, there had been strong urge from Aceh to liberate themselves, bolstering their GAM. In addition to the OTL vacuum of power (Suharto's power in essence), they erupted from small skirmishes to fully blown insurgency. Only the calamity of 2004 Tsunami ended the hostility.
 
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The Decay of Stability Part 11: PPP Great Congress
30th April 1987
Jakarta, Indonesia


Dedi Hariman Kusumaningrat, presently the head of Human Resources in Yogyakarta’s PNI-R base, was watching the book analysis from the television. He looked at the technology before him, there stood the old Fajar Lubis on a studio’s sofa, reviewing his book to the presenter. He was frail and old, yet he showed extensive understanding and wisdom from his age.

“I believe that since the emergence of independence, the discussion on federalism or centralism had begun long already and contributed to the most noteworthy aspect of Indonesia’s future. Both opinions supported their own proposition about their strengths and presented other their weaknesses. In my judgement, despite federation is to be believed in ‘Western origination’ and proved to be the Dutch’s armament to divide us, I personally think our geography compels us on a federation of equals rather than a strong central government. Our nation consists of thousands of islands, let alone some distanced-on thousands of miles. Central authority would be severely ineffective on local issues. Also, a friend of mine conjured a study and received a shocking conclusion that should Indonesia adopt the true federalism that Western nations adopted, our economic disparity between regions can be easily lowered,”

Fajar Lubis [1], once the great figure in PNI-R (then PNI), retired during his quarrel with Nasution and the régime. It was not a bitter feud, but Fajar Lubis understood the grave quandary should he persist. Since the 70s, his faction which advocated less lenience towards the United States slowly dissolved with time, rendering them insignificant as LKY’s premiership began. His retirement from PNI-R triggered a change from Adam Malik to moderately support American standards while retaining the importance of neutrality in Indonesia. However, his faction was ultimately shaded with the larger PPP Faction, especially Subandrio’s inner cult that had been experimenting with his values to their benefit. Especially since Subandrio had received the popular opinion on the matter, the president had indirectly stolen Fajar’s creation. Fajar gained in literature, finishing up to 5 books regarding national politics, all Dedi had read. His books were subtle criticism of the PPP government, mostly fixated to the current President.

Dedi ever discoursed with Fajar, Dedi was in his early internship programs. He tried to ask about Nusantara’s deliberate shift towards anti-business and anti-urbanism. Fajar simply replied that the decline of agriculture and the slow pace of mechanization had been farmer’s hatred towards the previous premier. But Fajar told him that whatever dissent Nusantarans would perform, it eventually cost them growth in favour of the other State Republics. This was true, Madagascar was alleviated from poverty while Papua received perpetual development by immigration. Furthermore, factories had gradually moved towards less regulated Papua and Madagascar, increasing their capital and proportion in the Indonesian economy. Within twenty years, Papua advancement can be competed with Java’s condition of infrastructure, while their electronic availability equalled major Indonesian cities.

After his retirement, Fajar posted a personal book about his experiences in the early eras of Indonesian independence. In the book ‘The Hidden Conflict: Federalist vs Centralists’, he described the rough dispute about Indonesia’s system of government. In the early 1950s, a vote proved the Indonesians prefer federalism which made Sukarno and fellow centralists shocked. Soon, accusations of Dutch meddling, black campaign, or unfair advantage to federalists that changed the ‘supposition’ of the vote sprouted among pro-unitary politicians. But Sukarno, the presumptive leader for unitary advocates, had no strength to appeal the motion because the authority was rested on Wilopo, the PNI Politician who was angered by Sukarno’s communist sympathy. The other opposition of federalism, the Islamic community, could not harness a strong resistance because of their self-destruct in the 50s, giving the power to ‘Rocket Party’ Parindra, the core builders of modern PNI-R. Parindra was pro-federalist and pro-American, even so, that some suggested the CIA had an involvement behind the party. Nevertheless, the 60s paved the clear highway for federalism.

“I see. Mr Fajar. Your book suggests that there have been more benefits of the federative system in Indonesia rather than the unitary system. Indeed, we have changed the constitution to adopt a federation to our nation. Yet, many still felt that our head of governments has discounted the basis of the federative works and instead establishing a pseudo-unitary system. Why do you think this happen?”

“Frankly, I see that these presidents did not know federal systems as most of these representations came from Western nations. So far, our Asian neighbours had been mostly feudal countries which ended up as authoritarian state. Japan as an exception, still greeted Indonesia with unfathomable hierarchy in the military, honoured power greatly. We have been introduced not federal systems that we can feel familiar with. Australia, our nearest example, was completely shunned obviously by our past belligerence. As a result, I see the presidents attempt to introduce ‘federal authority’ by their own perspective.”

“So, you think that they were actually trying to govern as a federation?”

“Yes, exactly. Nasution’s disregard of Malaya during the early reconstruction effort was basically delegating freedom to Malaya that nearly resembled federalism. LKY rule in determining the economic regulation, social norm and other reforms was made arbitrarily, but then was an era where LKY’s ideas were considered revolutionary and auspicious. Unless Subandrio followed Rahmat’s words on Labour Law to be implemented universally, I still cannot discover any truly centralised attempts from the federal government.”

“Okay. Mr Fajar, as a closing statement. What would you say to the people about how this future of Indonesia would be? Will the government find ways to persuade Indonesia back to its unitary proposal or it will maintain it as federal for the time being?”

“I believe that the tides have slowly changed. The central government grasps of the federative system limited their power in many aspects, one of which was the Labour Law that is currently applied merely in the Nusantara State Republic. We all know from President Subandrio that he adored the Labour Law to be implemented nationwide but suffered great opposition from Musa Hitam and his cabinet, let alone other State Republics. Speaking of that, I also think that elite politicians can slowly think of reinstating the presidential system. Nevertheless, all future aspects that I have said had no good implications on the people. Seniority will come to replace merit, and LKY’s modern structure was slowly replaced with feudal connotations.”


PPP Great Congress 1987

Immediately after the NAM event in Bandung, public opinion flooded on the President’s comment. Public discord happened to erupt as multiple litterateurs, experts, intellectuals, and elders began conversing about the President’s one remark on possible of independence. His comment sparked resentment universally, both opposing and favouring the man. The situation had been so severe to the President’s image that he needed to clarify his speech the next week.
My faulty remarks a few days ago had been conflicting to many people. I apologized for that matter, and I express my sincere emotion of guilt to the people of Indonesia. Hitherto, I still maintain my composure that our view, our perception of nationalism never truly meant expanding and glorify ethnic pan-Austronesian ambition. Indonesia symbolized the ancient idea of co-operation, not conquer, to which the idea possesses Indonesia’s fundamental characteristics. The United States of America, frankly, had expanded its influence in our assistance, and we can surely agree this was not what our forefathers had hoped for.

Please, people of Indonesia. We should awaken ourselves of our slumber. This concept of liberalism isn’t meant simply by freedom of speech, freedom of religion and freedom of well-being, the liberalism idea had transformed to a regression of tradition, regression of normality and regression of national unity. End your simple plea that the presidency is turning in the wrong direction. Indonesia is valuable for me, for you and all of us. Neutrality is the best possible approach Indonesia can use.

Subandrio

The President’s comment successfully eased the angry mob gradually. Many elder people propagated this comment as showing the president’s first gaffes that should not be exaggerated as a national crisis. They reinforced the president’s argument of neutrality, confronting that the dependence of the United States in terms of economy, trade and social status had been too high to be sustainable, establishing the discreet relation as a puppet state of the United States. [2]

On the other hand, those who opposed the President argued that the President’s remarks had been simply to ease the populace after suggestions of separation. Both Nasution and Sukarno never spoke that term, or any reference of it, during their entire career as referendums meant the weakness and incompetence of the government. As a head of state, maturity should be established and maintain, one of which should be to pay attention well to the words he speaks.

This debate had been one of the backgrounds for the coming topics for the PPP Great Congress of 1987. Two days after Mayday, the Great Congress of 1987 was destined to aim for pro-worker sympathy and hoped for appealing the labour workforce. As the current head of government, the PPP Great Congress also carried foreign issues around Southeast Asia, notably Indochina.

For starters, PPP’s first discussion among the party was what direction should the party take regarding foreign policy. It was because, in the United States, the Glenn Presidency has announced the withdrawal of troops from Vietnam as late as 10th August 1987. It was a momentous ordeal to everyone; the President of South Vietnam was depressed on the sudden declaration. Because of that, it was determined that the North Vietnamese will boost their aggression on the attack, hopeful of the imminent victory they possess.

Only few government officials comprehended how the Americans functioned in terms of politics. As Glenn’s influence and popularity weakened in both the United States and the Democratic Party as a whole. The Progressive Wing, the Carterian Democrats, solidified themselves as the future of the Democratic Party, South yet progressive in terms of economic issues. The Glenn Liberals, the New Deal ones, slowly eroded as the Glenn Presidency suffered. The progressive wing was the true reason of the US withdrawal from Vietnam. So, like Indonesia, their foreign policy is influenced by the incumbent party’s shift in opinion.

Second, the congress should discuss PPP’s great direction on national policy, such as national defence, economy, social welfare, culture, education, and other issues. The leaders of the PPP, Musa Hitam and Mahathir Mohammad as the two biggest figures, was expected to consolidate and unite under one banner, especially after the recent dispute between two powers. As they realized disunity may cost them the 1988 election, moderate party officials decided to use this congress as an attempt of harmony.

On 3rd May, the Congress opened with a thousand members attended in the main hall on the party headquarters. The President did not attend the congress, but both prominent members of the Malacca and Melayu Faction attended as speakers. Foreign Minister Anwar Ibrahim and Representative Mahathir Mohammad arrived at the event, eyes glimpsed despise each other, but arrive for the sake of party unity. The tension from the fight in the Parliament was distinct from how they seated, how they glanced and how the silence filled the voice of fights.

The Congress opened with Premier Musa Hitam as the first speaker on the podium. As the head of government, the congress committee agreed to grant him the first. He exclaimed that party unity had been crippled with extreme division, especially on foreign policy and the current domestic law. He still expressed his own opinion regarding his persistence on maintaining the establishment. Received a poor reception especially from the Melayu Faction, Musa Hitam eventually ended his speech early.

After Musa, there were series of speakers who spoke clearly on their independent thoughts on how the PPP and the nation should proceed. As one might confirm, the PPP was deeply divided into two spectrums, each distanced themselves in beliefs and ideas as the moderate lost traction. As both factions contributed the most passionate, robust, and unwavering construct, the PPP party was cracked deep into the premises of the growing chasm.

The PPP Great Congress, or officially the 1987 PPP Extraordinary Congress was held for three days. The first day, as before mentioned, was opened by Musa Hitam to persuade his own ideas. The Malacca Faction then continued to push for the end of the NAM, improving our damaged relation to the United States. In domestic policy, the Malacca Faction endorsed the State Republic’s rights on not enacting the Labour Law, stating that ‘what happens in Nusantara stay in Nusantara’. For another record, many Malacca members acknowledged the fires in Indonesian forests but remarked them as Nusantara’s negligence on their own territory. That made some Nusantaran officials furious, they retaliated on the second day to respond to Malacca’s accusations. [3]

The other aspect of the PPP, which Indonesians might not consider before, was the exclusivity of PPP’s faction names being in the Malayan Peninsula. Initially, those names had been nicknames of distinction but emerged as official names of the designated faction. The largest faction, the Malacca Faction, was pro-American and pro-Western at heart, they pursued the best in meritocracy, while accused of eroding the common culture of the archipelago. Obviously, they were considered as the liberal wing of the party, destined for relaxed regulation, free trade, and unrestricted progression.

The second-largest faction, the Melayu Bersatu Faction, was the embodiment of the current Subandrio in terms of idea, vision and mission. As a huge role in the labour law, they were endorsed by farmers and workers, so most of the voters came from blue-collar jobs. A staunch advocate on wage raise, employment law and business regulation, they were the de-facto ‘socialists’ of the PPP clan, not to be confused with the third faction.

Lastly, the Hatta Faction or the Malik Faction was the old relic of the federalist yet neutral attitude on national policy. The moderate of the two, these eventually eroded with the other two as better impersonations, ridicule the moderation that Hatta had done in the 60s and early 70s.

Although changing a name seemed to be unnecessary in a logical mind, this proposal was the only proposal passed the congress with ease. Then, as the congress committee demanded it, it eventually became the only motion passed without the other revoking the natural agreement. The Melayu Bersatu Faction was redefined as the Kesejahteraan Rakyat Faction. The Malacca Faction was redefined to Barisan Progresif Faction. Both groups seemed to agree on the new name, and that passed withal so Hatta/Malik Faction as Reformasi Faction [4].

Other than this proposal, everything was met by deadlock from Musa or Mahathir’s faction. Neither of them, even in the slightest, contributed towards a compromise because of the previous fight in the Parliament. For example, the division in both foreign and domestic policy was so apparent that the party seemed to have two minds instead of one. Finally, rather than wasting another three days of bickering, the PPP national committee decided to form a consensus with the ‘Convention Speech’.
My dear brothers and sisters of the PPP. It seemed that our three-day congress has brought forth more confusion than it was for our party’s direction. During chaos between power struggle, faction struggle and everyone’s view in opposition to another, we cannot withstand to prolong nor repeat another Extraordinary Congress into waste. As a result, we invited all of you to structure a national convention of the PPP. That way, we can let the people decide which faction should the Indonesians prefer better. That way, we can continue with a united voice, towards a better Indonesia under the PPP.

Head of the Extraordinary Congress Committee Board, Armansyah Sastraraharja.

For Kesejahteraan Rakyat Faction, the convention was a great way to solidify their populist vote and use them for their benefit. As farmers and workers contributed to slightly more than half of Indonesia’s population, they felt optimistic about their future. For the Barisan Progresif, despite the chances to be quite slim, they hoped for the best as Musa’s policy remained fairly supported by the people, especially young groups. If Mahathir’s clan decided to screw more things as a crisis, even not as slightly damaging to the Labour Law, their arrogance would meet humiliation by chance. Unfortunately, there was no hope for the Reformasi Faction, as this small group of the PPP slowly realized that they had been merely a child in the grand game.​

The book review above was inspired by Thomas Sowell's many, many invitations to describe his book and the contents as a whole. Although I have to inform you that I specifically did not support nor oppose Thomas Sowell's opinions, Fajar Lubis's ITTL interview is supposed to look like this.


Not to mention that I always post something that will be important, but not necessarily immediately. So, these characters will certainly show prominence much, much later.

[1] Fajar Lubis was one of the first characters introduced in my dead Election Game of this TL.

[2] An apology is somewhat acceptable and still decent in Indonesia. In a modern context, we can see the big advantages and disadvantages of it, but most people have pushed for apologist comments and later demanded apology just for the sake of 'viral'ness. A quick intermezzo of real-life events, I hope this ITTL version can find that flaw.
[3] Just a quick question to everyone. Why do you think despite the forest fires happening in the State Republic of Nusantara, those officials blame the federal government?
[4] A pathetic result of the congress, but hey. OTL Indonesia has seen worse wink nudge nudge.

I am still struggling with the college schedule, and next week I hopefully can post something. If not, definitely the week after.
 
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