Emerald of The Equator: An Indonesian TL

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The Golkars are at it again! Part 7: Tragedy of Poroporo
The Bloody Melanesian Month

Barely twenty years of incorporation, the State Republic of Melanesia has been formally member of the Indonesian government with a better fusion than Aceh or Perak. Born under the presidency of Nasution, and grow within the Subandrio administration, the archipelagic island greeted the new ruler as fair and compatible. Some might consider the old British rule as a better colonizer. Accurately, Indonesia isn’t one, but the nation has invested to improve the economy all across Indonesia, including this state.

The difference between Melanesia and the other republics is Melanesia is relatively barren of raw mining resources. With ineffectual areas of land, industrial construction was not worthwhile for the state. In 1972, Premier Suharto had passed a regional agriculture law, which strengthened the farmer’s power so the productivity of the crops will increase. During that time, they produced coconuts, palm kernels, rice potatoes, and some other kinds of vegetation. Suharto also noticed the potential fishing industry, which he passed the 1972 National Fishery Law which affected nationwide; the islands had been benefited by it.

1610640107743.png

Melanesia Postcards resembling the old name and fishing vessels,1980


Then Premier Subandrio, ironically enough, agreed with the policies enacted by his antecedent. Although Subandrio never visited Melanesia until his early presidency, he was hopeful of Melanesia’s growth and quite certain of no separatist associations emerging to declare sovereignty. However, the premier wished to improve industry on the state, regardless of the terrain and landscape. He would then promote immigration to the island, inviting particular Javanese to blend in with the fellow Austronesians.

Premier LKY, instead of the passive action conducted by both predecessors, has proven to be very aggressive on boosting the island's economy. With the motto of expanding Indonesia’s national economy, he would tirelessly push to improve the prosperity in all regions, including Melanesia. In Melanesia, he attracted investors to the fishing industry and started to make complexes of fishing plants on the island. Honiara has evolved into a boomtown of 25000 inhabitants, almost thirty per cent of which is not native.

The premise of LKY’s characteristics of premiership is definitely apparent on the island. The economy is brewing, yet inequality has increased over time. Although people could buy better goods with affordable money, industrialist has profited the most. It seems that ‘the poor are rich, the rich are richer’ connotation has been people’s catchphrase for LKY. But then, this slight negativity has not impacted the dearest on the state’s stability. LKY’s other policy, immigration, has.

Controlled immigration program was LKY’s greatest tool of increasing the nation’s economic power. He appealed foreign middle households of European or American nations, most of which can be considered the wealthy in Indonesia perspective, to a program called ‘permanent tourism’. This tactic was finally uncovered under the pressure of the Gresik Scandal. The ‘permanent tourism’ includes a group of targeted homesteaders to tour a destination, and then dwell the area for a few months, until the local government naturalized the citizens so they can stay there forever. Indonesia, surprisingly, has its economy revamped by this method. The number of settlers came due to tackle the underemployment of crafty factories, most of which needed educated labours that Indonesia is still trying to produce.

In 1984 alone, nearly thirty thousand settlers have moved or naturalized as Indonesian citizens. Most of it came from Europe, which was brewing its hot war after Germany’s confrontation with the Soviet Union. Those settlers, either lived in secluded migrant neighbourhood towns or mixed with older European settlers which had lived here even before the independence. Naturally, big cities have ‘little Europe’ in the making. However, one small town in Walini, Pasundan State, has become these migrant’s prime destination. After a special economic zone policy dated back in the 50s, Walini’s administrative history has given the region great attraction for all migrant settlers who wished to live in Indonesia. This day, approximately 20% of the population is Caucasian folks, greater than anywhere on Indonesia.

In Melanesia, there are two controlled immigration programs. The first one came from small Norwegian settlers. These came from a family fishery firm of the said nation, Hallvar Lærøy AS. Around three hundred fishermen families arrived at San Cristobal Islands because of the abundant tuna resource in the surrounding seas. They come in two-wave, the first happened in 1981 of around one hundred people. After the success of fish catches, the rest moved in on 1984.

This group is relatively peaceful with the residents. In fact, most of the natives are amicable with the Nordic newcomers. The restless group, the one which caused native concern, is the second group. The second group is the religious settlers of The People’s Temple Agricultural Project. Originated from the United States, this group has no clear-cut purposes that would benefit the indigenous population. Instead, the group was antagonistic to any outsider and wished to maintain their isolation as pure as possible. No one that came in can leave the place. The citizens of Poroporo are repelled of this group. Not only of their unnatural attitude, but it has also drawn terror to regional children. Mostly their intentions are consistent; converting the local populace to their cause.

The local Partai Aliansi Melanesia (PAM), under the chairmanship of Peter Kenilorea, have been trying to investigate this dangerous group. The central government, however, dissuade the party for any federal assistance due for its great contributions in the nation’s surplus without even demanded a return. Any attempts will be caught by federal representatives on the area, threatening the local party punishment in the verdict of defying the federal orders. Despite hard frictions against their own government, PAM has genuine reasons for the investigation, because one United States’ Representative has been monitoring the group. The representative of the 9th District, Don Edwards, was sent by the government for the group’s allegation of cultist rituals that may endanger human rights. The Conservative politician has contacted PAM numerous times to coordinate a possible joined operation uncovering the group’s actions. With meetings almost every three months, Don Edwards is preparing himself to arrive in the settlement on 21st of November, 1985.

1610640587432.png

Representative Don Edwards, A Conservative Representative of California 9th District

Meanwhile, the month of November has been devastating for the Melanesian State. A demonstration against a Japanese fishing company happened in the 2nd. The fishery was allegedly stealing fish quotas, and have been manipulating local fishermen to pay less than the actual fare. The demonstration has regressed into a showdown against the police after provocateurs invade that particular company’s office in Honiara. It had injured 15 people during the fight, but the federal government stayed unnoticed of the instability. In 10th of November, a rouge typhoon hit Santa Cruz Islands. It was unexpected by everyone, even the clever local fishermen that have learned the weather since birth. It killed almost three hundred people during the storm, another 78 heavily injured.

Two reporters, three PAM officials and Don Edwards arrived on the Poroporo dock at 21st morning. They arrived at the settlement, which was full of American housing. The community was friendly to the new arrivals. Jim Jones had greeted them gracefully and arrived with a gathering. During Don Edward’s chat with parishioners, however, he discovered that few of them were intending to leave the small town. Don Edwards promised the three defectors that the can escape from his envoy.

The next morning, just by the docks of Poroporo, Don Edwards was attacked by Temple armed men. The preacher has discovered the defector’s disappearance, and have sent few men to kill. Without any defence, all of Edward’s companions, even the reporters, was shot to death on the dock. The shot alerted few passersby of local city dwellers, whom the bodyguards kill three of them. On the same time, Jim Jones has assembled the entire community into a Friday mass. That day was gloom and dark because Jim Jones induced his congregation a concoction of cyanide-laced, grape-flavoured Cool-Aid. 1345 people, 315 of them are children, have died en masse in the town.


CxlfDJxWgAAyn8f-min.jpg

The Mass Suicide of The People's Temple Agriculture Project, or simply called the Tragedy of Poroporo


Back in the United States, the response had been very drastic, especially for the families of the victims. The Temple headquarters was flooded with journalists and angry relatives. The situation in Indonesia, however, was grimmer. Poroporo inhabitants were traumatized with the mass suicide happening on the same island. A massive debate happened in the local representative body in Honiara. The members there unanimously agreed on one thing; the federal government is responsible for this atrocity to happen.

After this day, the LKY administration never came back to the initial eclipse. They were going down faster, and unsurprisingly, the PRD made a move first.

=======================​
Next sub-chapter would definitely be another PRD Golkar Chapter, they will plan their opportunity immediately. We're definitely closing the LKY era, and the 1988 Election will soon hype up.
 
The Bloody Melanesian Month

Barely twenty years of incorporation, the State Republic of Melanesia has been formally member of the Indonesian government with a better fusion than Aceh or Perak. Born under the presidency of Nasution, and grow within the Subandrio administration, the archipelagic island greeted the new ruler as fair and compatible. Some might consider the old British rule as a better colonizer. Accurately, Indonesia isn’t one, but the nation has invested to improve the economy all across Indonesia, including this state.

The difference between Melanesia and the other republics is Melanesia is relatively barren of raw mining resources. With ineffectual areas of land, industrial construction was not worthwhile for the state. In 1972, Premier Suharto had passed a regional agriculture law, which strengthened the farmer’s power so the productivity of the crops will increase. During that time, they produced coconuts, palm kernels, rice potatoes, and some other kinds of vegetation. Suharto also noticed the potential fishing industry, which he passed the 1972 National Fishery Law which affected nationwide; the islands had been benefited by it.

View attachment 616437
Melanesia Postcards resembling the old name and fishing vessels,1980


Then Premier Subandrio, ironically enough, agreed with the policies enacted by his antecedent. Although Subandrio never visited Melanesia until his early presidency, he was hopeful of Melanesia’s growth and quite certain of no separatist associations emerging to declare sovereignty. However, the premier wished to improve industry on the state, regardless of the terrain and landscape. He would then promote immigration to the island, inviting particular Javanese to blend in with the fellow Austronesians.

Premier LKY, instead of the passive action conducted by both predecessors, has proven to be very aggressive on boosting the island's economy. With the motto of expanding Indonesia’s national economy, he would tirelessly push to improve the prosperity in all regions, including Melanesia. In Melanesia, he attracted investors to the fishing industry and started to make complexes of fishing plants on the island. Honiara has evolved into a boomtown of 25000 inhabitants, almost thirty per cent of which is not native.

The premise of LKY’s characteristics of premiership is definitely apparent on the island. The economy is brewing, yet inequality has increased over time. Although people could buy better goods with affordable money, industrialist has profited the most. It seems that ‘the poor are rich, the rich are richer’ connotation has been people’s catchphrase for LKY. But then, this slight negativity has not impacted the dearest on the state’s stability. LKY’s other policy, immigration, has.

Controlled immigration program was LKY’s greatest tool of increasing the nation’s economic power. He appealed foreign middle households of European or American nations, most of which can be considered the wealthy in Indonesia perspective, to a program called ‘permanent tourism’. This tactic was finally uncovered under the pressure of the Gresik Scandal. The ‘permanent tourism’ includes a group of targeted homesteaders to tour a destination, and then dwell the area for a few months, until the local government naturalized the citizens so they can stay there forever. Indonesia, surprisingly, has its economy revamped by this method. The number of settlers came due to tackle the underemployment of crafty factories, most of which needed educated labours that Indonesia is still trying to produce.

In 1984 alone, nearly thirty thousand settlers have moved or naturalized as Indonesian citizens. Most of it came from Europe, which was brewing its hot war after Germany’s confrontation with the Soviet Union. Those settlers, either lived in secluded migrant neighbourhood towns or mixed with older European settlers which had lived here even before the independence. Naturally, big cities have ‘little Europe’ in the making. However, one small town in Walini, Pasundan State, has become these migrant’s prime destination. After a special economic zone policy dated back in the 50s, Walini’s administrative history has given the region great attraction for all migrant settlers who wished to live in Indonesia. This day, approximately 20% of the population is Caucasian folks, greater than anywhere on Indonesia.

In Melanesia, there are two controlled immigration programs. The first one came from small Norwegian settlers. These came from a family fishery firm of the said nation, Hallvar Lærøy AS. Around three hundred fishermen families arrived at San Cristobal Islands because of the abundant tuna resource in the surrounding seas. They come in two-wave, the first happened in 1981 of around one hundred people. After the success of fish catches, the rest moved in on 1984.

This group is relatively peaceful with the residents. In fact, most of the natives are amicable with the Nordic newcomers. The restless group, the one which caused native concern, is the second group. The second group is the religious settlers of The People’s Temple Agricultural Project. Originated from the United States, this group has no clear-cut purposes that would benefit the indigenous population. Instead, the group was antagonistic to any outsider and wished to maintain their isolation as pure as possible. No one that came in can leave the place. The citizens of Poroporo are repelled of this group. Not only of their unnatural attitude, but it has also drawn terror to regional children. Mostly their intentions are consistent; converting the local populace to their cause.

The local Partai Aliansi Melanesia (PAM), under the chairmanship of Peter Kenilorea, have been trying to investigate this dangerous group. The central government, however, dissuade the party for any federal assistance due for its great contributions in the nation’s surplus without even demanded a return. Any attempts will be caught by federal representatives on the area, threatening the local party punishment in the verdict of defying the federal orders. Despite hard frictions against their own government, PAM has genuine reasons for the investigation, because one United States’ Representative has been monitoring the group. The representative of the 9th District, Don Edwards, was sent by the government for the group’s allegation of cultist rituals that may endanger human rights. The Conservative politician has contacted PAM numerous times to coordinate a possible joined operation uncovering the group’s actions. With meetings almost every three months, Don Edwards is preparing himself to arrive in the settlement on 21st of November, 1985.

View attachment 616441
Representative Don Edwards, A Conservative Representative of California 9th District

Meanwhile, the month of November has been devastating for the Melanesian State. A demonstration against a Japanese fishing company happened in the 2nd. The fishery was allegedly stealing fish quotas, and have been manipulating local fishermen to pay less than the actual fare. The demonstration has regressed into a showdown against the police after provocateurs invade that particular company’s office in Honiara. It had injured 15 people during the fight, but the federal government stayed unnoticed of the instability. In 10th of November, a rouge typhoon hit Santa Cruz Islands. It was unexpected by everyone, even the clever local fishermen that have learned the weather since birth. It killed almost three hundred people during the storm, another 78 heavily injured.

Two reporters, three PAM officials and Don Edwards arrived on the Poroporo dock at 21st morning. They arrived at the settlement, which was full of American housing. The community was friendly to the new arrivals. Jim Jones had greeted them gracefully and arrived with a gathering. During Don Edward’s chat with parishioners, however, he discovered that few of them were intending to leave the small town. Don Edwards promised the three defectors that the can escape from his envoy.

The next morning, just by the docks of Poroporo, Don Edwards was attacked by Temple armed men. The preacher has discovered the defector’s disappearance, and have sent few men to kill. Without any defence, all of Edward’s companions, even the reporters, was shot to death on the dock. The shot alerted few passersby of local city dwellers, whom the bodyguards kill three of them. On the same time, Jim Jones has assembled the entire community into a Friday mass. That day was gloom and dark because Jim Jones induced his congregation a concoction of cyanide-laced, grape-flavoured Cool-Aid. 1345 people, 315 of them are children, have died en masse in the town.


View attachment 616444
The Mass Suicide of The People's Temple Agriculture Project, or simply called the Tragedy of Poroporo


Back in the United States, the response had been very drastic, especially for the families of the victims. The Temple headquarters was flooded with journalists and angry relatives. The situation in Indonesia, however, was grimmer. Poroporo inhabitants were traumatized with the mass suicide happening on the same island. A massive debate happened in the local representative body in Honiara. The members there unanimously agreed on one thing; the federal government is responsible for this atrocity to happen.

After this day, the LKY administration never came back to the initial eclipse. They were going down faster, and unsurprisingly, the PRD made a move first.

=======================​
Next sub-chapter would definitely be another PRD Golkar Chapter, they will plan their opportunity immediately. We're definitely closing the LKY era, and the 1988 Election will soon hype up.
Wow so patp was even more violent than ittl btw does the soviet have any say in this because ittl i hesrd that jim jones was originallt going to move to the soviet union but wasnt able to i think
 
Wow so patp was even more violent than ittl btw does the soviet have any say in this because ittl i hesrd that jim jones was originallt going to move to the soviet union but wasnt able to i think

I guess it would just butterfly away. The Soviet Union is still on hard terms on the United States and has strengthening also. Therefore, Jim Jones and his Jonestown wouldn't have any independent rights within the Soviet Union. Indonesia, on the other hand, intentionally gave them those rights due to money, so I guess Jim Jones moved to Indonesia because such.v
 
I guess it would just butterfly away. The Soviet Union is still on hard terms on the United States and has strengthening also. Therefore, Jim Jones and his Jonestown wouldn't have any independent rights within the Soviet Union. Indonesia, on the other hand, intentionally gave them those rights due to money, so I guess Jim Jones moved to Indonesia because such.v
Interesting so the soviet basically ignores him even though he want to move there? But then again probably in this they did some digging first and reject them based on the fact the dude is crazy but indonesia giving them lands due to money? That is scandal material right there
 
The Golkars are at it again! Part 8: Extraordinary Sessions
The First Snowball: December Sessions

Alarming signals had notified the Subandrio Presidency and LKY Administration that dark clouds would wander onward. The Gresik Scandal exposed the other surface of the booming marketplace while also publishing the farmer’s approaching fate for exceeding urban expansion. Immigration, a troubling one for native patriotist, prompted mixed views pro and against. The setback, however, attained from the horrors of Poroporo. That has driven the DPR to congregate again in December for an Extraordinary Congress.

The upcoming months had been enriching for the Indonesian people to study law because this was the time that the 1973 Constitution was tested completely and considerately in the DPR. Most of the early periods, the current Constitution’s few comparisons with the older ones have averted critiques to petition. That had moved away, and the people were witnessing the 1973’s valour. Chapter II of the 1973 Constitution declared that any urgent event that needed a government assemblage will be held under the Extraordinary Congress that seek participation from both the DPR Representatives and the DPD Senators. Beforehand, the DPD was not involved in any unusual cases that deemed the executive government. Also, it is the first time that the Congress Building will fill up fully.

501 over 555 Representatives and the complete 114 Senators have arrived in the building in 4th December of 1985. Their agenda was simple, to question the ruling party’s legitimacy for managing the government. So far, the government is constitutionally parliamentary. Therefore, the LKY premiership was responsible to the Parliament. Consists of four sessions in three days, the Parliament asked intricate questions which the Premier must answer if not suffer reverberations of screening honesty.

The first session debated about the economy. The one who wished for the Extraordinary Congress to be held, PNI-R Representative from Makassar Jusuf Kalla opened the session first with concerns on the money-oriented state. Jusuf Kalla mentioned the government’s lack of principle and keep going after cash. The interventions in Africa have become definite proof that Indonesia wanted more loans from Carterian America. Moreover, Japan has become too powerful in the Indonesian economy, granting them all power in appliances, electronic and minutely transportation industry. The PNI-R politician, probably briefed with Party leader and Batak DPD Nasution, along with Jakarta DPD Ali Sadikin, opened the economic talks with waning military influence. After the interventions, the government has withdrawn most of the nation’s military power for other sectors. Although a pro-Ali general had ascended as the Chief of Staff, it didn’t restrain the PNI-R militarist to cover the issue.

The response coming from LKY and the ministers in question were decently well replied. Defense Minister Try Sutrisno, shockingly to LKY’s observation, defended those interventions as an effort of democratization in Africa. He explicitly stated that Africa is no more a European colony, and every place on that particular area deserve independent rule. He brought up Pancasila that reinforce freedom of occupation. It gained positive remarks from the entire congress, but still stern faces from PNI-R and PPI politicians. BUMN Minister Frederik Trihandoko and Economy Minister Emil Salim both supported the money scheme, stating that it had helped improve a nation by a ton. They stressed the audience should not overlook the negative sides, as those were minuscule comparing to the benefits. In conclusion, LKY responded that the government promised for augmentation of Indonesia’s national culture after the economy has improved. The military question was cunningly avoided by LKY to answer, as his true intentions were simply reducing the military to non-influential into any legislative or judicative body, which they had. Enthusiastic clapping and nods from representatives ended the first session.

Next, the second session opened the debate with the same topic, but with a harsher and more aggressive question from the PPI party. DPD from Banyumas, Njono Prawiro, opened the debate about the economy that sacrifices the farmer’s productivity. He criticized the government’s extreme efforts of industrialization while waning the bane of Indonesia’s strongest sector; the agriculture. With approval shouts from his own party, Njono Prawiro also accused the government as overly reliant on Western relation. Sukarno was introduced in the chamber as pro-neutrality, and Subandrio with his apprentice LKY certainly have gone sideways.

Njono Prawiro’s deep attacks were improved with PUI Representative K.H* Maimun Zubair. The Ulema declared the government to undermine the harmonious religion of Islam. With rising population from all kinds of foreigners, including Jews alike, the Federal Republic of Indonesia has her Islamic population under threat. Considering long hatred with the Jews, he unintentionally moved the majority of Islam devouts to expel the entire nation out from Indonesia. He too explained of youth’s becoming much more secular than ever, evolving Indonesia into a secular state that Pancasila has blocked.

Still, the cabinet responded fairly impressive with all those strikes. One by one, the members shared their own views that tamed the ambush from both the PPI and the PUI. As expected, Religion Minister Muhammad Bin Zaini countered PUI’s attack with another blow, stating the party as entirely radical and wished the Jews for massive expulsion, which by humanity and goodwill was entirely wrong. On the Television, the PUI was roasted deeply from LKY’s response. The government once again was feeling quite secure. The second session ended with a good response, albeit the PPI and the PUI were still ardently opposed to giving in.

The 6th December 1985, a Friday, was deliberately scheduled by LKY. Not only because it was the end of the week, but Friday Prayers were also convened. Therefore, the government would face less opposition against the third ‘Tragedy of Poroporo’ Session. Also, this next debater would be one of PPP’s coalition partner, PRD. Umar would never jeopardize the coalition as it would be suicide. PPP’s success is also PRD’s benefit. However, considering this particularly deadly topic, LKY had convened its cabinet earlier about a proper response for it. Anwar Ibrahim, the Foreign Minister, has asserted his position and felt very confident. A Kedah politician, Yusof Bin Abdullah, became the initiator of the third session after lunch. He was influential among Malay politicians, even to bureaucrats in Sumatra and Kalimantan. However, the speech was utterly unexpected from LKY, as among the rest of others, the PRD has given the full force of the assault.

As a representative for the people whom I work arduously to, this government has forgotten the sense of humbleness and correspondence to our people’s will and need of a democratic government. The current cabinet has been engrossed with wealth and opportunistic slots for a prosperous nation without a prosperous society. The tragedy of Poroporo only unveiled the depths of the controversy that struck to the core. A blind desire so gullible that money may solve everything even originated from a lunatic. What happened last November has become a turning point from us, those who obviously is outside the circle, that change must be done into the government.

Almost thirty years ago, three military commandants, one notably Major General Suharto, has established Golongan Karya inside the army. Its initial purpose was to progress the army with considerable advice and commentaries from our own partners; the people of Nusantara. Scientists, economists, businessman and politicians alike, all united in one voice: to work the army to its best and serve the people. Golongan Karya has now become our PRD’s largest faction, and it will enlarge so because of the nation’s confidence to this new group.

Now, I believe it is the time that the Liberal Faction, the Malaya Faction, or the faction whose members supported the current administration, must leave from power before it has been too late. We are diving in into a dangerous future that the people are absolutely benefited none. I request the parliament, on behalf of the Federal Republic, to move a vote of no confidence effectively shortly.


Yusof Bin Abdullah, 1985

On behalf of his proposal, he introduced new groundbreaking secrets that have sieged the government far better than the PNI-R and PPI attacks. Secrets originating from BIN that uncovered numerous Japanese companies that have been consciously exploiting the regulatory laws. Ending by almost ten hours from the lunch break, the third session has received a well-mannered endorsement by those who watched in the television. Public increased their support for the Golkar party. Fidgeting from the government respondent also helped to ail the public view from confident to suspicious. More and more PRD stated more facts that the government felt overwhelmed to respond with.

Yet, radio listeners agreed to both the PPI and PNI-R who has seen this as another act from the faction who always feign their friends. It was because they saw the documents shown that television could, which most perceivers deflect those as entirely exaggerated. Furthermore, the youth are unnecessarily pleased with the Parliament either. They were between the most liberalist stance, which wholeheartedly supports LKY. On the other hand, other youths camped under PPI or PNI-R platform, giving the utmost socialism and nationalism respectively. The PRD has become a party for the olds, especially from the 65 generations.

Congressmen agreed to meet for the no-confidence vote by January. Each party conducted meetings amongst inner members to strategize carefully. With the PRD on the ‘goodies’, other parties should steal the attention also. In the end, all parties similarly agreed on something unconsciously, gathering masses by the first no-confidence session.

==============================​
A busy year ahead for Indonesians. LKY will cover some problems that unnecessarily his but will be blamed for.
 
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The Golkars are at it again! Part 9: Vote
The First Snowball: Look into the Parties and Votes

Indonesia was ill-fated to have a political crisis as dire as in 1986. The last power contest was Nasution’s rise in 1963. Even that, news coverage was radio stations, times when one had yet received any visual information. People had been less informative and less keen on overseeing Parliament sessions. This current crisis had 15 million people watching from the table. Also, Nasution was not entirely fighting for survival, Sukarno eventually wanted to diminish PKI’s influence from the executive government. This time, all sides are trying to shoot the government down, maybe using the law to find their own path to leadership.

Indeed, much of the scandals coincided under Subandrio’s government signifies relative shock. Nasution had done worse, expanding the military with corruption towards the bureaucratic sector. Opening up lavish prestigious building to satisfy one’s prestige but not the economy, livelihood and prosperity of the people. For Sukarno, it was nothing better. The previous drafts helped Sukarno to form a pseudo-parliamentary system, that means the President control absolute authority. He deliberately maintained Wilopo’s premiership as he was the only willing minister that governs similar according to him. In that particular perspective, this premiership was not so bad after all.

However, the assumptions did nothing to loathe not the current government. Anywhere outside the government has grown to hate the administration, even for politicians inside the coalition. For the PNI-R platform, it was the growing Japanese influence that upsets both Nasution war hawks, or the Nationalist Youths. For the PPI, the lack of farming incentives was to blame, and the increasing government attitudes towards corporates had also agitated the poor to support the communist wing. The Islamist, had their own problems, the receding religious values that erode mostly in cities, and also the education’s curriculum which supports science unilaterally.

Still, the associations did not unite them, because there are countless other reasons why these factions cannot work together. After the decline of Nasution’s power, the Parliament evolved radically for one’s party. Cooperation has been difficult outside of the party. Although a 50% majority may help to pass laws, that will not last long as inner faction members would explode soon. PNI-R had suffered the Golkar split in 1983. Almost three years, that same men would ruin PPP’s cohesion.

The end year season was busy for all the representatives, they are gathering masses and fans all across the world. After the parliament agreed to pass a vote by January, back negotiations have spurn all across Indonesia. Each faction from MPR goes to local constituents, senators and local elderly.

Firstly, indeed, is the Malacca Faction. Truthfully, the faction was split between ousting LKY or keeping the man. Huge cities areas, such as Singapore or Jakarta, strongly believed in the government and wished to stay so until the end of the term. The leader, Musa Hitam, was LKY’s close ally during the war. While others in the Malay Peninsula and Sumatran islands aren’t so willing to spare aside. Mahathir Mohammad, a Kedah doctor, was an enthusiast to relieve LKY for someone else of his choice. The 229 Reps and 26 Senators have the same course, so an official split would not happen soon. Being the largest but not so united, the Malacca Faction suffered a significant blow in attempting to garner sympathizers. But then, the youth movement, particularly those who enjoy the freedom in cities, has vowed to support the government. An estimate of 750 young men would arrive to support demonstrations. Protests are not LKY’s preferable weapon, but it was required.

The Madagascar Faction, favourably after incorporation, remains firm under Malacca’s directive. They have been availed the most, having the island exhausted by the French into a sustainable farm and factory by the Indonesians. At least, Madagascar is the 9th poorest country if independent now, rather than the estimate of 1st if Madagascar is granted by the French back then. Building an entire nation larger than most islands in Indonesia is hard, but surely it was decent. The other PPP Faction, the Hatta Faction, was lagging but support Malacca anyway. Adam Malik, the current ruler, still believed that Subandrio was still good. Although they don’t like LKY, they promised not to impeach.

Although officially part of the Prosperity Coalition, PRD’s spokesperson Sudharmono has determined that the party will weight efforts to bring justice to the current government. Chairman Untung has given a Garis Besar Haluan Partai, or Broad Outlines of Party’s Direction, to mostly impose soft power to Indonesia by strengthening the army and its influence on the government. Moreover, there has to be an indivisible chain between defence, politicians, and executives. Unlike the opposition, PRD has no clear reason to withdraw its support from LKY apart from the Poroporo Incident. But then, with the hit they blew during December, they may harness ‘feeling good’ populace that wanted LKY out by humiliation without changing the government too much.

To survive, PPP also needed to fight PPI, the third-largest portion and the largest opposition. Different than PRD’s objective, PPI was blatantly trying to overthrow the government. This staunch faction naturally acquired from PKI’s far-left, which was the only party to encourage and defend the Comecon. Their adorned candidate Guntur Sukarnoputra, an extra two years of development, and most of Sukarno’s politically active family into the party had been the reasons why PPI can resurge after Untung’s split to PRD back then. This is their best chance to possibly win the forthcoming 1988 election, and certainly, PPI is showing full strength from its members, especially the youths, to shout enough for the state to run.

Less militant but substantial second-largest opposition was the old PNI-R. Now a shadow of its former self, PNI-R has increasingly grown to appease on both extreme sides of the age spectrum. Old guards, retirees, and revolutionary officers have friendly views of Nasution. However, the president had been waning it’s Dwifungsi ABRI dream to a more reasonable modernization the ABRI. This particular move was certainly Ali’s last attempt to sway Edi Sudrajat, one of PRD’s highest members. In the meantime, as the old 65 generations are probably inclined to Umar and his fellows, the younger, fresher, more active subordinates patronize the 2nd President. A notable member of which, is Colonel Abdullah Mahmud Hendropriyono, Intelligent Assistant of Jakarta Regional Military Command (RMC), Major Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Commander of Special Raider Infantry Brigade, Bali RMC and a half-Dutch half-Indonesian Captain Heri Sudiro Djambi, son of Idjon Djambi the first Kopassus commander. Still, the PNI-R can be persuaded, as they hated PRD and PPI more than the current PPP. LKY just needed leverage to prevent them from voting no confidence.

Last but not least, the PUI and BKDT who was allying behind the bigger PPI was also LKY’s problem to resolve. However, with two-thirds needed for a no-confidence vote, LKY needed not to attract the PUI again. If his own party was united, even bare 65% of it, LKY could escape without stepping down. He was confident in his break he enjoyed his winter in Singapore to once again allure Japanese investors.

Then, January hit LKY.

6th January is the first workday of 1986 and also the return of the Assembly for a session. Unsurprisingly, almost all members of DPR and DPD present as a yearly session would convene at that time. LKY and his cabinet arrived with confident faces, but still determined for protecting his picture. He would prepare for a few things to conclude his defence, and the vote on the DPR proceeded.


No-Confidence Vote
Should the government step down or resume its executive powers?
1. Yay
2. Nay


1611928914851.png

1611928922563.png

1611928927337.png

…​

Although the motion passed the raw majority, it didn’t pass the necessity to vote 2/3 for the proceedings to go on. Few of PPP Politicians, notably those Malayans who were against LKY, cast their ballot to the Yay side. The real problem that hit the government, was the happenings outside. The PPI demonstrators, already outside of the Parliament, opened up a fight against the PNI-R youths. Riot happened.


=======================
I was trying to post this update about the riots. But because of the long overview of the parties. I guess that would be next week's update.

A few points to be mentioned, Nasution's power is waning that PNI-R essentially shifts from Dwifungsi ABRI to quality doctrine, with also influence from Djambi's clan. PRD, ironically, will inevitably become a part of that as the defence-politician-government triangle was central to Dwifungsi ABRI. Names are popping out as well, coming to the modern age which I master better. The Nationalist Faction under the PNI-R is basically those youths who wanted a Nasution government back and revisit the post-war ego and pride.

I also wanted to mention a few insights on what the hell happened between 54-66 as I covered those quite vaguely. Fortunately, I'm going to make the 50th Anniversary of Indonesia to summarize the entire 50 years domestically and foreignly.
 
The Golkars are at it again! Part 10: The Riot
The Riot of 1986

The Riot of 1986 is a series of disorders and conflicts that happened during and after the voting procedure in the Parliament Jakarta. The youths, who are split between support and oppose but having a significantly larger mob for the former, came to the Parliament in Senayan to express their opinions. To fully understand how it was caused, or how it became as demoralizing as it was, there has to be a short context about history.

The build-up came during December of the previous year. That time, politicians strategized themselves on finding the best scenario for themselves. It was notable, as every party had its own objective, thus finding themselves almost under difference. Even within the party, like in PPP and PNI-R, different factions might be across from each other. As after the vote, it was confirmed that some indigenous Malay politicians, led by Kedah doctor Mahathir Mohammad, showed resistance against the bigger pro-government Musa Hitam. In PNI-R, the case was much simpler, as it involved the youths versus the Old Guard. The youths played a big role during the tumult because they directly were involved.

As New Year was coming, each party youth’s organization held a leadership meeting. In before, the PPI’s Barisan Pemuda (1) already determined their arrival to support the vote of no confidence against the Parliament. As they all were rural youngster, they totally supported the communist ideal. Moreover, their relatively unschooled nature than the other youth equivalents, as they chiefly entered the workforce after primary school, showed a more aggressive and hostile posture towards opposition than anyone else, sometimes involving melees and deadlocks. Barisan Pemuda was also famous for its unyielding mission, seize the means of production, to the Indonesian people. Therefore, expectedly, BP will come against the government at any chance they can find.

The PNI-R Youths, Pemuda Nusantara (2), had a different view. Instead of the obvious anti-government Barisan Pemuda, PN showed a more tolerable stance for LKY. Indeed, the young nationalists hated Japan’s growing influence, particularly in Indonesia’s economy. As more and more appliances derived from Japanese corporations, fresh thinkers acknowledged this as Japan’s new imperialistic technique. With scars of Japanese occupation seriously embedded on nationalist propaganda, Pemuda Nusantara certainly opposed LKY’s policy. However, Pemuda Nusantara was supporting LKY’s social policy. They venerated BJ Habibie for a strong movement. A movement of science and progress. Consequently, the youth agreed with a pro-US Indonesia, especially with a science budget overhaul under the US President John Glenn. Also, is the same side as Barisan Pemuda was shown as a disgrace among PNI-R members. They would rather die than side with them. However, both of them have some same traits, which members usually dived into the depths of politics.

Similar spirit with an absolutely different aim and expertise, Front Muda (3), PPP’s liberal youth wing, has entrenched with LKY’s government with a unified cause, keeping the growing trend of Westernization. Especially after the rising number of arrivals from America and Europe, Indonesians has been aware of western free culture. It brought diverse culture into the existing diverse land, introducing music, art and ideas. Like the PNI-R youths brought Malmedy into the 70s, the 80s brought Kenny Rogers, Madonna and Michael Jackson into Indonesian cities. European rocks, according to these kinds of youth, have become too apocalyptic and less certainty. As so, those new-rocks were tending to be slower than energetic American ones. Also, these youths controversially introduced the hippie and punk. Establishing movements of peace, anti-corruption, love and sex. The last point was proven to cause few clashes with Barisan Pemuda and Front Pemuda Islam, both of them too conservative to acknowledge that raw behaviour. Rather than the previous political groups, this PPP youth wing is entirely socio-cultural and exists non-obligatory political discussion. However, the group has been the most successful of them all, as they went far beyond political beliefs, and strongly address common societal problems like equality of race and gender.

Last but not least powerful, Front Pemuda Islam (4) was a youth Islamic community established by ulamas to maintain and preserve Islamic religious norms to continue under the modern yet intrusive culture. This has grown as the one true opposition against Front Pemuda members, few times involved in a gang fight. Although the NU and the Muhammadiyah had their own youth movement to campaign their own fight for Islam, the FPI was a religiously driven group. Common to popular belief, they have fundamental Islam views, some of them may be entirely discriminative, like anti-Semitism. Moreover, they were also responsible for lynching several non-Muslim citizens with the case of kafir. As a result, the FPI have clashed occasionally with PN’s all-unity and FP’s support to the Jewish.

With all due said, these youths were entirely divided into conflicting factions than can cause their own little civil war. In October 1985, nearly 20 teenage brawls happened in Jakarta than ignited into a full-blown out youth combat. Soon, these tensions became common to most families, and situations in cities can be slightly grim. It all soon escalated by January.

In the morning of the 6th, reports of PPI demonstrators have arrived in front of Senayan (5). Barisan Pemuda orators coming from Brebes, Purwakarta and Cilacap sector all have flocked to demand the vote to oust the government. They brought hand-written banners, some were offensive for the politicians. Some other banners are nicely put propaganda, appeasing the less educated ones who adore good visual graphics. In 07.00, almost one thousand arrived from the PPI. They also brought convoys to the road. Next, naturally, was the city dwellers Front Pemuda. Boys wear yellow headbands while girls wear yellow bandana, their PPP iconic colour. Technologically more advance than BP, FP brought megaphones, quickly out speak them. They arrived in 07.45, and that was when Pemuda Nusantara comes in. Similar to FP, they accumulated almost 600 college students, mostly from local universities. Better coordination that FP, all PN wore blue. Lastly, the FPI arrived in 9 with their black sorban. Together, with additional convoys by afternoon, Senayan would be filled by almost a thousand people.
1612589242049.png

FPI doing dzuhur prayer, a few bloks out from the Parliament

As a security measure, Jakarta RMC (Kodam Jaya) Commander Major General Borhan Ahmad (6). Formerly Malaya RMC staff member before re-appointment. Borhan Ahmad, unsurprisingly, in Mahathir’s aide-de-camp, and not so cordial with LKY and Musa Hitam. He sent 500 of his troops to maintain a standoff against the demonstrators in case of a riot. While the other 500 secure the perimeter. The third troop was reserved in case the first defence failed. But still, Borhan Ahmad was not a pacific kind of person, but a conformist. His soldiers weren’t helpful either, as Kodam Jaya was infamous for treating civilians poorly. Police were also there, being the army’s indicator for any counter-riot operation to begin.

The first half of the day was well mannered for both the convoys and the military. The police had conducive conversations with the youths, even some humoured each other. Yet, others maintained antipathy, giving the police difficult patience. After the vote by 3 in the afternoon, the entire demonstration all showed mixed emotions. Front Pemuda expressed the greatest excitement of their lives, while Front Pemuda Islam and Barisan Pemuda all shouted in disbelief. And then, provocations erupted.

Firstly, an allegedly Barisan Pemuda punched a group of Pemuda Nusantara with the motive of most PNI-R not voting yay for no confidence. And then, the group clashed with each other, throwing bricks, rocks, or anything they could find. Unknowingly, during the fight Barisan Pemuda openly staged a brawl with Front Pemuda, therefore giving a mayhem circus just in front of the Parliament. As fellow friends of Barisan Pemuda, Front Pemuda Islam charged alongside them, giving a two-front youth riot in front of Senayan. From a tense wait in 15.00, it became a large feud in 15.30, and brick-throwing in 16.00.

At this time, Borhan Ahmad was no patient nor considerate. He also noticed the political opportunity for this. Therefore, with negotiations with on-field Police Commander Brigadier General Sapta Noer (7), the police started beating everyone, regardless of the youth. Their reason was simple, there was a fight in front of MPR, the police should stop them. Initially, beatings from batons really ushered them away. But, as maghrib arrived, more and more youths, some that never even demonstrated in the day, arrived at the scene to retaliate against the police. The police brutality exploded the mass quadruplet. Almost ten thousand had mobilized, either from local universities or even nearest satellite cities of Jakarta. It was grim for Brigadier General Sapta Noor, especially as a PPI demonstration wave would come from Bogor with arrival at 10. In their perspective, these youths had prepared for such thing, and Sapta Noor gave Borhan Ahmad the signal. It was terrifying.

By 21:03, the troops that were mostly on defensive had opened fire to the protestors. It was a no mercy attitude for rioters, Borhan had stated, and he felt no remorse from that. Then, after the youths fled for their safety, twenty-five men and three women died from gun wounds, and 72 others wounded, slightly or severely. Jakarta RMC troops also intercepted the second wave that came from Bogor on the Jagorawi Toll Road. The stopped the busses in Cilincing and ordered them to get back home in gun-point.

1612589231175.png

Condition in 17.00 of the afternoon

Just as the government reached their own homes by then, an infuriated Subandrio addressed the nation to apologize for such atrocities by the military. He attempted to discharge Borhan from his office dishonourably. However, he announced his own press conference, with a throwback for the president.

What has the President shown to the people and the world is only cowardice and weakness. The political factions inside deliberately using the youths to move forwards agendas. The chaos happened because of the protestors acted violently, and the military must restore order. Indeed, the military doesn't patronize brutality and oppression. But, with the strong resentment among youths, and public concern of domestic stability, it should be clear that these sort of riots if not contained will cause only terrible effects for Indonesia’s future. I am a member Golkar, I work and think according to my ability and occupation. However, it is also apparent that the current government has been doing awful things outside our sight.

I am urging the military to unite. After the split because of politics, I think it is time for the armed forces to join hand and be as one. Not to fight against the government, but protect the integrity of Indonesia. Indonesia is failing with all of those scandals, incidents, and now riots. It’s no time for lobbying or politics, it’s time to reform our nation.


In February 1986, Borhan was inevitably discharged from the military. Public opinion was radically mixed between the old and the young. The old fully supported Golkar, that determined the youth’s insubordination that causes few incidents across cities. The youth, however, has turned more anti-military and thus giving more supporters to Front Pemuda and Barisan Pemuda. Unfortunately, the PNI-R has damaged the dearest, split between old guards who had a few affirmative opinions with the Golkar and Pemuda Nusantara, completely aligned with the Front Pemuda. There are few PN who agreed with Borhan too, stating the young communists as the culprit.

As Subandrio’s second term faltered with a new crisis, the government seemingly forgot about one little thing, that the Indochina was once again in flames. The Cambodia Civil War has involved the Americans.

=====================​
I think from here, the government will have a difficult time to cooperate with the military.
For simplification, let me summarize these four youth wings from each party:
(1)
Barisan Pemuda: Ally of the PPI. Mostly a youth political group, with communist manifestos indoctrinated. They formerly hated the Islamists, but soon they shifted for a 'larger' threat: liberalism.
(2) Pemuda Nusantara: Ally of the PNI-R. Mostly a youth political group, although they contributed mostly to scientific seminars. They truly hated Barisan Pemuda and Front Pemuda Islam, but neutral-friendly to the rest.
(3) Front Pemuda: Initially a socio-cultural heterogenic group of youths celebrating the freedom under Subandrio and LKY's government. However, since the military was acting up they became more politically active. Campaigning for anti-military, and sometimes anti-corruption as armed forces (the police included) were susceptible to bribes.
(4) Front Pemuda Islam: An extremely religious youth wing, extremely conservative and fundamentalist. Similarly indoctrinated. They extremely hated others except for Barisan Pemuda.

(5) Senayan is also the area OTL MPR building of Indonesia is, and currently ITTL also.
(6) Borhan Ahmad is OTL Commander of the Army for Malaysia by 1994
(7) entirely a-historical


For the record, this is the end of the chapter and the Cambodia Civil War will opened a new chapter, this time a trip around South East Asia as a whole, with few international events.

PS. ( Let me confide a bit) It's been 31-years TL Story wise or 36-years if you counted the EG. I wholeheartedly thank all of you who kept reading. You guys, especially the long-term readers, keep invigorate me to continue this timeline. I also thank the newcomers too. As a return favor, please let me know for any suggestions or comments that may help this TL. Who knows, probably your own ideas will be incorporated here.
 
The Riot of 1986

The Riot of 1986 is a series of disorders and conflicts that happened during and after the voting procedure in the Parliament Jakarta. The youths, who are split between support and oppose but having a significantly larger mob for the former, came to the Parliament in Senayan to express their opinions. To fully understand how it was caused, or how it became as demoralizing as it was, there has to be a short context about history.

The build-up came during December of the previous year. That time, politicians strategized themselves on finding the best scenario for themselves. It was notable, as every party had its own objective, thus finding themselves almost under difference. Even within the party, like in PPP and PNI-R, different factions might be across from each other. As after the vote, it was confirmed that some indigenous Malay politicians, led by Kedah doctor Mahathir Mohammad, showed resistance against the bigger pro-government Musa Hitam. In PNI-R, the case was much simpler, as it involved the youths versus the Old Guard. The youths played a big role during the tumult because they directly were involved.

As New Year was coming, each party youth’s organization held a leadership meeting. In before, the PPI’s Barisan Pemuda (1) already determined their arrival to support the vote of no confidence against the Parliament. As they all were rural youngster, they totally supported the communist ideal. Moreover, their relatively unschooled nature than the other youth equivalents, as they chiefly entered the workforce after primary school, showed a more aggressive and hostile posture towards opposition than anyone else, sometimes involving melees and deadlocks. Barisan Pemuda was also famous for its unyielding mission, seize the means of production, to the Indonesian people. Therefore, expectedly, BP will come against the government at any chance they can find.

The PNI-R Youths, Pemuda Nusantara (2), had a different view. Instead of the obvious anti-government Barisan Pemuda, PN showed a more tolerable stance for LKY. Indeed, the young nationalists hated Japan’s growing influence, particularly in Indonesia’s economy. As more and more appliances derived from Japanese corporations, fresh thinkers acknowledged this as Japan’s new imperialistic technique. With scars of Japanese occupation seriously embedded on nationalist propaganda, Pemuda Nusantara certainly opposed LKY’s policy. However, Pemuda Nusantara was supporting LKY’s social policy. They venerated BJ Habibie for a strong movement. A movement of science and progress. Consequently, the youth agreed with a pro-US Indonesia, especially with a science budget overhaul under the US President John Glenn. Also, is the same side as Barisan Pemuda was shown as a disgrace among PNI-R members. They would rather die than side with them. However, both of them have some same traits, which members usually dived into the depths of politics.

Similar spirit with an absolutely different aim and expertise, Front Muda (3), PPP’s liberal youth wing, has entrenched with LKY’s government with a unified cause, keeping the growing trend of Westernization. Especially after the rising number of arrivals from America and Europe, Indonesians has been aware of western free culture. It brought diverse culture into the existing diverse land, introducing music, art and ideas. Like the PNI-R youths brought Malmedy into the 70s, the 80s brought Kenny Rogers, Madonna and Michael Jackson into Indonesian cities. European rocks, according to these kinds of youth, have become too apocalyptic and less certainty. As so, those new-rocks were tending to be slower than energetic American ones. Also, these youths controversially introduced the hippie and punk. Establishing movements of peace, anti-corruption, love and sex. The last point was proven to cause few clashes with Barisan Pemuda and Front Pemuda Islam, both of them too conservative to acknowledge that raw behaviour. Rather than the previous political groups, this PPP youth wing is entirely socio-cultural and exists non-obligatory political discussion. However, the group has been the most successful of them all, as they went far beyond political beliefs, and strongly address common societal problems like equality of race and gender.

Last but not least powerful, Front Pemuda Islam (4) was a youth Islamic community established by ulamas to maintain and preserve Islamic religious norms to continue under the modern yet intrusive culture. This has grown as the one true opposition against Front Pemuda members, few times involved in a gang fight. Although the NU and the Muhammadiyah had their own youth movement to campaign their own fight for Islam, the FPI was a religiously driven group. Common to popular belief, they have fundamental Islam views, some of them may be entirely discriminative, like anti-Semitism. Moreover, they were also responsible for lynching several non-Muslim citizens with the case of kafir. As a result, the FPI have clashed occasionally with PN’s all-unity and FP’s support to the Jewish.

With all due said, these youths were entirely divided into conflicting factions than can cause their own little civil war. In October 1985, nearly 20 teenage brawls happened in Jakarta than ignited into a full-blown out youth combat. Soon, these tensions became common to most families, and situations in cities can be slightly grim. It all soon escalated by January.

In the morning of the 6th, reports of PPI demonstrators have arrived in front of Senayan (5). Barisan Pemuda orators coming from Brebes, Purwakarta and Cilacap sector all have flocked to demand the vote to oust the government. They brought hand-written banners, some were offensive for the politicians. Some other banners are nicely put propaganda, appeasing the less educated ones who adore good visual graphics. In 07.00, almost one thousand arrived from the PPI. They also brought convoys to the road. Next, naturally, was the city dwellers Front Pemuda. Boys wear yellow headbands while girls wear yellow bandana, their PPP iconic colour. Technologically more advance than BP, FP brought megaphones, quickly out speak them. They arrived in 07.45, and that was when Pemuda Nusantara comes in. Similar to FP, they accumulated almost 600 college students, mostly from local universities. Better coordination that FP, all PN wore blue. Lastly, the FPI arrived in 9 with their black sorban. Together, with additional convoys by afternoon, Senayan would be filled by almost a thousand people.
View attachment 622691
FPI doing dzuhur prayer, a few bloks out from the Parliament

As a security measure, Jakarta RMC (Kodam Jaya) Commander Major General Borhan Ahmad (6). Formerly Malaya RMC staff member before re-appointment. Borhan Ahmad, unsurprisingly, in Mahathir’s aide-de-camp, and not so cordial with LKY and Musa Hitam. He sent 500 of his troops to maintain a standoff against the demonstrators in case of a riot. While the other 500 secure the perimeter. The third troop was reserved in case the first defence failed. But still, Borhan Ahmad was not a pacific kind of person, but a conformist. His soldiers weren’t helpful either, as Kodam Jaya was infamous for treating civilians poorly. Police were also there, being the army’s indicator for any counter-riot operation to begin.

The first half of the day was well mannered for both the convoys and the military. The police had conducive conversations with the youths, even some humoured each other. Yet, others maintained antipathy, giving the police difficult patience. After the vote by 3 in the afternoon, the entire demonstration all showed mixed emotions. Front Pemuda expressed the greatest excitement of their lives, while Front Pemuda Islam and Barisan Pemuda all shouted in disbelief. And then, provocations erupted.

Firstly, an allegedly Barisan Pemuda punched a group of Pemuda Nusantara with the motive of most PNI-R not voting yay for no confidence. And then, the group clashed with each other, throwing bricks, rocks, or anything they could find. Unknowingly, during the fight Barisan Pemuda openly staged a brawl with Front Pemuda, therefore giving a mayhem circus just in front of the Parliament. As fellow friends of Barisan Pemuda, Front Pemuda Islam charged alongside them, giving a two-front youth riot in front of Senayan. From a tense wait in 15.00, it became a large feud in 15.30, and brick-throwing in 16.00.

At this time, Borhan Ahmad was no patient nor considerate. He also noticed the political opportunity for this. Therefore, with negotiations with on-field Police Commander Brigadier General Sapta Noer (7), the police started beating everyone, regardless of the youth. Their reason was simple, there was a fight in front of MPR, the police should stop them. Initially, beatings from batons really ushered them away. But, as maghrib arrived, more and more youths, some that never even demonstrated in the day, arrived at the scene to retaliate against the police. The police brutality exploded the mass quadruplet. Almost ten thousand had mobilized, either from local universities or even nearest satellite cities of Jakarta. It was grim for Brigadier General Sapta Noor, especially as a PPI demonstration wave would come from Bogor with arrival at 10. In their perspective, these youths had prepared for such thing, and Sapta Noor gave Borhan Ahmad the signal. It was terrifying.

By 21:03, the troops that were mostly on defensive had opened fire to the protestors. It was a no mercy attitude for rioters, Borhan had stated, and he felt no remorse from that. Then, after the youths fled for their safety, twenty-five men and three women died from gun wounds, and 72 others wounded, slightly or severely. Jakarta RMC troops also intercepted the second wave that came from Bogor on the Jagorawi Toll Road. The stopped the busses in Cilincing and ordered them to get back home in gun-point.

View attachment 622690
Condition in 17.00 of the afternoon

Just as the government reached their own homes by then, an infuriated Subandrio addressed the nation to apologize for such atrocities by the military. He attempted to discharge Borhan from his office dishonourably. However, he announced his own press conference, with a throwback for the president.

What has the President shown to the people and the world is only cowardice and weakness. The political factions inside deliberately using the youths to move forwards agendas. The chaos happened because of the protestors acted violently, and the military must restore order. Indeed, the military doesn't patronize brutality and oppression. But, with the strong resentment among youths, and public concern of domestic stability, it should be clear that these sort of riots if not contained will cause only terrible effects for Indonesia’s future. I am a member Golkar, I work and think according to my ability and occupation. However, it is also apparent that the current government has been doing awful things outside our sight.

I am urging the military to unite. After the split because of politics, I think it is time for the armed forces to join hand and be as one. Not to fight against the government, but protect the integrity of Indonesia. Indonesia is failing with all of those scandals, incidents, and now riots. It’s no time for lobbying or politics, it’s time to reform our nation.


In February 1986, Borhan was inevitably discharged from the military. Public opinion was radically mixed between the old and the young. The old fully supported Golkar, that determined the youth’s insubordination that causes few incidents across cities. The youth, however, has turned more anti-military and thus giving more supporters to Front Pemuda and Barisan Pemuda. Unfortunately, the PNI-R has damaged the dearest, split between old guards who had a few affirmative opinions with the Golkar and Pemuda Nusantara, completely aligned with the Front Pemuda. There are few PN who agreed with Borhan too, stating the young communists as the culprit.

As Subandrio’s second term faltered with a new crisis, the government seemingly forgot about one little thing, that the Indochina was once again in flames. The Cambodia Civil War has involved the Americans.

=====================​
I think from here, the government will have a difficult time to cooperate with the military.
For simplification, let me summarize these four youth wings from each party:
(1)
Barisan Pemuda: Ally of the PPI. Mostly a youth political group, with communist manifestos indoctrinated. They formerly hated the Islamists, but soon they shifted for a 'larger' threat: liberalism.
(2) Pemuda Nusantara: Ally of the PNI-R. Mostly a youth political group, although they contributed mostly to scientific seminars. They truly hated Barisan Pemuda and Front Pemuda Islam, but neutral-friendly to the rest.
(3) Front Pemuda: Initially a socio-cultural heterogenic group of youths celebrating the freedom under Subandrio and LKY's government. However, since the military was acting up they became more politically active. Campaigning for anti-military, and sometimes anti-corruption as armed forces (the police included) were susceptible to bribes.
(4) Front Pemuda Islam: An extremely religious youth wing, extremely conservative and fundamentalist. Similarly indoctrinated. They extremely hated others except for Barisan Pemuda.

(5) Senayan is also the area OTL MPR building of Indonesia is, and currently ITTL also.
(6) Borhan Ahmad is OTL Commander of the Army for Malaysia by 1994
(7) entirely a-historical


For the record, this is the end of the chapter and the Cambodia Civil War will opened a new chapter, this time a trip around South East Asia as a whole, with few international events.

PS. ( Let me confide a bit) It's been 31-years TL Story wise or 36-years if you counted the EG. I wholeheartedly thank all of you who kept reading. You guys, especially the long-term readers, keep invigorate me to continue this timeline. I also thank the newcomers too. As a return favor, please let me know for any suggestions or comments that may help this TL. Who knows, probably your own ideas will be incorporated here.
Well with the fpi and the more liberal group this does seem awfully similar to what happened recently but anyways it will be interesting seeing the giverment and the military having such a wide rifts
 
Well with the fpi and the more liberal group this does seem awfully similar to what happened recently but anyways it will be interesting seeing the giverment and the military having such a wide rifts
Well, the FPI isn't the main character here. But Barisan Pemuda with the Front Pemuda. However, it is indeed eerily similar to OTL currently.

Thus, I think the government has to choose two opposing ways. One, compromise with the opposition, which would anger its own voter base but not risking a national disintegration. Two, going full liberal mode and bash up the opposition that wishes not cooperation. This is certainly the riskier but more interesting manoeuvre.
 
Well, the FPI isn't the main character here. But Barisan Pemuda with the Front Pemuda. However, it is indeed eerily similar to OTL currently.

Thus, I think the government has to choose two opposing ways. One, compromise with the opposition, which would anger its own voter base but not risking a national disintegration. Two, going full liberal mode and bash up the opposition that wishes not cooperation. This is certainly the riskier but more interesting manoeuvre.
I mean indonesia will always be doomed between the religious conservative and the more open minded liberal so it always be interesting i bet the more super religious group will holds protest in any goverment event be it peacefull or violent (like let say building toll road,building rail tracks etc)
 
War no more! Part 1: Cambodia
Cambodia: A Tale of a Tragic Kingdom
1613124190036.png

When Kennedy acclaimed his victory on one of the Indochina Wars in 1961, the United States of America foolishly believed the region would eventually end up serene. However, since the region is one of the most inflamed regions challenged by three global powers, the region will inescapably cause a conflict. As a land between India and China, these regions achieved peace with sacrifices so much of the residents living there. One of the most despicable ones in Cambodia.

Cambodia returned into existence as the Kingdom of Cambodia in 1976, months after the Second Indochinese War. Norodom Sihanouk was a prominent figure during the early days of Indochina. He had cooperated with Bảo Đại to secure the kingdom harmoniously. However, as Bảo Đại's son took the monarchist faction into a spiralling deterioration, the man weighed Indochina as a lost union. Radical communists and republicans disposed the monarchists into exile. Norodom fled to Thailand due to that. After the end of the Third Indochinese War, Thailand offered him a diminished land for his kingdom, he agreed whole-heartedly. In return, Cambodia would align its domestic policies to Thailand, one of which was to return the cordial relationship with France, former colonizer. Thailand also appointed Major General Sak Sutsakhan as the nation’s first appointed prime minister. Indeed, Thailand’s main objective was to secure the region as quickly as possible using their native systems: military dictatorship.

Cambodia given was not Cambodia before. Lands natively Cambodian were grabbed for Thailand to control. Angkor Wat, the Khmer temple, was owned to Thailand. Located Northeast of Tonlé Sap, they marked the border that cuts through the lake, effectively giving Cambodia mere three-fourths of their former French protectorate lands. However, being pathetically small helps the dictatorship secure the nation in peril. Sak Sutsakhan purged the remaining any opposing sympathizers into execution, giving terrors to their families and friends. King Norodom, lowly, ignored those atrocities that suffered his own people as he was merely a national puppet of Thailand.

King Norodom was the head of state. However, the nation was effectively in total control to Sak Sutsakhan. Sak Sutsakhan is a close aide for the Thai military junta. With positive comments about the military, he pushed his way to become the appointee of the head of the kingdom. In expense of that, the country has become devoid of struggle. It has become mere tributaries of Thailand. The king opposed this outrageous humiliation. However, with Norodom secured by Sak’s most devoted guards. The king admittedly feared for his life in case of angering Sak himself.

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General Sak Sutsakhan

King Norodom, secretly, was actually supportive of the Indonesian government, especially Wilopo whom he met before during the Second Indochinese War. But then, the Indonesians have antagonized Cambodia and Laos as puppets, and settled with Saigon instead. King Norodom, unable to do anything, was attempting innovative ideas which could end the junta. Petitions and letters of acknowledgements under an alias had sadly fruited less effort. In one occasion, the royal would pray in desperation. For him, the communist rule is no different than the junta, fear has become a weapon. He also requested French delegates to go take a look of this nation. However, the arrivals did not change a single thing in Cambodia, despite those delegated have reported signs of oppression in all places.

Up until 1979, Cambodia was actually strengthening itself. Rebellions were quenched and killed, the junta established roads for further connectivity. The entire nation was progressively advancing for a different dark tenacity. A draft was written on the kingdom’s youth, brainwashing them with Sak’s idealism and principles, effectively promoting a new cult of personality. Even for some elders, they developed support to the general. After decades of conflict, Cambodia was certainly happy for a peaceful future.

However, the system of the overlord has given its sickness too. Back in Thailand, the ruling Thanom Kittikachorn was under threat with younger General Arthit Kamlang-Ek who had become his Commander of the Armed Forces. Thanom Kittikachorn, already ageing and weak, had weakened its grip on national Thailand. Including Madam Mao’s aggressive efforts on aiding communist militias, the country must again see another communist insurrection. Cambodia was no different. Pol Pot, a communist politician and military leader, have opposed General Sak rule and has effectively caused mass destabilization on the nation. In 1981, the ruling General was weakened more as there was another military coup from General Lon Nol which failed. General Lon Nol objectives were to end Thailand’s grip on the nation, which may suffer its growth and hope. It was allegedly aided by the United States, but the proof was as unclear as they can be.

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Pol Pot
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General Lon Nol

Sak Sutsakhan responded this with more removals and repression from his most loyal soldiers. General Lon Nol was hanged in a public podium, as well as his subordinates. Violence increased across the nation as Sak Sutsakhan wanted control by fear. Corruption, in the meantime, was also rampant, killing bureaucracy and the nation was on economic depression. However, Thailand has been helping General Sak to secure its government. The Thai Army entered Cambodia in means of friendly assistance which translated by the commoners as another Thailand invasion.

Yet, how so long Thailand can hold its presence, that it started to fall apart by 1984. In July, the Laotians have formed the Democratic Republic of Laos, killing off the monarch and military government there. Thailand responded by aiding remaining militarist to conduct a civil war. That meant some Thai troops to withdraw from Cambodia. That withdrawal offered Pol Pot a chance to find his own revolution.

Pol Pot established the Socialist Republic of Kampuchea in 1985. The party, Communist Party of Kampuchea, or Khmer Rouge, had garnered enough supporters to have its own revolution. Of course, General Sak announced for a civil war, and both forces started attacking by February. General Sak lost the nation retreat after retreat. Pol Pot arrested King Norodom and exiled him in May. The monarch was forced to flee to the other direction, South Vietnam, to avoid meeting General Sak that was being pushed to the West. In July, Pol Pot surrounded General Sak in Pnomh Kravanh. In desperation, he urged Thailand to help Cambodia, as they did to Laos a year ago. Thailand agreed and started relieving General Sak by 28 July 1985. Increasing escalation, North Vietnam joined to the Pol Pot alliance in the next day. Still, the Thai cannot afford to defend General Sak, and they flee afterwards.

The Pol Pot Alliance, aided by both China and North Vietnam, had secured the nation of Cambodia after General Sak fled on 15 August 1986. Even so, Pol Pot had even pushed the Thailands back, therefore acquiring Cambodia’s former cores. The communist seized Phnom Krom, the other side of Tonlé Sap in the week after. On new year’s eve, Pol Pot had almost effectively in control of almost Cambodia’s former land. However, greed and paranoia hit him. Which could cost him his victory.

As Thailand was not backing down, Pol Pot was afraid for an impending invasion from South Vietnam. President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu was planning for a return invasion to secure Cambodia, which feared by communist party officials. However, seemed that Pol Pot’s popularity is extremely high, he ordered the communist militias to engage first, and attack South Vietnam in a surprise. On February 1st of 1986, Pol Pot invaded the village Ba Chúc. In there, he sent a message to South Vietnam, killing the entire village ruthlessly. Therefore, Nguyễn Văn Thiệu mobilized the army to fight Cambodia, even inviting the United States for aid. President Glenn persisted on continuing Carter’s foreign policy answered with 20 bombers arriving by Saigon. Saigon officials also requested the Spratly League to intervene alongside South Vietnam. President Benigno Aquino stated a small military expedition will be sent to help the nation. Indonesia, obviously, did not answer due to the massive chaos on Jakarta.

President Subandrio, now instilled with a pacifist attitude, was certain to not sending anything to the wars in Indochina. The army did not listen to him, as his own Defense Secretary arrived in Saigon for negotiations. Yet, it needed the president’s approval to succeed. It was a blessing within a curse that the Senayan Incident was helping Subandrio to delay deployment. Any delay was better, although Subandrio cannot stall forever. By March, the press had constantly pressured him for an answer. South Vietnam also demanded one. He responded to them officially on 29th March 1986. This time, enough is enough for President Subandrio, and he wanted to no involvement in more wars.

====================​
A brief overview of Cambodia, up next Subandrio's speech that changed history.

For an explanation, two civil wars are happening. Laos and Cambodia. Laos was mainly a Thai vs North Vietnam fight that interest Indonesia none. However, in Cambodia, as the paranoid Pol Pot decided to invade South Vietnam, Indonesia became very appealed, especially with army relations to South Vietnam regime. Of course, Thailand's power was weakening without Mitterand's overwhelming support. Myanmar was off the charts due to their own internal conflicts (you'll see which one).

Anyways, Happy Lunar New Year to everyone who celebrates!
 
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Hmm, so Indonesia will give up an influence in the mainland SEA? Or maybe just sweep in with economic deal and more subtle influence post war in the region.
I think Subandrio will go according to your thoughts, but more than that depends on who'll win 1988 election. We all know that Subandrio's third term potential is nearing impossibility
 
I mean cambodia is cambodia so this isnt surprising at all though you got to wonder with pol pot ruthlessness and his paranoia will the nation suffers more? As shown in the real world with the cambodian genocide and in this with thailand basically grabbing the better part of the country.

About glenn america i bet there is groups there who is demandinh an intervention due to its tie with south vietnam (probably mostly conservative)
 
War no more! Part 2: Subandrio's Speech
The Speech that Shifted the Balance to the Commander in Chief

29th March 1986

The 72-year old President was still alive and kicking. Hatta, during his 60s, has retired early from politics. Subandrio, nearly the age when the first Vice passed to the heavens, was nowhere near to Hatta’s flailing health. Still, his optimum capacity and outstanding vigour was no match to the fit he was venting currently.

On 12th March 1986, Defense Minister Try Sutrisno flew himself with the Deputy Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Edi Sudrajat. Along with other staff personals, they convened with the South Vietnamese junta in Saigon. There, the army already had talked about sending about two divisions of the same old Kopassus to support the Vietnamese. This was no intention from the President, as he was somewhat sickened of the interventions he needed to do. He thought Africa would be over, but later Pakistan emerged. Now with South Vietnam? Subandrio only sighed why him, not Nasution bear these tough choices.

Luckily, Subandrio seemed to have a hopeful chance ahead of him. The US President John Glenn hadn’t telephoned him for any assistance to South Vietnam. In fact, he urged Subandrio to keep the armies. The Americans have programmed a certain Project Ares [1], it was a second phase space exploration responding to Andropov’s quick measures against American Apollo success. NASA was entirely shocked that Andropov launched his own Moon Landing barely a week after Apollo’s broadcast. Despite the Soviet Premier vowed to his people for fewer space programs more development incentives, the Comecon was nowhere wanted to drop from the Americans.

Just as President Shafer stopped the NASA program to continue, the Comecon launched more manned Luna Missions to the Moon. It was until Carter that the Apollo was continued and relaunched several of the delayed missions. It was the United States to arrive first, but the Soviet Union to arrive most. A significant four more missions, the United States couldn’t win a propaganda fight if the topic was the Moon Landing. That was why Glenn was elected. Not only he issued better pensions for the people, and more federalization in bureaucracy, he also campaigned for the return of the States in scientific advantage.

The predecessors have either destroyed, ravaged or neglected NASA. Science was pushed back as secondary, now as unnecessity. We will leave NASA no more. NASA was, is, and will be the bane of innovation. In the midst of the cold war against multiple nations, only science can defeat them without the power of threat and annihilation.
-Glenn, 1985


Of course, Subandrio thought that this new president would anger not the Conservatives, but his own party Democrats. The Progressive Wing is expanding rapidly for centralization, and members like Noam Chomsky, Bernie Sanders, and Ron Dellums have been very agitated of both Democratic presidents’ lack of ‘progressivism’. Funnily enough, the NASA Act of 1985 which increased the spending was passed because of the Conservatives unanimous backing. Although pensions should satisfy enough, Progressives demand increase taxes, which the president immediately refused. However, those are not immediate concerns for Subandrio, the analogy is.

The situation of a divided party for the winning coalition, Subandrio thought, was eerily similar to what is happening in Indonesia. The PRD is becoming surprisingly hostile against Subandrio and LKY. The PPP itself was also splitting up between LKY Malays and Mahathir Malays. LKY Malays have pushed centralization efforts in the economy, while Mahathir objected to it. But, aside from the chaos for Poroporo Tragedy, most of the reasons was lame. It was simply personal, opportunistic, just like what happened to Nasution before.

Subandrio, for a moment, realized this is what Nasution felt during the last days of his presidency. He was stabbed, battered and outflanked by his own party, reducing it into the smallest PNI-R currently. He, who actually wanted Dwifungsi ABRI, ended renounce it in January this year. He lost his direction, with age even younger than him, but Subandrio is experiencing it as well. Politics, he reflected, was never easy, and never will be.

Subandrio cooperated with Golkar because it influenced the defence forces. During nationalization efforts, the process would happen quicker and less damaging if the government can exert a little military pressure to comply. However, as regions can felt revolting from Nasution’s decentralization, Subandrio kept the vicious cycle of military enhancement. Also, it was merely the army that was upgraded, the rest of the branches salvaged from Nasution-era weaponry.

So, as the cabinet faltered from the crisis evolved, the Presidency is currently under threat by power-grabbers. As cries for responsibility ensued, people started to point fingers. Most of them, unfortunately, aimed for two men, LKY and Trihandoko, both of whom Subandrio considered brilliant men. Without those men contribution, Subandrio could not implement his own education, social nor any agendas from the national debt. Meeting those men was an oasis in the middle of a hot barren desert. Still, Subandrio was blinded by his own objective that sometimes coincided with these men. Difference clouded him from looking beyond the skin.

While the young have sided with the government hardly, the adults are moving in favour of the PRD gang. This morning, Subandrio received the umpteenth time of a worker’s strike in Semarang just because PRD promises better factory regulations. His own education curriculum was demanded to change for more fundamental teachings. In conclusion, the reason was obvious. Adults are too conservative to follow the LKY government. Immigration, sociocultural shift, and lavish science are three main points that rallied the cause. The tragedy of Poroporo only bolstered the adult’s distrust of the government.

Someone knocks on the door and enters. It is Subandrio’s secretary Sabam Sirait.

“Yes, Sabam?”

“Mr President. The time’s 3:10, you should prepare yourself for the speech you want to give.”

Of course, why would the president forget that? This speech that he had prepared was basically stating the wheels of the status quo must end for better progress. Subandrio failed to understand before, giving the Army time and care to give them practical battlegrounds in Africa. War in the world would never end, it was not Indonesia to finish. Hell, even Indonesia was not to start. Subandrio failed to understand when Nasution gave region’s more authority themselves, they become so arrogant of themselves that any nationalization must be done with force. Hence the greater military power. Subandrio also failed to resolve the racial conflict instigated by Banjar and Dayaknese, now a similar precedent could happen entirely around Indonesia. Worse, it could have already started, giving that Javans and Sundanese often fight each other in the capital.

Subandrio’s wife entered the office. Kiprah Hurustiati was formerly a doctor that cared for the woman rights. Now, the retired spouse of his spends more on supporting the woman rights, which is still minimal around Indonesia. On one occasion, she would prepare her speeches, giving hope for the woman. Now, Hurustiati was old, Subandrio noticed the woman’s wrinkles that gave her full of wisdom. She gazed his husband and immediately noticed the old man’s messy tie.

Mas [2], your tie is not straight again. Let me tidy it.”

Her voice was still the same that attracted Subandrio decades before. However, his wife noticed Subandrio’s fixated gaze with slight sweat from his receding hairline. The wife knew him for so many years, she knew that Subandrio is nervous.

“You will be fine, Mas. Now, Indonesia needs you.”

Subandrio thanked her with a simple nod. The woman never stopped motivating him to live again, live the life to the fullest. Even during the most strenuous times, his wife would exactly know how to calm him. As the President walked out of the office, he paced to the press room, one whole minute of his walking. He saw reporters, camcorders already aiming to where Subandrio will carry a speech, with static cameras already flashing him. He stopped at the newly bought podium, furnished with the president’s emblem. He took a full inhale and started his speech.

Bismillahirrahmanirrahim

My brothers and sister who currently attend this press conference, and to all of the people who watch this broadcast.

Assalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh

It has been an honour, to you, the people of Indonesia, having elected me as your President for these 8 years. I am also grateful, for the confidence both the people and the Parliament have given me to govern Indonesia to its current state. We have witnessed an end of an era, welcoming a new one. It was unquestionable that all of the events that unfold may or may not be aligned with the government or the policies concurred. But, I can assure you, that the nation has gone tremendous positive changes for the last decade.

Indeed, it has been largely a concern for me of the events that have been unfolding since the opening of the year. In the expanse of three months, we have encountered big challenges and obstacles, disputes and tensions. I can never express how deeply sorry I am, to the fallen youth that has been injured, decapitated, or killed during unfortunate events in the early months of the year. I, the President of the Federal Republic of Indonesia, will carry the cautious yet conclusive resolution to restore faith and confidence to the government. However, it was not my intention to bring about these events again. Instead, I hold this speech to finally decide on a recent dilemma.

Our ally of the Spratly League, South Vietnam, was attacked horribly by the dark forces of Pol Pot. The attack killed an entire village, portraying evil atrocities that civil manner cannot fathom. We condemn the aggressive government of the Khmer Rouge regime and we will keep efforts to sanction the government furthermore. Yet, Defense Minister Try Sutrisno have urged me, countless times, to send Indonesian men to help South Vietnam in his defensive war. As a part of the military alliance congregated by the previous administration, it should be almost an obligation that Indonesia helps her allies from an aggressor of any party.

Still, after the failures of establishing peace from all those interventions that Indonesia has expedited, it has been a public outcry to not sending any more men towards wars that created more wars. I will be honest to you, fellows of Indonesian patriots, that the Mozambique and Angolan campaign have been a disaster and reached nowhere near levels of intended objectives from the government.

In addition to it, we should not conceit ourselves. After the Tragedy of Poroporo, the government have witnessed increase resistance in various places in East Indonesia. The Solomon Independence Forces have started to rebel against the federal authorities. In Papua, a small OPM has returned to fight in the midst of chaos. Aceh has begun gaining traction, so does most separatism groups after years of neglecting. As a president, I have been said to give the people assurance and remain calm. However, what I do realize it has never been the administration’s fault, nor the deteriorating cabinet. It was the military who has been very adhering to foreign expedition instead of securing domestic affairs.

In that order, I demand that the Defense Minister should refrain from further promises to the South Vietnamese government. Yes, I will rephrase it. We will NOT send troops into the Cambodian border. We will try solving our own issues first. In the meantime, the government may contribute aid efforts, medical supplies, guns, or clothing, for our benevolent ally in the war.

On that account, the presidency and the cabinet will reach out to the central staffs of the armed forces. National integrity comes first, and if the military should talk with us in order not giving the people a symbol of disunity.

I thank the people of Indonesia to stay by me until the end of this speech. We will give more information after meeting with the military. Thank you for attending, and we will see you soon.

Live and yet Live, Indonesia!

Assalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh
After the speech, Subandrio felt a strong weigh that holds him gone away. He felt light, tranquil. Reporters shoved each other to ask the President questions, but all of them just sounded quite until Subandrio can feel his own heartbeat. Nevertheless, this slight relief doesn't stop him from the future of Indonesia ensues. He clicked back into reality after Sabam touched his elbow, he returned to the office immediately.

=======================​
[1] this is a slight honorary reference to Hoi4 TNO: The Last Days of Europe, a PDX game mod that I like very much.
[2] AFAIK, mas is a Javanese term for Darling and other equivalence. AnyJavan reader, if may, can infer me more about this.

Kiprah Hurustiati is OTL wife of Subandrio that stayed by him since Sukarno appointed him Foreign Minister. She was an activist, which also part contraceptive movement in Europe, she wanted Indonesian women to start using one. She exiled because of, well, who else? :)
ITTL, she was less active but more a helper for Subandrio's presidency. Therefore, her struggle was slightly weaker than OTL.

The press conference room was slightly similar to mimick the US ones, a room full of reporters. However, unlike the US, the Indonesians currently have no permanent Press Secretary rooms, this was just mere auditorium left on the Presidential Palace. Yet, we could see a specific room for that later.


Speaking about the outside world, John Glenn was more liberal than Jimmy Carter, which gave him a reputation of more 'conservative'. Why? ITTL Progressive Wing of the Democrats have been steadily rising with France neutralizing and socialist-leaning society in Cuba and Panama were giving more influence. In fact, the radicalization of left-right has happened faster ITTL, an almost OTL 2004-divide in ITTL 1986. The liberal wing has been shifting more to like OTL Tea Party Republicans, as the Conservative Party have been majorly hard-conservatives. The progressive wing, as a result, carry more weight thus making the party a bit divided. Another analogy was the pre-1912 Republican split, which shows a widening chasm between Teddy and Taft. Glenn pensions are the only thing that glued the party for a while. If something bad happened, we would see a similar 1912 happen in 1988.

I haven't really thought about the upcoming chapter, but it should be the military to cover.
 
The Speech that Shifted the Balance to the Commander in Chief

29th March 1986

The 72-year old President was still alive and kicking. Hatta, during his 60s, has retired early from politics. Subandrio, nearly the age when the first Vice passed to the heavens, was nowhere near to Hatta’s flailing health. Still, his optimum capacity and outstanding vigour was no match to the fit he was venting currently.

On 12th March 1986, Defense Minister Try Sutrisno flew himself with the Deputy Chief of Staff Lieutenant General Edi Sudrajat. Along with other staff personals, they convened with the South Vietnamese junta in Saigon. There, the army already had talked about sending about two divisions of the same old Kopassus to support the Vietnamese. This was no intention from the President, as he was somewhat sickened of the interventions he needed to do. He thought Africa would be over, but later Pakistan emerged. Now with South Vietnam? Subandrio only sighed why him, not Nasution bear these tough choices.

Luckily, Subandrio seemed to have a hopeful chance ahead of him. The US President John Glenn hadn’t telephoned him for any assistance to South Vietnam. In fact, he urged Subandrio to keep the armies. The Americans have programmed a certain Project Ares [1], it was a second phase space exploration responding to Andropov’s quick measures against American Apollo success. NASA was entirely shocked that Andropov launched his own Moon Landing barely a week after Apollo’s broadcast. Despite the Soviet Premier vowed to his people for fewer space programs more development incentives, the Comecon was nowhere wanted to drop from the Americans.

Just as President Shafer stopped the NASA program to continue, the Comecon launched more manned Luna Missions to the Moon. It was until Carter that the Apollo was continued and relaunched several of the delayed missions. It was the United States to arrive first, but the Soviet Union to arrive most. A significant four more missions, the United States couldn’t win a propaganda fight if the topic was the Moon Landing. That was why Glenn was elected. Not only he issued better pensions for the people, and more federalization in bureaucracy, he also campaigned for the return of the States in scientific advantage.

The predecessors have either destroyed, ravaged or neglected NASA. Science was pushed back as secondary, now as unnecessity. We will leave NASA no more. NASA was, is, and will be the bane of innovation. In the midst of the cold war against multiple nations, only science can defeat them without the power of threat and annihilation.
-Glenn, 1985


Of course, Subandrio thought that this new president would anger not the Conservatives, but his own party Democrats. The Progressive Wing is expanding rapidly for centralization, and members like Noam Chomsky, Bernie Sanders, and Ron Dellums have been very agitated of both Democratic presidents’ lack of ‘progressivism’. Funnily enough, the NASA Act of 1985 which increased the spending was passed because of the Conservatives unanimous backing. Although pensions should satisfy enough, Progressives demand increase taxes, which the president immediately refused. However, those are not immediate concerns for Subandrio, the analogy is.

The situation of a divided party for the winning coalition, Subandrio thought, was eerily similar to what is happening in Indonesia. The PRD is becoming surprisingly hostile against Subandrio and LKY. The PPP itself was also splitting up between LKY Malays and Mahathir Malays. LKY Malays have pushed centralization efforts in the economy, while Mahathir objected to it. But, aside from the chaos for Poroporo Tragedy, most of the reasons was lame. It was simply personal, opportunistic, just like what happened to Nasution before.

Subandrio, for a moment, realized this is what Nasution felt during the last days of his presidency. He was stabbed, battered and outflanked by his own party, reducing it into the smallest PNI-R currently. He, who actually wanted Dwifungsi ABRI, ended renounce it in January this year. He lost his direction, with age even younger than him, but Subandrio is experiencing it as well. Politics, he reflected, was never easy, and never will be.

Subandrio cooperated with Golkar because it influenced the defence forces. During nationalization efforts, the process would happen quicker and less damaging if the government can exert a little military pressure to comply. However, as regions can felt revolting from Nasution’s decentralization, Subandrio kept the vicious cycle of military enhancement. Also, it was merely the army that was upgraded, the rest of the branches salvaged from Nasution-era weaponry.

So, as the cabinet faltered from the crisis evolved, the Presidency is currently under threat by power-grabbers. As cries for responsibility ensued, people started to point fingers. Most of them, unfortunately, aimed for two men, LKY and Trihandoko, both of whom Subandrio considered brilliant men. Without those men contribution, Subandrio could not implement his own education, social nor any agendas from the national debt. Meeting those men was an oasis in the middle of a hot barren desert. Still, Subandrio was blinded by his own objective that sometimes coincided with these men. Difference clouded him from looking beyond the skin.

While the young have sided with the government hardly, the adults are moving in favour of the PRD gang. This morning, Subandrio received the umpteenth time of a worker’s strike in Semarang just because PRD promises better factory regulations. His own education curriculum was demanded to change for more fundamental teachings. In conclusion, the reason was obvious. Adults are too conservative to follow the LKY government. Immigration, sociocultural shift, and lavish science are three main points that rallied the cause. The tragedy of Poroporo only bolstered the adult’s distrust of the government.

Someone knocks on the door and enters. It is Subandrio’s secretary Sabam Sirait.

“Yes, Sabam?”

“Mr President. The time’s 3:10, you should prepare yourself for the speech you want to give.”

Of course, why would the president forget that? This speech that he had prepared was basically stating the wheels of the status quo must end for better progress. Subandrio failed to understand before, giving the Army time and care to give them practical battlegrounds in Africa. War in the world would never end, it was not Indonesia to finish. Hell, even Indonesia was not to start. Subandrio failed to understand when Nasution gave region’s more authority themselves, they become so arrogant of themselves that any nationalization must be done with force. Hence the greater military power. Subandrio also failed to resolve the racial conflict instigated by Banjar and Dayaknese, now a similar precedent could happen entirely around Indonesia. Worse, it could have already started, giving that Javans and Sundanese often fight each other in the capital.

Subandrio’s wife entered the office. Kiprah Hurustiati was formerly a doctor that cared for the woman rights. Now, the retired spouse of his spends more on supporting the woman rights, which is still minimal around Indonesia. On one occasion, she would prepare her speeches, giving hope for the woman. Now, Hurustiati was old, Subandrio noticed the woman’s wrinkles that gave her full of wisdom. She gazed his husband and immediately noticed the old man’s messy tie.

Mas [2], your tie is not straight again. Let me tidy it.”

Her voice was still the same that attracted Subandrio decades before. However, his wife noticed Subandrio’s fixated gaze with slight sweat from his receding hairline. The wife knew him for so many years, she knew that Subandrio is nervous.

“You will be fine, Mas. Now, Indonesia needs you.”

Subandrio thanked her with a simple nod. The woman never stopped motivating him to live again, live the life to the fullest. Even during the most strenuous times, his wife would exactly know how to calm him. As the President walked out of the office, he paced to the press room, one whole minute of his walking. He saw reporters, camcorders already aiming to where Subandrio will carry a speech, with static cameras already flashing him. He stopped at the newly bought podium, furnished with the president’s emblem. He took a full inhale and started his speech.


After the speech, Subandrio felt a strong weigh that holds him gone away. He felt light, tranquil. Reporters shoved each other to ask the President questions, but all of them just sounded quite until Subandrio can feel his own heartbeat. Nevertheless, this slight relief doesn't stop him from the future of Indonesia ensues. He clicked back into reality after Sabam touched his elbow, he returned to the office immediately.

=======================​
[1] this is a slight honorary reference to Hoi4 TNO: The Last Days of Europe, a PDX game mod that I like very much.
[2] AFAIK, mas is a Javanese term for Darling and other equivalence. AnyJavan reader, if may, can infer me more about this.

Kiprah Hurustiati is OTL wife of Subandrio that stayed by him since Sukarno appointed him Foreign Minister. She was an activist, which also part contraceptive movement in Europe, she wanted Indonesian women to start using one. She exiled because of, well, who else? :)
ITTL, she was less active but more a helper for Subandrio's presidency. Therefore, her struggle was slightly weaker than OTL.

The press conference room was slightly similar to mimick the US ones, a room full of reporters. However, unlike the US, the Indonesians currently have no permanent Press Secretary rooms, this was just mere auditorium left on the Presidential Palace. Yet, we could see a specific room for that later.


Speaking about the outside world, John Glenn was more liberal than Jimmy Carter, which gave him a reputation of more 'conservative'. Why? ITTL Progressive Wing of the Democrats have been steadily rising with France neutralizing and socialist-leaning society in Cuba and Panama were giving more influence. In fact, the radicalization of left-right has happened faster ITTL, an almost OTL 2004-divide in ITTL 1986. The liberal wing has been shifting more to like OTL Tea Party Republicans, as the Conservative Party have been majorly hard-conservatives. The progressive wing, as a result, carry more weight thus making the party a bit divided. Another analogy was the pre-1912 Republican split, which shows a widening chasm between Teddy and Taft. Glenn pensions are the only thing that glued the party for a while. If something bad happened, we would see a similar 1912 happen in 1988.

I haven't really thought about the upcoming chapter, but it should be the military to cover.
Oh wow a party split huh? Well this will be interesting being the conzervative are led by hardline conservative (probably abortion ban and anti lgbt stuff) and rhe progresive being more left everyday and seeing what happened after 1912 and 2004 respectively? (spoiler alert either war or interventiom) i bet this will be somethinh interesting but on the next chapter it would be interrstinh reading about the military structure and military update on the indochina wars (tactics,service rifle for each country,air superiority,foreign support (maybe we get what happen with like cuba in ethipia and angola otl) etc).
 
Oh wow a party split huh? Well this will be interesting being the conzervative are led by hardline conservative (probably abortion ban and anti lgbt stuff) and rhe progresive being more left everyday and seeing what happened after 1912 and 2004 respectively? (spoiler alert either war or interventiom) i bet this will be somethinh interesting but on the next chapter it would be interrstinh reading about the military structure and military update on the indochina wars (tactics,service rifle for each country,air superiority,foreign support (maybe we get what happen with like cuba in ethipia and angola otl) etc).
What i mean about 2008 is more like the deep shifting to far left and right. OTL Obama was moving the Dems slightly leftier than Clinton with Bush already moving the Reps far rightly. But the point has been the politic trend of 1980 ITTL has been quite similar to 2008 OTL environment.

Speaking of the next chapter, I will finally open up small teasers about a war happening coincidentally with South Vietnam war. Clue? It is the continent where I haven't been covering for almost a decade (TL-wise).
 
What i mean about 2008 is more like the deep shifting to far left and right. OTL Obama was moving the Dems slightly leftier than Clinton with Bush already moving the Reps far rightly. But the point has been the politic trend of 1980 ITTL has been quite similar to 2008 OTL environment.

Speaking of the next chapter, I will finally open up small teasers about a war happening coincidentally with South Vietnam war. Clue? It is the continent where I haven't been covering for almost a decade (TL-wise).
South America?
 
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