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East Asian Community Part 8: Golkar
May Golkar Rises from the Death of Suharto: A Tale of Post-Golkar Suharto

golkar_1.png

Golkar Faction is a popular faction in Indonesian politics. This faction yet had obscure boundaries of their ideological intentions, but most of them supported two things throughout history. Firstly, the faction backed more centralization of the state of Indonesia. The concern that federalism, especially unbalanced federalism, may cause significant regionalism inside a nation, and may later provoke separatist incidents shortly. There were great models of unitary nations, such countries like France, and Iran. The other thing that Golkar Faction supported is the connection with Suharto issues. Starting from the General itself, Golkar never loosened their bonds with the Cendana Family. The growing politician in 1983, is Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana.
golkar_4.jpg

Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana

Siti was nearing her forties in age, but she was able to negotiate conflicting people. Being a businesswoman herself, Siti also owned traits inherited from her father. However, she had an ambition that her father, Suharto, had desired: being the number one scene in the Federal Republic of Indonesia. Her dreams of becoming the President of Indonesia was entirely her father’s. Her father died unexpectedly upon his rise and caused the current presidency to rule Indonesia. Siti sought to try and instil the Suharto’s way of governing into Indonesia.

The 1983 Election gave Siti an extraordinary start in a political career. She was elected as DPD for the Yogyakarta Kingdom. With her initial congress in DPD, she was exposed to the trending topic of the year; the events between Banjar and Dayak. The DPD would experience almost a fistfight among the Dayak representative and the Banjar representative, which was seated near each other. Sometimes, congress must be paused due to these two sides picking a fight every time they congregate. Siti Rukmana then lectured the crisis with a remarkable opinion.

Back during my childhood, there would be no bickering as unnecessary as this because of the imminent war. People had a clear reason why must they unite. Now, it seems that that source of unity decays between regional agendas that try to strain against one another. The origins are not at the grounded divide between ethnic Banjar and ethnic Dayak, but the political perspectives behind this.

As a young politician myself, we may intrigue on using all means of promoting ourselves. But, this spring of hatred, that I believe came from the most eminent of the local politicians, must desist in a diverse nation of Indonesia. The Sultans from Pontianak and Palangkaraya itself must stop feeding this crisis. Also, the government must not give one eye on this.


The opinion shared by Siti never altered the current crisis about Banjar and Dayak. However, she rose in fame from that. She gained balloters among the middle-aged and the old, which wounds of the old war still endure. Still, PRD of the Golkar leftovers preserved Siti for the future candidate. Golkar had, however, the Next Generation of Suharto, a post-65 general.

Edi Sudrajat was a General in the Indonesian Army. After his honourable campaign in Vietnam, he was asked to return homeward and manage domestic duties. He hung the Papuan separatism as one of the field chiefs and later rise steadily in popularity. Edi Sudrajat was a colleague of Try Sutrisno, yet unlike his buddy, he was more cautious and subtle in his approach. He was one of the first who declared a back to basic concept into the Army, returning generals to military affairs only.

Yet, despite his true-militarism doctrine, he took notice of the administration’s lack of understanding with the Armed Forces of Indonesia. Since the rise of Subandrio, Police Force was the only principal player in Indonesia’s defence policy, while the Military was diminished. Also, he grew tired of the unnecessary military campaigns in Africa and Pakistan, concluding that Indonesia should serve Sukarno’s neutral policy since the start. PRD’s party base, which was essentially pro-Untung supporters, passed a likeable attitude on this candidate and quickly condensed with the newly embedded Golkar. Having a similar history also helped PRD to fully unite with the Golkar Faction. But, because of the insertion of Golkar, the PPP itself grew notably bothered of this.

On 9 December 1983, Premier Lee Kuan Yew announced to pass a government decree. The feuds in Kalimantan deemed a high preference for fixing the growing racial tension. After the conflict between monarchies, racial tension had become a means for performing one side’s needs. Lee Kuan Yew finally took a report of the menacing threat and started to sweep the issue. He instructed that hate speech among other ethnics were restrained on Indonesia, and the island of Kalimantan itself should be put under government surveillance. This, however, upset all the ethnics in Kalimantan, as peaceful places should also be under watch. Also, this dissuaded the PPP party, because it involved the military itself. Although temporary military administration was important for the region’s security, PPP politicians completely differed as that would give militarist more authority in the nation. PRD, on the other hand, was excited about the use of military power in Kalimantan, as that would repair the image of Golkar into pre-Try’s blunder. Also, PRD would try to infiltrate more into Kalimantan to gather more electors, competing with the dominant PPP yonder.

The government decree appointed Colonel Jusuf Wanandi and Colonel Joko Sukardinoto to commence having a joint civilian-military work on the entire island of Kalimantan. Jusuf Wanandi ordered an entire brigade in Dayak, Brunei and Sarawak State while Joko Sukardinoto commanded the rest of the region. The plan was efficient in controlling the mass, as racial riots slowly decline, along with the tension it brought.

golkar_2.jpg

Kolonel Joko Sukardinoto

golkar_3.jpg

Arrival for Military Supervision

On 3 January 1984, LKY abruptly withdrew the government decree and said that military command was no longer fit for managing the region. It was clear that the PPP politicians charged the Premier to stop the decree. Also, military control decreased local investments, which had a bad contact with the military businessman. The suspension of the law immediately gained criticism from Prosperity Coalition’s PRD, who supported the supervision. PRD’s leader General Untung spoke against this move and criticized the government’s haste actions. Untung’s opinion was reinforced when the racial riots started immediately after the removal of the decree. Regrettably, the government insisted on stopping the law.

This started the Prosperity Coalition to fracture slowly. PPP and PRD began to fight for each other, as hard-Golkar politicians never aligned with PPP-social liberal Malacca Faction. Nevertheless, one small dispute wouldn’t be enough of splitting a coalition. Unfortunately, foreign events do prefer the Prosperity Coalition into faltering.

=======================
It is this coalition that is failing first. About the other coalitions, we would see later on.
 
I wonder will perkanas be those corporation that is rich in certain period of times (in this case the 80s) but be broke or unsuccesfull in their latter year due to bad management or horrible marketing/innovation (can you gave us a hint about the future of these company will some stay like the present day pertamina or will some be bankrupt)

And about the coalition hmm maybe the getman due to you mentioning the betrayal of germany towards denamrk or perhaps the uk south african allience btw what happen to the swiss
To satisfy you, these BUMNs would have some be unsuccessful in the later years, while some would expand into an international corporation.
 
Yet, despite his true-militarism doctrine, he took notice of the administration’s lack of understanding with the Armed Forces of Indonesia. Since the rise of Subandrio, Police Force was the only principal player in Indonesia’s defence policy, while the Military was diminished. Also, he grew tired of the unnecessary military campaigns in Africa and Pakistan, concluding that Indonesia should serve Sukarno’s neutral policy since the start.
It's a bit of anathema to see a military man didn't like military campaign. But I agree that Indonesia should have remain neutral while other blocs go crazy with interventions.
 
East Asian Community Part 9: Three Troubles
13th March 1984

Kelantan, State of Malaysia

Colonel Tan Sri Mahim Hussein, or better known as Hussein, enjoyed his cigarette on the beachside of Kelantan City. As a Johor Bahru nationality, Colonel Hussein does love the monarchy as he loved his closest ones. Still, he maintains professionalism on the military as it seemed that he was needed in this particular place.

Not long ago, after the new year, more tension rose on the borders of Thailand-Indonesia. The ongoing Pattani rebellion was being heavily suppressed after the French arrived in the Kra region. As a means of protecting the building canal, Thailand junta government announced that it was finally happening; no more resistance in the South. As Pattani was dominated by Malays, the locals had thoughts of uniting with the Malaysian dominated south. As Malaysia is fully Indonesian, the Pattani's determined on being incorporated as Indonesian citizens.

As the suppression went on, a major influx of immigrants arrived in Malaysia, especially the City of Kelantan. Located not far from the border, Kelantan possessed a strategic location of a metropolis near the border, easy for the army to manoeuvre. There were other locations like Penang and Kedah, but its status as a kingdom and federal state did hamper military movements. As a result, Colonel Hussein, with an entire Army division, was residing in Kelantan for further information.

According to General Lutfi Hakim, Thailand was making another attempt to increase the tension on the border. It seemed that Thailand wants to provoke us with a massive influx of refugees, also with their horrifying stories. Indeed, most of Hussein’s men were almost ecstatic to stand and fight instantly. But, as army doctrine said ‘Instructions come first’.

But then, Hussein afraid not of the invasion Thailand presented, the army was rather weak. He thought that his regiment alone would superiorly compete for the Thai counterparts. However, he was more concerned with what was happening inside the army. For some time, the Army had shown yet another battle since the PNI-R split. This time, however, it was certain that the extent was large. General Abdullah Nahrowi (1), the General which rose as the Iron Heart of Aceh. He was responsible for the suppression of Aceh during Nasution Era. General Nahrowi, expressed in his book ‘Purification’, meant that the military must stop multitask in other sectors unrelated to the Army. This, however, gained criticism on General Umar Wirahadikusumah, along with Try Sutrisno and Edi Sudrajat. Major General Poniman (2) also supported General Umar.

As each faction held a significant portion of the army, the divide deepened slowly. Colonel Hussein, although he supported General Lutfi Hakim, a staunch supporter and friend of General Umar, Colonel Hussein endorsed General Abdullah Nahrowi. General Abdullah Nahrowi later cooperated with General Ali Sadikin, the ousted General, along with General Pranoto. Fortunately, young army personals, officers like Yudhoyono and Prabowo Djojohadikusumo, were supportive with the purification of the Army.


Premier Office, District Capital of Jakarta
It has been three whole months since Trihandoko had ever met Lee Kuan Yew in person. His tactile approach towards assembling factories in all ends of Indonesia did prevent him from coming home to Jakarta, his birth city. Also, because of that, Lee Kuan Yew was busy in more social-domestic affairs, the situation in Dayak and Banjar had returned into its hostile, provocative state. Trihandoko, overwhelmed with mere economic aspects of the nation, were antipathetic with entering into the conflict regions, and prefer going to Melanesia instead last week.

Still, Trihandoko must return to Jakarta, as LKY had requested him to convene as soon as possible. According to him, LKY was unlikely disturbed. But the Premier’s anxious call with Trihandoko agreed otherwise. Trihandoko heard of some frictions inside the party members, especially as the PRD had incorporated those Golkars into their party. Subandrio, for the last two years, has been anything but consistent. Initially, he would cut the defence spending, and curb all military influence in politics. Yet, as time progresses, Subandrio began returning these individuals more attention towards the government. Especially with Subandrio’s aid for intervention in Africa and Pakistan, the military spending currently on par with Nasution’s budget arrangements.

Despite defence cost at an all-time high, the government never actually solved the problems inside the nation. Myriad of cases emerged after the riot clashes between Dayak and Banjar; the dispute between Java and Sunda, Malay and Batak, and even a plethora of rivalling tribes in Papua announcing their feud as well. Moreover, the government did an undertaking about resolving the growing religious competition in Madagascar. Although apparent chaos never surfaced, Trihandoko could already see uneasy small Northern Jewish population sowing discontent with a thriving Muslim community in the South. All of this inadvertently happened as most animist population in central Madagascar announced their conversion into Christianity.

Trihandoko had just arrived at the Premier’s office. He would see the second man of Indonesia resting in his hand. He saw Trihandoko in the room, his frown immediately turned into a smile.

“Hello, Trihandoko. Please take a seat.”

Trihandoko then took the left sofa to sit, while LKY scurried into the opposite. Trihandoko felt very perplexed with LKY’s weird gestures.

“Yes, Mr Premier. Why you call me here?”
“I told you for nearly twenty years now, call me Lee.” He answered with slight hospitality. “I assume that I can trust you.”

Trihandoko froze. This was nothing like the LKY before, the strong, strict and vigorous Premier. He instead saw a frail politician, felling a shape of terror Trihandoko have not to discover.

“There is a massive movement under the party. Possibly by our political rivals, to oust us from holding our seats. I, truthfully, may goof regarding the situation in Kalimantan. But, they tried to kick you, too.”
“Kick me? I have done nothing but building our economy as it is.”
“I have no idea, but the party keeps putting me into decisions that I alone reject. When I successfully passed the Military Intervention Act, I thought the military would work according to their principle. As the field officers were really serious about their work, the high commands do abuse their powers. The Generals seized some coal mines owned by Banjar and has taken part of Dayak land to convert it as productive farms. They too start military schools in those areas, and without my consent, develop strong militias from there.”

Trihandoko thought this method as a good measure. The conflicted areas had never seen the shining light of peace ever after the Kesultanan of Pontianak declares rivalry towards Kesultanan Banjar. The regional divide causes more regional divides happening elsewhere. As his father used to say, to kill the tree wholly, you need to kill the roots.

“Well, at first glance. I thought that was not as I was hoping for. Yet, I realized that it too may be a practical solution for our problems in that region. And peace would come. Yet, when I arrived in MPR, they discussed differently.”
“Mr Premier, this is just mere inconvenience. I know that our faction dislike having military back in power. We need not worry about this.”
“I don’t know Fed, I just think something was going on inside our Faction.”

Before he can continue, the Premier office filled with the telephone sound. Premier Lee went to his table to reach the handset. He neared the object to his ear. Much to Trihandoko’s observation, the Premier’s emotion fluctuated between perplexed, vexed, and later utter horror.

After the premier hangs the call, Trihandoko is trying to ask about the problem LKY is facing. Instead of answers, Lee turned on the only television in the room. After a brief static voice, the TV unveiled one of the worst news LKY could ever hear.

… The reports of new riots are happening in Palangkaraya as we are seeing now. They are burning down homes and vandalize government buildings. The military are on spot, willing to disobey orders from the government to fight these provocateurs. According to Kolonel Sukardinoto, the government has failed to understand the severity of the tension in Palangkaraya, and the military will continue without question. However, it seemed that the PPP politicians are now supporting for an intervention, and blame the withdrawal of the law as a personal decision of the Premier itself…

Not long after the last statement finishes. The Premier is already fuming. Trihandoko perplexed at the news for a while, until it is revealed in his eyes. The PRD is trying to discredit LKY.

Siuna Regional Airport, Nicaragua
The four seasons never really happen in Nicaragua, actually only two according to Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Cardenal. Now as the leader of the Sandinista Front and his nation, President Pedro is arriving at this airport for convening privately with party members. According to his subordinates, Managua has been breached by CIA agents. As the Carter Administration is extremely professional and strong, even with the Democratic candidate as the throne, weaker party members intrigued with money for information. President Pedro, along with politician Ortega and Castro, all convene in this airport for discussion.

“Daniel, we must quickly retaliate. The gringos are infiltrating our party members. If we don’t act quickly, we all can by my brother back in Cuba!” Raul shouted with anxiety.
“This is no small matter, Raul. We are nothing compared to American men, guns and even technology. We alone cannot even control our population. How can we fight? Comrade Pedro, we must decide. We are losing ground even in our home nation. The Contras are building forces as well. Our friends in El Salvador also feeling quite bad, isolated and in recession. The American game is lethal to our economy.”

Pedro is no apt politician. He was a journalist. All of his life was dedicated to criticizing Sonoza’s dynasty, along with the dictator’s deeds in the past. Yet, as the Sandinistas won, he was invited into the party, become one of the popular representatives, and indeed won the Presidential seat without much effort. Raul, the much more active one, cannot be this nation’s president because he was a Cuban in the heart. Besides, a Cuban nationality as the leader of Nicaragua would weaken Nicaragua’s stance.

Nevertheless, Pedro gained interest in one young man, around his twenties. He was eerily similar to Pedro, a journalist. However, his younger counterpart would report situations in America. In one evening, much to Pedro’s surprise, this young man managed to convince him of a long way of victory against the Goliath. Pedro, firstly disappointed that maybe he would die before seeing the freedom of Nicaragua from the Northern foreigners, still preferred this option as no other can offer an alternative.

“Comrades, I want to introduce you to Jose Armando Centeno (3). He is currently a Nicaraguan journalist travelling towards America. I believe he has something big to offer.”

Centeno arrived on his frail body. He is very young comparing to other men in the room, probably a generation younger. Yet, Centeno’s figure stayed confident, as he explains his plan like what a strategist could be. After his explanation, Ortega immediately baffled and replied.

“What you are telling me is distant future, junior. We cannot possibly predict the future, especially as far as your plans are.”
“No, el señor. But from my predictions of the US politics, and a slight glimpse of what is happening all across the world, a similar condition would happen, albeit not the same. But, I believe that this strategy of mine can be powerful in the result.”
“Still, comrade Centeno. Your plan needs distraction for the gringos. Who do you think you would suggest?”

This time, Pedro finally expressed one idea that he is excited. “Comrade Castro and Comrade Ortega. As Contras are anti-revolutionaries of our movement, they do are dealers of substances. His ally in Latin America is none other than Colombian cartels. We have already had a small supporter there, why don’t we start there? Colombia may be dictator currently, but the dictatorship is brittle rather than Chile and Argentina. We just need Belisaro’s false steps, which he always does. Then, we could see the entire Liberal faction crumble into our ideology.”

“When can we start, then?” Ortega remarks.
“Now is a good time,” Pedro replied.

==============================​
(1) and (2) are fictional characters, but they mainly figured to portray's Indonesia slow incorporation of Malaya into army groups.
(3) is also fictional, and will be very prominent in the 2000s

Centeno's plans are not directly about Colombia, remember that this nation was only for diversion for something bigger. I bet Centeno was making Colombia a bait to keep the predicted Conservative America busy, while they focused on the real blow.
 
13th March 1984

Kelantan, State of Malaysia

Colonel Tan Sri Mahim Hussein, or better known as Hussein, enjoyed his cigarette on the beachside of Kelantan City. As a Johor Bahru nationality, Colonel Hussein does love the monarchy as he loved his closest ones. Still, he maintains professionalism on the military as it seemed that he was needed in this particular place.

Not long ago, after the new year, more tension rose on the borders of Thailand-Indonesia. The ongoing Pattani rebellion was being heavily suppressed after the French arrived in the Kra region. As a means of protecting the building canal, Thailand junta government announced that it was finally happening; no more resistance in the South. As Pattani was dominated by Malays, the locals had thoughts of uniting with the Malaysian dominated south. As Malaysia is fully Indonesian, the Pattani's determined on being incorporated as Indonesian citizens.

As the suppression went on, a major influx of immigrants arrived in Malaysia, especially the City of Kelantan. Located not far from the border, Kelantan possessed a strategic location of a metropolis near the border, easy for the army to manoeuvre. There were other locations like Penang and Kedah, but its status as a kingdom and federal state did hamper military movements. As a result, Colonel Hussein, with an entire Army division, was residing in Kelantan for further information.

According to General Lutfi Hakim, Thailand was making another attempt to increase the tension on the border. It seemed that Thailand wants to provoke us with a massive influx of refugees, also with their horrifying stories. Indeed, most of Hussein’s men were almost ecstatic to stand and fight instantly. But, as army doctrine said ‘Instructions come first’.

But then, Hussein afraid not of the invasion Thailand presented, the army was rather weak. He thought that his regiment alone would superiorly compete for the Thai counterparts. However, he was more concerned with what was happening inside the army. For some time, the Army had shown yet another battle since the PNI-R split. This time, however, it was certain that the extent was large. General Abdullah Nahrowi (1), the General which rose as the Iron Heart of Aceh. He was responsible for the suppression of Aceh during Nasution Era. General Nahrowi, expressed in his book ‘Purification’, meant that the military must stop multitask in other sectors unrelated to the Army. This, however, gained criticism on General Umar Wirahadikusumah, along with Try Sutrisno and Edi Sudrajat. Major General Poniman (2) also supported General Umar.

As each faction held a significant portion of the army, the divide deepened slowly. Colonel Hussein, although he supported General Lutfi Hakim, a staunch supporter and friend of General Umar, Colonel Hussein endorsed General Abdullah Nahrowi. General Abdullah Nahrowi later cooperated with General Ali Sadikin, the ousted General, along with General Pranoto. Fortunately, young army personals, officers like Yudhoyono and Prabowo Djojohadikusumo, were supportive with the purification of the Army.


Premier Office, District Capital of Jakarta
It has been three whole months since Trihandoko had ever met Lee Kuan Yew in person. His tactile approach towards assembling factories in all ends of Indonesia did prevent him from coming home to Jakarta, his birth city. Also, because of that, Lee Kuan Yew was busy in more social-domestic affairs, the situation in Dayak and Banjar had returned into its hostile, provocative state. Trihandoko, overwhelmed with mere economic aspects of the nation, were antipathetic with entering into the conflict regions, and prefer going to Melanesia instead last week.

Still, Trihandoko must return to Jakarta, as LKY had requested him to convene as soon as possible. According to him, LKY was unlikely disturbed. But the Premier’s anxious call with Trihandoko agreed otherwise. Trihandoko heard of some frictions inside the party members, especially as the PRD had incorporated those Golkars into their party. Subandrio, for the last two years, has been anything but consistent. Initially, he would cut the defence spending, and curb all military influence in politics. Yet, as time progresses, Subandrio began returning these individuals more attention towards the government. Especially with Subandrio’s aid for intervention in Africa and Pakistan, the military spending currently on par with Nasution’s budget arrangements.

Despite defence cost at an all-time high, the government never actually solved the problems inside the nation. Myriad of cases emerged after the riot clashes between Dayak and Banjar; the dispute between Java and Sunda, Malay and Batak, and even a plethora of rivalling tribes in Papua announcing their feud as well. Moreover, the government did an undertaking about resolving the growing religious competition in Madagascar. Although apparent chaos never surfaced, Trihandoko could already see uneasy small Northern Jewish population sowing discontent with a thriving Muslim community in the South. All of this inadvertently happened as most animist population in central Madagascar announced their conversion into Christianity.

Trihandoko had just arrived at the Premier’s office. He would see the second man of Indonesia resting in his hand. He saw Trihandoko in the room, his frown immediately turned into a smile.

“Hello, Trihandoko. Please take a seat.”

Trihandoko then took the left sofa to sit, while LKY scurried into the opposite. Trihandoko felt very perplexed with LKY’s weird gestures.

“Yes, Mr Premier. Why you call me here?”
“I told you for nearly twenty years now, call me Lee.” He answered with slight hospitality. “I assume that I can trust you.”

Trihandoko froze. This was nothing like the LKY before, the strong, strict and vigorous Premier. He instead saw a frail politician, felling a shape of terror Trihandoko have not to discover.

“There is a massive movement under the party. Possibly by our political rivals, to oust us from holding our seats. I, truthfully, may goof regarding the situation in Kalimantan. But, they tried to kick you, too.”
“Kick me? I have done nothing but building our economy as it is.”
“I have no idea, but the party keeps putting me into decisions that I alone reject. When I successfully passed the Military Intervention Act, I thought the military would work according to their principle. As the field officers were really serious about their work, the high commands do abuse their powers. The Generals seized some coal mines owned by Banjar and has taken part of Dayak land to convert it as productive farms. They too start military schools in those areas, and without my consent, develop strong militias from there.”

Trihandoko thought this method as a good measure. The conflicted areas had never seen the shining light of peace ever after the Kesultanan of Pontianak declares rivalry towards Kesultanan Banjar. The regional divide causes more regional divides happening elsewhere. As his father used to say, to kill the tree wholly, you need to kill the roots.

“Well, at first glance. I thought that was not as I was hoping for. Yet, I realized that it too may be a practical solution for our problems in that region. And peace would come. Yet, when I arrived in MPR, they discussed differently.”
“Mr Premier, this is just mere inconvenience. I know that our faction dislike having military back in power. We need not worry about this.”
“I don’t know Fed, I just think something was going on inside our Faction.”

Before he can continue, the Premier office filled with the telephone sound. Premier Lee went to his table to reach the handset. He neared the object to his ear. Much to Trihandoko’s observation, the Premier’s emotion fluctuated between perplexed, vexed, and later utter horror.

After the premier hangs the call, Trihandoko is trying to ask about the problem LKY is facing. Instead of answers, Lee turned on the only television in the room. After a brief static voice, the TV unveiled one of the worst news LKY could ever hear.

… The reports of new riots are happening in Palangkaraya as we are seeing now. They are burning down homes and vandalize government buildings. The military are on spot, willing to disobey orders from the government to fight these provocateurs. According to Kolonel Sukardinoto, the government has failed to understand the severity of the tension in Palangkaraya, and the military will continue without question. However, it seemed that the PPP politicians are now supporting for an intervention, and blame the withdrawal of the law as a personal decision of the Premier itself…

Not long after the last statement finishes. The Premier is already fuming. Trihandoko perplexed at the news for a while, until it is revealed in his eyes. The PRD is trying to discredit LKY.

Siuna Regional Airport, Nicaragua
The four seasons never really happen in Nicaragua, actually only two according to Pedro Joaquín Chamorro Cardenal. Now as the leader of the Sandinista Front and his nation, President Pedro is arriving at this airport for convening privately with party members. According to his subordinates, Managua has been breached by CIA agents. As the Carter Administration is extremely professional and strong, even with the Democratic candidate as the throne, weaker party members intrigued with money for information. President Pedro, along with politician Ortega and Castro, all convene in this airport for discussion.

“Daniel, we must quickly retaliate. The gringos are infiltrating our party members. If we don’t act quickly, we all can by my brother back in Cuba!” Raul shouted with anxiety.
“This is no small matter, Raul. We are nothing compared to American men, guns and even technology. We alone cannot even control our population. How can we fight? Comrade Pedro, we must decide. We are losing ground even in our home nation. The Contras are building forces as well. Our friends in El Salvador also feeling quite bad, isolated and in recession. The American game is lethal to our economy.”

Pedro is no apt politician. He was a journalist. All of his life was dedicated to criticizing Sonoza’s dynasty, along with the dictator’s deeds in the past. Yet, as the Sandinistas won, he was invited into the party, become one of the popular representatives, and indeed won the Presidential seat without much effort. Raul, the much more active one, cannot be this nation’s president because he was a Cuban in the heart. Besides, a Cuban nationality as the leader of Nicaragua would weaken Nicaragua’s stance.

Nevertheless, Pedro gained interest in one young man, around his twenties. He was eerily similar to Pedro, a journalist. However, his younger counterpart would report situations in America. In one evening, much to Pedro’s surprise, this young man managed to convince him of a long way of victory against the Goliath. Pedro, firstly disappointed that maybe he would die before seeing the freedom of Nicaragua from the Northern foreigners, still preferred this option as no other can offer an alternative.

“Comrades, I want to introduce you to Jose Armando Centeno (3). He is currently a Nicaraguan journalist travelling towards America. I believe he has something big to offer.”

Centeno arrived on his frail body. He is very young comparing to other men in the room, probably a generation younger. Yet, Centeno’s figure stayed confident, as he explains his plan like what a strategist could be. After his explanation, Ortega immediately baffled and replied.

“What you are telling me is distant future, junior. We cannot possibly predict the future, especially as far as your plans are.”
“No, el señor. But from my predictions of the US politics, and a slight glimpse of what is happening all across the world, a similar condition would happen, albeit not the same. But, I believe that this strategy of mine can be powerful in the result.”
“Still, comrade Centeno. Your plan needs distraction for the gringos. Who do you think you would suggest?”

This time, Pedro finally expressed one idea that he is excited. “Comrade Castro and Comrade Ortega. As Contras are anti-revolutionaries of our movement, they do are dealers of substances. His ally in Latin America is none other than Colombian cartels. We have already had a small supporter there, why don’t we start there? Colombia may be dictator currently, but the dictatorship is brittle rather than Chile and Argentina. We just need Belisaro’s false steps, which he always does. Then, we could see the entire Liberal faction crumble into our ideology.”

“When can we start, then?” Ortega remarks.
“Now is a good time,” Pedro replied.

==============================​
(1) and (2) are fictional characters, but they mainly figured to portray's Indonesia slow incorporation of Malaya into army groups.
(3) is also fictional, and will be very prominent in the 2000s

Centeno's plans are not directly about Colombia, remember that this nation was only for diversion for something bigger. I bet Centeno was making Colombia a bait to keep the predicted Conservative America busy, while they focused on the real blow.
So the nicaraguan civil war is still happening huh very intetesting
 
So the nicaraguan civil war is still happening huh very intetesting

It doesn't actually. It's just the CIA keeps infiltrating Nicaragua, and undermining the Sandinistas.


Edit: I read this as the Civil War when fighting against Somoza. Sorry folks.

For the correction, this is the second civil war (unrelated to the first where the US intervened), the factions are also different, but more of an anti-government brawl. To compare, I guess it would be like PRRI (Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia) did in OTL but better.
 
Last edited:
V
It doesn't actually. It's just the CIA keeps infiltrating Nicaragua, and undermining the Sandinistas.

Edit: I read this as the Civil War when fighting against Somoza. Sorry folks.

For the correction, this is the second civil war (unrelated to the first where the US intervened), the factions are also different, but more of an anti-government brawl. To compare, I guess it would be like PRRI (Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia) did in OTL but better.
Better as in?
 
East Asian Community Part 10: Initial Troubles New
The Realm Under Fault

For several years, the presidency unchecked the kingship, as they were the ring’s most faithful of supporters. As federalism under Subandrio was sustained supportively, the power of the region grew gradually. As the government gazed on economic alone, local authorities were taking ventures to seize political rule on one realm.

The premiership, meantime, had already taken intimation on this discrete shift of power. It was felt by Education Minister Bambang Kamil when he tried to implement a national curriculum in Indonesia which Subandrio had enacted the law back during his early terms. The locals loved the government-funded public schools to educate. As the Multilingual Act was passed in 1979, the region can have a particular choice in language compulsory lessons. Singaporean curriculum and Papuan were supposed to have a limited selection, as of almost every province of Indonesia. Alas, when Indonesia sought to teach her citizens English, the locals differed in the government. They later changed English into their proposed languages. At first, parts of Aceh and Minang replaced English with Arabic. In Southern parts of Papua, some small inrush of schools taught Dutch. Some parts of Malaysia also opened Japanese and Chinese schools and replaced English with these two languages.

The idea of English could be changed into other favoured options dawned from Subandrio’s press conference regarding freedom of tongues. In 1981, Subandrio asserted that everyone could speak a language they intend to learn, and the government will not interfere on the matter. However, the locals read the address relating to the Multilingual Act, some changed into their languages.

At 15th July 1982, at the inception of the new study year. Dozens of academics joined up on protest on the new bill in Surabaya. This new bill was meant to substitute English with Arabic, yet the PPP politicians determined nay for this resolution. Teachers demanded that Arabic is essential for children’s maturity in religious values and norms. The protesters highlighted sins against the First Verse of Pancasila in this affair, yet the PPP Politicians stood solidly on their opinions. Aceh, in 1983, under a conjoined military-civilian administration, declared that English as a compulsory language was not optimal for the people of Aceh. They legislated that Arabic should replace English. LKY reacted with slight criticism, as that would violate English as supposed ‘compulsory international language’. Yet, Subandrio stated that they were permitted. LKY and Subandrio later conversed heatedly about this matter.

language_1.jpg

Schools in Singapore, it compels English while also put Mandarin into context.

Not long, the idea that this government can be toyed around spread rapidly, and nearly most of the locals had their agendas. Then, it would expand into not just cultural matters, but also political. In August 1983, Cirebon was trying to form a Sultanate, portraying the old Sultanate of Cirebon before its demise. This was probably a monarchist attempt to expand influence all across Indonesia. Still, during the discussion in Bandung, the Pasundan State, legislators mostly pro PPP supporters, disagreed staunchly.

Entering 1984, the politics of Indonesia was starting to look like a modern model of feudalism. The difference was this government check the economic matters indefinitely, while others not literally. This fired massive criticisms from PNI-R and PPP. PNI-R spokesman Suyadino said that the idea of government not owning political authority on the nation is ridiculous. Guntur Sukarnoputra, meanwhile, expressed the Subandrio’s lack of ‘work’ lately and blatantly accused of disclosed play amongst the bureaucrats. Subandrio replied with a simple shrug. LKY, on the other hand, tried everything to make sure that his name was not discredited on this matter. He pushed the government in accomplishing more economical feats, along with social advancement to establish an equal distribution. Regarding political and defence matters, LKY could not do much, as that was under the hands of the President.

The second term of Subandrio, as he articulated earlier on his campaign, was to prepare Indonesia in the international stage. At least in the space age, Indonesia has beaten China. China was always Subandrio’s parameter of successful. Lately, this argument had been judged as irrelevant, as China was under Jiang Qing. Everyone agreed that China was going backwards under Madame Mao. Later, Subandrio announced the crowd that we would start expanding as an economic power. He saw Japan as the optimal partner for it, and he would open as large as possible for Japan to invest in Indonesia.

If we achieved more than China, we can compete with the bigger powers. –Subandrio, 1988

Subandrio’s second objective was to not displease the Americans. Having the US as a close friend for almost twenty years now do violate Sukarno’s previous urge of neutrality. Yet, under the world where the choice is either democratic or communist. Subandrio saw that siding with the US was already the best option. As a result, when the Americans urged nations to send more volunteers to Pakistan and South Africa. Subandrio immediately deployed more than it should, to give an image that Indonesia is American’s friendliest ally.

Out of all things, Subandrio neglected the events within his nation. As a result, the government were on hot water after the election. On Monday, the 12th March 1984, the people of Palangkaraya did not go to their workplace. Instead, they marched on the streets and kept confronting the Dayak small community living there. The natives plead for extra status from the government, especially as Pontianak and Palangkaraya had tried to reinstate their kingdom level demands. A week ago, both the local leaders of Dayak and Banjar were in a mere dispute about their monarchy status in the national governance. Thus far, the Sultanate from Java supported Pontianak while Johor supported Banjar.

The fight happened when a small group of Banjar teenagers provoked their same age in the Dayak Community. After that, the fight emerged into knife battles. Just barely reaching the night, the Dayak had deployed their Mandau warriors and killed 30 Banjarese men. The Banjar majority responded with the killing of the entire neighbourhood with Parang Nabur. Riots turned into arson and killings, with more and more communities determined to cross their regional borders and fight a direct war. This crisis was not cooled by the local government, as the Sultanates were the largest influencer in the region. In one occasion, Sultan Hamid III hardly called a patriotic war for the Dayak tribe killed in Palangkaraya.

language_2-min.jpg

The riots in Palangkaraya

People dwelling in Palangkaraya were those from Java and Sumatra. The migrants staying there were remarkably frightened in the recent developments and leaving the island for good. Foreigners also fled the region, along with the chance of investments on the area. The stop of work in Central Kalimantan does strike coal mining there. LKY was extremely unsettled that the mines stopped working. The Banjarese mines, although owned by the locals, produced ample money to build Kalimantan. Still, LKY’s moves were late, as the military acted first.

Kolonel Sukardinoto acted first, stating that the region must be pacified with or without the government consent. He also expressed upset towards LKY’s administration, which was ultimately the PPP’s ploy in taking down LKY. Kolonel Sukardinoto was a close friend of Nusa Hitam, the leader of the Malaccan Faction. Nusa Hitam was entirely opposed to LKY’s authoritative economic policies; telling the locals to do this and that. He wanted more flexible measures towards the locals, and let them improve their productivity. Also, Nusa Hitam was backed by PRD’s Golkar Faction. They cooperated to seize power, unbeknownst to LKY.

Still, the events alone in Palangkaraya tainted LKY’s marvellous premiership. And, as the heavens might have been in part of it, LKY’s leadership was more under threat after recent events in Indonesia’s largest cities.

==============================
More and more troubles to LKY and Subandrio. We'll see a few of those later.
 
V

Better as in?
Pardon for the ambiguity. The ongoing Nicaraguan War was mostly like what PDRI did to Indonesia OTL, however with a larger opposition force. It was almost a civil war, but the Nicaraguans considered it as an anti-government conflict. There are no clear borders either, as who supported Contras and who supported the Sandinistas.
 
The Realm Under Fault

For several years, the presidency unchecked the kingship, as they were the ring’s most faithful of supporters. As federalism under Subandrio was sustained supportively, the power of the region grew gradually. As the government gazed on economic alone, local authorities were taking ventures to seize political rule on one realm.

The premiership, meantime, had already taken intimation on this discrete shift of power. It was felt by Education Minister Bambang Kamil when he tried to implement a national curriculum in Indonesia which Subandrio had enacted the law back during his early terms. The locals loved the government-funded public schools to educate. As the Multilingual Act was passed in 1979, the region can have a particular choice in language compulsory lessons. Singaporean curriculum and Papuan were supposed to have a limited selection, as of almost every province of Indonesia. Alas, when Indonesia sought to teach her citizens English, the locals differed in the government. They later changed English into their proposed languages. At first, parts of Aceh and Minang replaced English with Arabic. In Southern parts of Papua, some small inrush of schools taught Dutch. Some parts of Malaysia also opened Japanese and Chinese schools and replaced English with these two languages.

The idea of English could be changed into other favoured options dawned from Subandrio’s press conference regarding freedom of tongues. In 1981, Subandrio asserted that everyone could speak a language they intend to learn, and the government will not interfere on the matter. However, the locals read the address relating to the Multilingual Act, some changed into their languages.

At 15th July 1982, at the inception of the new study year. Dozens of academics joined up on protest on the new bill in Surabaya. This new bill was meant to substitute English with Arabic, yet the PPP politicians determined nay for this resolution. Teachers demanded that Arabic is essential for children’s maturity in religious values and norms. The protesters highlighted sins against the First Verse of Pancasila in this affair, yet the PPP Politicians stood solidly on their opinions. Aceh, in 1983, under a conjoined military-civilian administration, declared that English as a compulsory language was not optimal for the people of Aceh. They legislated that Arabic should replace English. LKY reacted with slight criticism, as that would violate English as supposed ‘compulsory international language’. Yet, Subandrio stated that they were permitted. LKY and Subandrio later conversed heatedly about this matter.

View attachment 583872
Schools in Singapore, it compels English while also put Mandarin into context.

Not long, the idea that this government can be toyed around spread rapidly, and nearly most of the locals had their agendas. Then, it would expand into not just cultural matters, but also political. In August 1983, Cirebon was trying to form a Sultanate, portraying the old Sultanate of Cirebon before its demise. This was probably a monarchist attempt to expand influence all across Indonesia. Still, during the discussion in Bandung, the Pasundan State, legislators mostly pro PPP supporters, disagreed staunchly.

Entering 1984, the politics of Indonesia was starting to look like a modern model of feudalism. The difference was this government check the economic matters indefinitely, while others not literally. This fired massive criticisms from PNI-R and PPP. PNI-R spokesman Suyadino said that the idea of government not owning political authority on the nation is ridiculous. Guntur Sukarnoputra, meanwhile, expressed the Subandrio’s lack of ‘work’ lately and blatantly accused of disclosed play amongst the bureaucrats. Subandrio replied with a simple shrug. LKY, on the other hand, tried everything to make sure that his name was not discredited on this matter. He pushed the government in accomplishing more economical feats, along with social advancement to establish an equal distribution. Regarding political and defence matters, LKY could not do much, as that was under the hands of the President.

The second term of Subandrio, as he articulated earlier on his campaign, was to prepare Indonesia in the international stage. At least in the space age, Indonesia has beaten China. China was always Subandrio’s parameter of successful. Lately, this argument had been judged as irrelevant, as China was under Jiang Qing. Everyone agreed that China was going backwards under Madame Mao. Later, Subandrio announced the crowd that we would start expanding as an economic power. He saw Japan as the optimal partner for it, and he would open as large as possible for Japan to invest in Indonesia.

If we achieved more than China, we can compete with the bigger powers. –Subandrio, 1988

Subandrio’s second objective was to not displease the Americans. Having the US as a close friend for almost twenty years now do violate Sukarno’s previous urge of neutrality. Yet, under the world where the choice is either democratic or communist. Subandrio saw that siding with the US was already the best option. As a result, when the Americans urged nations to send more volunteers to Pakistan and South Africa. Subandrio immediately deployed more than it should, to give an image that Indonesia is American’s friendliest ally.

Out of all things, Subandrio neglected the events within his nation. As a result, the government were on hot water after the election. On Monday, the 12th March 1984, the people of Palangkaraya did not go to their workplace. Instead, they marched on the streets and kept confronting the Dayak small community living there. The natives plead for extra status from the government, especially as Pontianak and Palangkaraya had tried to reinstate their kingdom level demands. A week ago, both the local leaders of Dayak and Banjar were in a mere dispute about their monarchy status in the national governance. Thus far, the Sultanate from Java supported Pontianak while Johor supported Banjar.

The fight happened when a small group of Banjar teenagers provoked their same age in the Dayak Community. After that, the fight emerged into knife battles. Just barely reaching the night, the Dayak had deployed their Mandau warriors and killed 30 Banjarese men. The Banjar majority responded with the killing of the entire neighbourhood with Parang Nabur. Riots turned into arson and killings, with more and more communities determined to cross their regional borders and fight a direct war. This crisis was not cooled by the local government, as the Sultanates were the largest influencer in the region. In one occasion, Sultan Hamid III hardly called a patriotic war for the Dayak tribe killed in Palangkaraya.

View attachment 583874
The riots in Palangkaraya

People dwelling in Palangkaraya were those from Java and Sumatra. The migrants staying there were remarkably frightened in the recent developments and leaving the island for good. Foreigners also fled the region, along with the chance of investments on the area. The stop of work in Central Kalimantan does strike coal mining there. LKY was extremely unsettled that the mines stopped working. The Banjarese mines, although owned by the locals, produced ample money to build Kalimantan. Still, LKY’s moves were late, as the military acted first.

Kolonel Sukardinoto acted first, stating that the region must be pacified with or without the government consent. He also expressed upset towards LKY’s administration, which was ultimately the PPP’s ploy in taking down LKY. Kolonel Sukardinoto was a close friend of Nusa Hitam, the leader of the Malaccan Faction. Nusa Hitam was entirely opposed to LKY’s authoritative economic policies; telling the locals to do this and that. He wanted more flexible measures towards the locals, and let them improve their productivity. Also, Nusa Hitam was backed by PRD’s Golkar Faction. They cooperated to seize power, unbeknownst to LKY.

Still, the events alone in Palangkaraya tainted LKY’s marvellous premiership. And, as the heavens might have been in part of it, LKY’s leadership was more under threat after recent events in Indonesia’s largest cities.

==============================
More and more troubles to LKY and Subandrio. We'll see a few of those later.
Very intresting that dutch is still tought in several part of indonesia i wonder do some of dutch culture and heritage is still alive in otl indonesia?
 
Pardon for the ambiguity. The ongoing Nicaraguan War was mostly like what PDRI did to Indonesia OTL, however with a larger opposition force. It was almost a civil war, but the Nicaraguans considered it as an anti-government conflict. There are no clear borders either, as who supported Contras and who supported the Sandinistas.
So a mess basically? Huh kinda like what happen in colombia ittl with the drugs cartel and what not
 
Most hate from the Dutch was shifted to the UK, and sometimes Australia.
Well tbh there is another english language speaket that is friendly towards indonesia, the usa maybe they could use that so that the people learn more english but coming back to the dutch topic that means tradition like sinterklaas,the canals in semarang,dutch cuisine etc are still thriving in indonesia? And with the case of the canals in semarang more well preserved and clean?
 
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