What do you think about this thread?

  • Awesome!!

    Votes: 49 62.8%
  • Okay...

    Votes: 23 29.5%
  • Meh...

    Votes: 4 5.1%
  • It's Bad

    Votes: 2 2.6%

  • Total voters
    78
Therefore, Indonesia must decry all authoritative regimes, and all of those unaligned with Pancasila’s ideology. He at first denounce the militaries regime in Thailand and Myanmar and all the atrocities that the two nations had done. He also attacked China’s Jiang Qing totalistic regime.

Even so, this policy was noticed by the educated youth as Subandrio’s hypocrisy. The fact was cemented with Subandrio’s endorsement with South American countries, most of which for cattle trade. Moreover, South Vietnam at that time was also a military dictatorship, a revanchist regime if some would say.
This change of events completely shattered Subandrio’s foreign policy. What was supposedly a passive presidency must change into an aggressive one.
Is it possible that Subrandio and his successor later on might try to change its foreign policies into one that more focused on hedging strategies? For example, Indonesia could try establishing friendly (if not cordial) relationship with the less oppressive socialist/communist states such as Yugoslavia and UASR, while maintain less friendly (if not downright hostile) relation with totalitarian China and Soviet.

That strategy might be very useful should Indonesia want to avoid the Communist and socialist states from coordinating with each other given their lack of unity in international relations as far as I can tell, especially with the ongoing Franco-Soviet rivalry and the fact that some pro-socialist nation hates each other (Soviet-friendly Turkey + Saudi being rivals with UASR). It wasn't really hard for Indonesia to do it, since they could take advantage by the fact that left-leaning parties is still alive well in the domestic politic as a way to show that Indonesia wouldn't be hostile to the socialist powers like the US did.

Plus, regardless if the American's African intervention went smoothly or goes horribly wrong, Indonesia still have Suez as a not-so viable option. At least Indonesia can still use the Suez, even when the American's couldn't.

Subandrio had to aid pro-democratic rebels in Pakistan to appease the Americans. Also to fulfil their ‘quota’, Indonesia must send a few volunteer divisions to Pakistan. In 1981, American forces, also with Iranian and SEATO troops landed in Karachi for fighting with the anti-communist insurgency.
So I guess that the Bangladesh had seceded from Pakistan with the communist-vs-democratic civil war going on, right? Or are they already broken up already?
 
The Roaring 80s Part 11: PNI-R and Try
Leadership Changes: A Story of PNI-R Part 2

It was truly ironic for a man to almost fulfilling its achievements but short of time. General Suharto was one of those people. He almost controlling the entire PNI-R by silencing its opponents and were preparing for the national election in 1983. With his power, money and connections, he had prepared a fight against Subandrio in 1983. Alas, he died in an accident. That moment, PNI-R knew that things would not go as planned. The state Suharto left was just broken glass plastered here and there. The PNI-R was openly on dispute after their fall. While Golkar-militarist faction was accused of benefiting power for building their enterprises. Purple Faction was accused of secretly allying with the PPP. The party was only unified by Suharto because of its former experience with bureaucracy. Most members also feared him, probably because his smiling charisma hid thoughts, one of the frightening aspects of being Stereotypically-Javanese.

The remnants of the PNI were mixed on both factions, but the larger proportions changed as Purple Faction. In the Purple Faction, the supposed leader Suryadino with scientist Habibie determined that PNI-R needs a transfer of power. Yet, both of these politicians noted that their popularity cannot surpass Golkar members, which were all famous in respective battles from the Australian Aggression. As a result, not only they must give in to some members of the army but also shepherded by them. To minimize yet another Nasution, which in most occasion broke his promise to appease military generals. Suryadino contacted Police-General Hoegeng and General Ali Sadikin.

During Suharto’s Premiership, several members of the Army criticized Suharto’s handling of the government as anti-democratic and pro-authoritative. Those members were then Chairman of the Police Department Hoegeng, State-Governor of Nusantara Major-General Ali Sadikin and then Leader of the 3rd Army Major General Pranoto. Although all of these members were pro-statist and militarist, they understood Pancasila’s ideological superiority above militarism, and therefore Pancasila must be prioritized first. In response, Suharto killed them off in various jobs. General Pranoto was replaced with Suharto’s friend Sarwo Edhi. The other two, however, showed resistance.

Hoegeng and Ali Sadikin were only silenced five years later, in the latter 70s, as the PPP dominated-coalition rule the government. Ali Sadikin was first scoffed by Subandrio because of him controlling an influential region. Hoegeng, later on, was allowed to continue his generalship until his retirement, along with other conditions which he must not provoke any suspicious acts. Despite that, these gentlemen showed their greatest disgust with Suharto, because of how the Special Forces Leader exiled them among the party members.

In 1979, Suharto conducted the PNI-R’s Extraordinary Party Plenary Session. With Nasution resigned as politician entirely, the party must elect a new leader to back. Former Premier Suharto became the sole candidate of the party; therefore, it would be an easy win. However, during the session, several members were prohibited in joining without reason. This brought past events into the discussion, which ended up the session in a heated debate between prohibited members and allowed ones. Later on, this plot was carried out by Suharto because General Sudirono, one of the prohibited members, was going to announce his candidacy in the session, giving Suharto a competition.

General Suharto hated criticism and competition and favours absolutism. As more members have discovered this new ordeal, they were left with an option to either go with the flow or fight back. Unfortunately, most of them joined with Suharto. The party suffered a popularity loss in 1978. For most of the people in the session, Suharto was the only solution to change things. Suharto’s popularity was still high. If the party succeeded in targeting the government’s weakness, especially in foreign policy, the party would have a good chance.

That was, and things drastically changed.

After the sudden death of the candidate in April 1980, the party conduct yet another extraordinary session regarding the next steps. This time, the party decided to appoint Umar Wirahadikusumah, Suharto’s wingman, as the candidate from the party. But, as Umar was not as powerful as Suharto, his position as a candidate immediately shaken bit by bit. In December of the same year, an unexpected event enveloped the party’s activity.

KASAD_Jenderal_TNI_Umar_Wirahadikumah.png

General Umar Wirahadikusumah

In Christmas Day of 1980, most people in Cengkareng enjoyed this event as a national holiday, left out from work and enjoy leisure. However, a small community just across the Daan Mogot Street southbound were native Minahasa. Minahasa were predominantly Christian, and they celebrated Christmas with conducting a mass. That, was where the problems came in. Just barely three kilometres away, an Islamic Sundanese community inhabited near Pesing. They noticed the church’s bell were loud and clear. As the mass was held five in the morning, the rings alarmed most people that wanted sleep. The ustad living there decided to request the community to stop the bell.

Not knowing who started it and how it became, civil displeasure soon turned out into a massive tribal war. Provocateurs fueled the fire with arson and burglary, burning the small community. A Javanese community neighbouring the burned Minahasa aid them and fight against the Sundanese. From a religious dispute, it became a Java-Sunda fight. More and more people get involved in brawling and hitting. Just barely noon fights proceeded with knives and swords. Daan Mogot Region had become a complete mess.

President Subandrio, knowingly that this happened in the capital of Indonesia, decided to do the enactment that he had been avoiding, send in the military. Rather than places like in Banjar and Aceh, this is the capital city of the Federal government. As a nation of diversity, disintegrative attitudes was not supposed to happen. Subandrio sent in Kodam Jaya (Jakarta’s Regional Military Command) Forces in Jakarta, which was led by Try Sutrisno. Try Sutrisno was also Suharto’s wingman, and luckily was kept under the radar during Subandrio’s administration. Try thought that this crisis could be his moment of shine, at least until it doesn’t.

In 15:23, Try’s forces already arrived completely in Cengkareng. Try Sutrisno tried to mediate the two conflicting sides, and demanded an immediate resolution. The people thought differently and kept holding on their demands of the other to give in. Try thought that in four o’clock things would end with peace, the truth was the riot continued until 19:00. He was getting frustrated at that time, telling the people that if the riot won’t end, the military would forcefully intervene. He declared the deadline to be 21:00 in the night. Yet, in 19:54, one military officer was stabbed to death by a full-fledged mob of civilians. Try, infuriated with this, started one of the most devastating periods in Indonesia history. In 19:58, he authorized his garrison unit to wipe out hostile civilians. Although it first was thought to be a good measure, the decision was heavily criticized by the media. In addition to it, some guards also allegedly killed innocent civilians that had fought with provocateurs. Cengkareng soon was under martial law, and that was only in the power of Try, and Try only. It became a slaughter in just a few hours, military officers killing off people holding lethal weapons, the situation was very dire.

Tragedi_Tanjung_Priok.jpeg

Cengkareng Riot, more known in modern day as Cengkareng Massacre

The government did not approve or allowed any of this to happen. Subandrio announces this as the military’s lack of patience and full of jingoistic auras. LKY also declared Try as ‘warmongering’ bastard to its people. The government demanded Try to stop this military occupation but Try rejected with strong claims that the people must pay for his dead subordinate. Subandrio was not having more talks, and instead of calling the Kodam Kebayoran (Kebayoran’s Regional Military Command) Leader Andreas Wisnujaya, which was training in Cilangkap, to return for bringing Try’s garrisons out of the region. It was only until 12 in the night when the military occupation ended with Wisnujaya’s forces still monitoring the region.

Try’s actions weakened Umar’s candidacy, as leaders like Hoegeng and Ali demanded Umar’s strong stance against Try. Umar, knowing Try also as one great junior partner, declined to express. Ali also starting to fight Umar’s candidacy by declaring himself as one and demanded another Extraordinary Session to be held. In 3rd of February 1983, another session was held. Unfortunately for Ali and Hoegeng, Suharto’s posthumous power was still apparent on most members of Golkar. Most military officials agree with Try’s reasoning when he was asked. Umar stayed as the candidate, and Ali and Hoegeng remained to be the party’s annoyance. In efforts of cleaning PNI-R from Suharto’s power failed, and Ali and Hoegeng remained mere minors.

Not mere minors, now. This time, Suryadino and Habibie together negotiated with Ali and Hoegeng for a possible alliance. The Purple Faction, now completely shrank in size against Golkar, invited these two generals into the faction. Some other military leaders, like head subregion of Eastern Indian Ocean, Rear Admiral EWA Pangalila, joined in this faction. They brewed a scheme to start eliminating Golkar’s domination in the party.

=======================================
I'm sorry for the week's absence. I was in a training program, which drained all of my time and energy, especially for creating new posts in the TL.

We would discuss more about PNI-R after the election in the next post.
 
What about stuff like the beatles,thomas the tank engine,tintin and other european stuff maybe even the concorde do those stuff still exist but altered or maybe they are still the same just come from a different country or place?
Tintin remains from Belgium , while maybe the Beatles and the music industry they brought would not came from GB. Instead, i see this to come from mainland Europe, or maybe America.

Is it possible that Subrandio and his successor later on might try to change its foreign policies into one that more focused on hedging strategies? For example, Indonesia could try establishing friendly (if not cordial) relationship with the less oppressive socialist/communist states such as Yugoslavia and UASR, while maintain less friendly (if not downright hostile) relation with totalitarian China and Soviet.

That strategy might be very useful should Indonesia want to avoid the Communist and socialist states from coordinating with each other given their lack of unity in international relations as far as I can tell, especially with the ongoing Franco-Soviet rivalry and the fact that some pro-socialist nation hates each other (Soviet-friendly Turkey + Saudi being rivals with UASR). It wasn't really hard for Indonesia to do it, since they could take advantage by the fact that left-leaning parties is still alive well in the domestic politic as a way to show that Indonesia wouldn't be hostile to the socialist powers like the US did.

Plus, regardless if the American's African intervention went smoothly or goes horribly wrong, Indonesia still have Suez as a not-so viable option. At least Indonesia can still use the Suez, even when the American's couldn't.

So I guess that the Bangladesh had seceded from Pakistan with the communist-vs-democratic civil war going on, right? Or are they already broken up already?
That could be a great outcome for the LKY and Subandrio's government. I agree.

Bangladesh split from Pakistan in the 60s because of corruption and regional discrimination. The West Pakistan domination in politics diminished the livelihood of East Pakistan, therefore decided to liberate themselves.
 
Tintin remains from Belgium , while maybe the Beatles and the music industry they brought would not came from GB. Instead, i see this to come from mainland Europe, or maybe America.


That could be a great outcome for the LKY and Subandrio's government. I agree.

Bangladesh split from Pakistan in the 60s because of corruption and regional discrimination. The West Pakistan domination in politics diminished the livelihood of East Pakistan, therefore decided to liberate themselves.
Interesting so maybe gaming biggest name like rockstar games actually originated from america this time or perhaps they stay as dma design?

I have several question:
1.who will the mass media eventually support? The minahasa and to some extentent also the javanese or the sundanese? There must be several big mass media name that supported one side while criticising the other.
2.will the indonesian public have a more negarive view of the military following this incident?
3.where is the police do they just afraid or cant break up the mass
4.on the note of bangladesh what is their goverment stance on india turning more and more into china
5.what is the situation in burma/maynmar?
6.btw what is the reaction of the arab hearing about the international intervention in pakistan?
 
Golkar seemed to be very weak ittl

What about some of the more british stuff like james bond,doctor who,sherlock holmes and wallace and gromit do those stuff still exist?
 
The Roaring 80s Part 12: Changes Circa 1980
Embrace the New Order

The 80s identified Indonesia a change of the political spectrum. Where in the era before, the right-wing government controls indefinitely throughout the years. Indonesia then was having a return into left-wing policies, a mixture between socialism and centrism. The other fundamental shift Indonesia had was also how the society was changing from an agricultural power into a proto-industrialized one.

In 1979, Lee Kuan Yew broadcasted publicly in the national public network that Indonesia would need a ‘total transformation’ to face the rapid change of the world. His speech would ultimately change how the community system works in Indonesia. LKY started to push Indonesia into a new chapter by instructing a few basic aspects. The first one is how to modernize public transportation.

All across Indonesia, public transportation mostly consists of the low-frequency interregional train because the previous Nasution administration openly embraces cars like the new common in Indonesia. Expressways are getting busier, and their entrance fees had contributed much of the government’s surplus in transportation enterprises. Java and Sumatra had his road refurbishment already finished, along with plans to expand further. In Malaya and Papua, construction was nearing completion, and Subandrio’s surplus in economics gave these sites more boost. In Nasution’s presidency, other islands were treated less than the previously spoken ones. Fortunately, Indonesia’s surplus in the first Subandrio’s presidency gave these islands a chance to have their national expressways.

Although infrastructure was good for a fast-developing nation of Indonesia, not can be said towards the people. Most wide city streets in Jakarta were still used by becak and delman, although mass transits were already available. People still optimized traditional and conventional transportation that predated Indonesia’s existence, LKY was worried that Indonesia’s advancement would reach a deadlock with society’s backwater habits. Subandrio gave LKY an easy solution; giving Indonesians a true-drive for change.

Starting from 17 February 1980, almost every major city in Indonesia prohibited delman and becak into operation. Jakarta’s inner city had already expelled these modes since 1971, but not on the surrounding areas. The MPR passed the National Law of Societal Revolution in 31st May 1980, stating a detailed overview of the changes that should be done in Indonesia. In the law, the aim for the implementation was fast-forwarding Indonesia’s industrialization which according to Subandrio was too low to compete globally.

In Federal Districts, students must pursue education until junior high school, that means it would be a 9-year compulsory to all citizens within the district. Other regions outside Federal District were granted grants to improve literacy, education and national intellectuals. Internship programs free for labour-intensive jobs, mechanical experts from federal districts to spread knowledge to rural fellows and 5-year credit for all industrial companies were other policies. For several people in Indonesia, this was thought as too fast and hasty, but Subandrio persisted on it.

The last of the trio, Trihandoko, were never in part of politics completely but contributed the country’s money even until the millennia after. With apt bureaucracy and skilled leadership, Trihandoko as the Trade and Economics Minister expanded the BUMN into a much larger scale. From owning the largest oil and rubber corporation in Indonesia. BUMN opens more into logistics, steel and lumber industry. One-by-one, BUMN buys corporations in all sectors, and stimulate it for producing more money. Just by five years, Indonesia’s net-profit from BUMN itself reached 316 billion rupiahs. Still, despite for all those progress, Indonesia could not tank inflation less than 2% and even reached almost 9% in 1982. Another oil-scare from the Middle East soared the oil prices higher than usual in Indonesia, giving prices to increase in nearly all sections.

Weirdly enough, Subandrio’s aim wasn’t intentionally infrastructure first, but his progress was even better than Nasution’s last term. It was especially felt in cities, which had all their new toys to enjoy. Jakarta had their first MRT opened in 1981, while Singapore had two of them opened in 1982. Surabaya opened its smaller transit that ran above-ground, called the LRT in 1979, which became a new and trending rail transportation model for the whole of Java, later Bandung, Semarang, Yogyakarta and Banjar. Commuter and conventional lines were being abandoned, used for mere regional or intercity lines. In Malaya, the local engineer constructed a weird one-rail model, which they called ‘Monorail’, it was used mainly in amusement parks in America.

Madagascar, above all things, was prioritized by Subandrio. Located far-off than any other region, Madagascar would be prone in separatism groups, which luckily Subandrio had not encountered in his first term. However, he wouldn’t try to push the limits and instead prolonged that event as long as Indonesia can do. He would try expanding the agricultural industry first in Madagascar, then try to slowly transition the island as a manufacturer.

Unfortunately, Subandrio’s presidency was not immune to one major disadvantage of Indonesia’s geography, natural disasters. Since 1979, Indonesia was hit almost at all times natural disasters on every side of the archipelago. The Madiun Region suffered famine from failed harvest and drought who followed after. In Malaya, heavy floods happened in Southern parts of Johor, with the island of Singapore extensively damaged. In Medan, monsoon bizarre weather brought pest towards the crops, also infecting farmers into a weird disease of rash and vomiting.

Indonesia had two television channels in 1981, one being TVNI (Televisi Nasional Indonesia) and another being IndoTV. TVNI was a national broadcasting network established by Nasution government in 1975. People watching TV were rising rapidly, as the young electronics industry is booming and making the cost of all electrical appliances lessened.

In science, Indonesia is expanding as well. From the medium already established even from Wilopo’s term, the science community in Indonesia was growing steadily. More and more research towards improving radio technology and space exploration were under progression. After the success of satellite launches with the help of the United States. Lembaga Antariksa Indonesia (LAI) programmed thirteen more satellite programs, and two of which were already shuttled out of Earth. In 1980, Indonesia finally surpassed China in terms of successful launches, and now we're competing with France although the latter numbers were way higher.

Nearing the election of 1983, Subandrio had a successful first term, and few would shatter the common trend of winning the election. Still, despite guaranteed of winning, Subandrio met massive political shifts nearing the election of 1983. The first one, was from General Untung’s PRD plan, to correct several of Subandrio’s foreign policy.

========================​
This is the last chapter for Subandrio's First Policy. The next chapter would be an election chapter, seeing how in 1983, Indonesia's politics started to form a new normal and system that would last for long.
 
Interesting so maybe gaming biggest name like rockstar games actually originated from america this time or perhaps they stay as dma design?

I have several question:
1.who will the mass media eventually support? The minahasa and to some extentent also the javanese or the sundanese? There must be several big mass media name that supported one side while criticising the other.
2.will the indonesian public have a more negarive view of the military following this incident?
3.where is the police do they just afraid or cant break up the mass
4.on the note of bangladesh what is their goverment stance on india turning more and more into china
5.what is the situation in burma/maynmar?
6.btw what is the reaction of the arab hearing about the international intervention in pakistan?
1.,2,3 would be on the next chapter
4. Bangladesh would just follow what India does, but maybe small pockets of political resistance would rise.
5. Still under junta, just like Thailand
6. I guess they would plan something. As a Muslim Nation yet unaligned to neither China nor the Soviet Union, Arabians would have mixed reviews on what to do.

Golkar seemed to be very weak ittl

What about some of the more british stuff like james bond,doctor who,sherlock holmes and wallace and gromit do those stuff still exist?
I think British stuff ITTL would be a more-white supremacist approach and also Anglo-centric views.
 
For China space program to be surpassed by Indonesia, it seem that "the great leap forward" is not as successful as propaganda.

Did this infrastructure development a joint venture with Japan?
 
Embrace the New Order

The 80s identified Indonesia a change of the political spectrum. Where in the era before, the right-wing government controls indefinitely throughout the years. Indonesia then was having a return into left-wing policies, a mixture between socialism and centrism. The other fundamental shift Indonesia had was also how the society was changing from an agricultural power into a proto-industrialized one.

In 1979, Lee Kuan Yew broadcasted publicly in the national public network that Indonesia would need a ‘total transformation’ to face the rapid change of the world. His speech would ultimately change how the community system works in Indonesia. LKY started to push Indonesia into a new chapter by instructing a few basic aspects. The first one is how to modernize public transportation.

All across Indonesia, public transportation mostly consists of the low-frequency interregional train because the previous Nasution administration openly embraces cars like the new common in Indonesia. Expressways are getting busier, and their entrance fees had contributed much of the government’s surplus in transportation enterprises. Java and Sumatra had his road refurbishment already finished, along with plans to expand further. In Malaya and Papua, construction was nearing completion, and Subandrio’s surplus in economics gave these sites more boost. In Nasution’s presidency, other islands were treated less than the previously spoken ones. Fortunately, Indonesia’s surplus in the first Subandrio’s presidency gave these islands a chance to have their national expressways.

Although infrastructure was good for a fast-developing nation of Indonesia, not can be said towards the people. Most wide city streets in Jakarta were still used by becak and delman, although mass transits were already available. People still optimized traditional and conventional transportation that predated Indonesia’s existence, LKY was worried that Indonesia’s advancement would reach a deadlock with society’s backwater habits. Subandrio gave LKY an easy solution; giving Indonesians a true-drive for change.

Starting from 17 February 1980, almost every major city in Indonesia prohibited delman and becak into operation. Jakarta’s inner city had already expelled these modes since 1971, but not on the surrounding areas. The MPR passed the National Law of Societal Revolution in 31st May 1980, stating a detailed overview of the changes that should be done in Indonesia. In the law, the aim for the implementation was fast-forwarding Indonesia’s industrialization which according to Subandrio was too low to compete globally.

In Federal Districts, students must pursue education until junior high school, that means it would be a 9-year compulsory to all citizens within the district. Other regions outside Federal District were granted grants to improve literacy, education and national intellectuals. Internship programs free for labour-intensive jobs, mechanical experts from federal districts to spread knowledge to rural fellows and 5-year credit for all industrial companies were other policies. For several people in Indonesia, this was thought as too fast and hasty, but Subandrio persisted on it.

The last of the trio, Trihandoko, were never in part of politics completely but contributed the country’s money even until the millennia after. With apt bureaucracy and skilled leadership, Trihandoko as the Trade and Economics Minister expanded the BUMN into a much larger scale. From owning the largest oil and rubber corporation in Indonesia. BUMN opens more into logistics, steel and lumber industry. One-by-one, BUMN buys corporations in all sectors, and stimulate it for producing more money. Just by five years, Indonesia’s net-profit from BUMN itself reached 316 billion rupiahs. Still, despite for all those progress, Indonesia could not tank inflation less than 2% and even reached almost 9% in 1982. Another oil-scare from the Middle East soared the oil prices higher than usual in Indonesia, giving prices to increase in nearly all sections.

Weirdly enough, Subandrio’s aim wasn’t intentionally infrastructure first, but his progress was even better than Nasution’s last term. It was especially felt in cities, which had all their new toys to enjoy. Jakarta had their first MRT opened in 1981, while Singapore had two of them opened in 1982. Surabaya opened its smaller transit that ran above-ground, called the LRT in 1979, which became a new and trending rail transportation model for the whole of Java, later Bandung, Semarang, Yogyakarta and Banjar. Commuter and conventional lines were being abandoned, used for mere regional or intercity lines. In Malaya, the local engineer constructed a weird one-rail model, which they called ‘Monorail’, it was used mainly in amusement parks in America.

Madagascar, above all things, was prioritized by Subandrio. Located far-off than any other region, Madagascar would be prone in separatism groups, which luckily Subandrio had not encountered in his first term. However, he wouldn’t try to push the limits and instead prolonged that event as long as Indonesia can do. He would try expanding the agricultural industry first in Madagascar, then try to slowly transition the island as a manufacturer.

Unfortunately, Subandrio’s presidency was not immune to one major disadvantage of Indonesia’s geography, natural disasters. Since 1979, Indonesia was hit almost at all times natural disasters on every side of the archipelago. The Madiun Region suffered famine from failed harvest and drought who followed after. In Malaya, heavy floods happened in Southern parts of Johor, with the island of Singapore extensively damaged. In Medan, monsoon bizarre weather brought pest towards the crops, also infecting farmers into a weird disease of rash and vomiting.

Indonesia had two television channels in 1981, one being TVNI (Televisi Nasional Indonesia) and another being IndoTV. TVNI was a national broadcasting network established by Nasution government in 1975. People watching TV were rising rapidly, as the young electronics industry is booming and making the cost of all electrical appliances lessened.

In science, Indonesia is expanding as well. From the medium already established even from Wilopo’s term, the science community in Indonesia was growing steadily. More and more research towards improving radio technology and space exploration were under progression. After the success of satellite launches with the help of the United States. Lembaga Antariksa Indonesia (LAI) programmed thirteen more satellite programs, and two of which were already shuttled out of Earth. In 1980, Indonesia finally surpassed China in terms of successful launches, and now we're competing with France although the latter numbers were way higher.

Nearing the election of 1983, Subandrio had a successful first term, and few would shatter the common trend of winning the election. Still, despite guaranteed of winning, Subandrio met massive political shifts nearing the election of 1983. The first one, was from General Untung’s PRD plan, to correct several of Subandrio’s foreign policy.

========================​
This is the last chapter for Subandrio's First Policy. The next chapter would be an election chapter, seeing how in 1983, Indonesia's politics started to form a new normal and system that would last for long.
Will indonesia put a man on the moon ittl?

Btw what is the condition of life in madagascar with it high population of jewish immigrant (perhaps even academics or maybe military one) plus the influx of european coming to the island how does the condition of life there? Is the condition is better than otl?
 
Embrace the New Order

The 80s identified Indonesia a change of the political spectrum. Where in the era before, the right-wing government controls indefinitely throughout the years. Indonesia then was having a return into left-wing policies, a mixture between socialism and centrism. The other fundamental shift Indonesia had was also how the society was changing from an agricultural power into a proto-industrialized one.

In 1979, Lee Kuan Yew broadcasted publicly in the national public network that Indonesia would need a ‘total transformation’ to face the rapid change of the world. His speech would ultimately change how the community system works in Indonesia. LKY started to push Indonesia into a new chapter by instructing a few basic aspects. The first one is how to modernize public transportation.

All across Indonesia, public transportation mostly consists of the low-frequency interregional train because the previous Nasution administration openly embraces cars like the new common in Indonesia. Expressways are getting busier, and their entrance fees had contributed much of the government’s surplus in transportation enterprises. Java and Sumatra had his road refurbishment already finished, along with plans to expand further. In Malaya and Papua, construction was nearing completion, and Subandrio’s surplus in economics gave these sites more boost. In Nasution’s presidency, other islands were treated less than the previously spoken ones. Fortunately, Indonesia’s surplus in the first Subandrio’s presidency gave these islands a chance to have their national expressways.

Although infrastructure was good for a fast-developing nation of Indonesia, not can be said towards the people. Most wide city streets in Jakarta were still used by becak and delman, although mass transits were already available. People still optimized traditional and conventional transportation that predated Indonesia’s existence, LKY was worried that Indonesia’s advancement would reach a deadlock with society’s backwater habits. Subandrio gave LKY an easy solution; giving Indonesians a true-drive for change.

Starting from 17 February 1980, almost every major city in Indonesia prohibited delman and becak into operation. Jakarta’s inner city had already expelled these modes since 1971, but not on the surrounding areas. The MPR passed the National Law of Societal Revolution in 31st May 1980, stating a detailed overview of the changes that should be done in Indonesia. In the law, the aim for the implementation was fast-forwarding Indonesia’s industrialization which according to Subandrio was too low to compete globally.

In Federal Districts, students must pursue education until junior high school, that means it would be a 9-year compulsory to all citizens within the district. Other regions outside Federal District were granted grants to improve literacy, education and national intellectuals. Internship programs free for labour-intensive jobs, mechanical experts from federal districts to spread knowledge to rural fellows and 5-year credit for all industrial companies were other policies. For several people in Indonesia, this was thought as too fast and hasty, but Subandrio persisted on it.

The last of the trio, Trihandoko, were never in part of politics completely but contributed the country’s money even until the millennia after. With apt bureaucracy and skilled leadership, Trihandoko as the Trade and Economics Minister expanded the BUMN into a much larger scale. From owning the largest oil and rubber corporation in Indonesia. BUMN opens more into logistics, steel and lumber industry. One-by-one, BUMN buys corporations in all sectors, and stimulate it for producing more money. Just by five years, Indonesia’s net-profit from BUMN itself reached 316 billion rupiahs. Still, despite for all those progress, Indonesia could not tank inflation less than 2% and even reached almost 9% in 1982. Another oil-scare from the Middle East soared the oil prices higher than usual in Indonesia, giving prices to increase in nearly all sections.

Weirdly enough, Subandrio’s aim wasn’t intentionally infrastructure first, but his progress was even better than Nasution’s last term. It was especially felt in cities, which had all their new toys to enjoy. Jakarta had their first MRT opened in 1981, while Singapore had two of them opened in 1982. Surabaya opened its smaller transit that ran above-ground, called the LRT in 1979, which became a new and trending rail transportation model for the whole of Java, later Bandung, Semarang, Yogyakarta and Banjar. Commuter and conventional lines were being abandoned, used for mere regional or intercity lines. In Malaya, the local engineer constructed a weird one-rail model, which they called ‘Monorail’, it was used mainly in amusement parks in America.

Madagascar, above all things, was prioritized by Subandrio. Located far-off than any other region, Madagascar would be prone in separatism groups, which luckily Subandrio had not encountered in his first term. However, he wouldn’t try to push the limits and instead prolonged that event as long as Indonesia can do. He would try expanding the agricultural industry first in Madagascar, then try to slowly transition the island as a manufacturer.

Unfortunately, Subandrio’s presidency was not immune to one major disadvantage of Indonesia’s geography, natural disasters. Since 1979, Indonesia was hit almost at all times natural disasters on every side of the archipelago. The Madiun Region suffered famine from failed harvest and drought who followed after. In Malaya, heavy floods happened in Southern parts of Johor, with the island of Singapore extensively damaged. In Medan, monsoon bizarre weather brought pest towards the crops, also infecting farmers into a weird disease of rash and vomiting.

Indonesia had two television channels in 1981, one being TVNI (Televisi Nasional Indonesia) and another being IndoTV. TVNI was a national broadcasting network established by Nasution government in 1975. People watching TV were rising rapidly, as the young electronics industry is booming and making the cost of all electrical appliances lessened.

In science, Indonesia is expanding as well. From the medium already established even from Wilopo’s term, the science community in Indonesia was growing steadily. More and more research towards improving radio technology and space exploration were under progression. After the success of satellite launches with the help of the United States. Lembaga Antariksa Indonesia (LAI) programmed thirteen more satellite programs, and two of which were already shuttled out of Earth. In 1980, Indonesia finally surpassed China in terms of successful launches, and now we're competing with France although the latter numbers were way higher.

Nearing the election of 1983, Subandrio had a successful first term, and few would shatter the common trend of winning the election. Still, despite guaranteed of winning, Subandrio met massive political shifts nearing the election of 1983. The first one, was from General Untung’s PRD plan, to correct several of Subandrio’s foreign policy.

========================​
This is the last chapter for Subandrio's First Policy. The next chapter would be an election chapter, seeing how in 1983, Indonesia's politics started to form a new normal and system that would last for long.
Very interesting i thought the the tv channel was called tvri, btw will ittl indonesia have more private station much more faster than otl and if so what programs do they ussualy air on the tv? (Are there some program that is banned in indonesia and if so what is the reason?)

Also i wonder what is the situation in the rural (or atleast by this ittl standard of rural) traditional villages do they fare more better than in ittl and i also wonder regarding malaysia are there are some monarhist that demended the return of the malayan monarchy (maybe even calling the return of the brooke family to return back to sarawak?)
 
For China space program to be surpassed by Indonesia, it seem that "the great leap forward" is not as successful as propaganda.

Did this infrastructure development a joint venture with Japan?
Yes, they joined not only with Japan, but other international companies which gain interests in Indonesia.

Will indonesia put a man on the moon ittl?

Btw what is the condition of life in madagascar with it high population of jewish immigrant (perhaps even academics or maybe military one) plus the influx of european coming to the island how does the condition of life there? Is the condition is better than otl?
Putting man on the moon was still quite far, but considering that the US is even trying for Mars in such an early time, we would see some trying to catch up.

Madagascar would be saved ITTL as the best place to live around Sub-Saharan Africa. Although conditions were far from the levels in Java and Malaya, Madagascar was already multiple times better than Mozambique or Tanzania.

Very interesting i thought the the tv channel was called tvri, btw will ittl indonesia have more private station much more faster than otl and if so what programs do they ussualy air on the tv? (Are there some program that is banned in indonesia and if so what is the reason?)

Also i wonder what is the situation in the rural (or atleast by this ittl standard of rural) traditional villages do they fare more better than in ittl and i also wonder regarding malaysia are there are some monarhist that demended the return of the malayan monarchy (maybe even calling the return of the brooke family to return back to sarawak?)
I guess TVNI would just be an alternate TVRI. I guess private station would also develop in the 80s.

Subandrio atm not in favor for increasing the monarchist's power, and development in Malaya distract them for the cause. For the Brooke family, I don't think they would return to Sarawak, let alone be a leader there. European-sentiment, moreover British ones, were still thick in rurals.
 
Yes, they joined not only with Japan, but other international companies which gain interests in Indonesia.



Putting man on the moon was still quite far, but considering that the US is even trying for Mars in such an early time, we would see some trying to catch up.

Madagascar would be saved ITTL as the best place to live around Sub-Saharan Africa. Although conditions were far from the levels in Java and Malaya, Madagascar was already multiple times better than Mozambique or Tanzania.



I guess TVNI would just be an alternate TVRI. I guess private station would also develop in the 80s.

Subandrio atm not in favor for increasing the monarchist's power, and development in Malaya distract them for the cause. For the Brooke family, I don't think they would return to Sarawak, let alone be a leader there. European-sentiment, moreover British ones, were still thick in rurals.
Very interesting so the condition of life in africa was much much way worse than otl? (Is that correct) and if so wgat is the best place to live in continental africa?
 
East Asian Community Part 1: Prelude for 1983 Election-left
Facing 1983: The Left Situation

Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, or PPP, was the ruling party which advocated the perks of democratic socialism, along with other left-wing rhetoric. Although currently owning the largest share of the Parliament, it’s leaders came from mostly two regions, Malaya and Madagascar. After the rise of LKY and the stagnating influence of Subandrio, the PPP was turning the party into more Malacca-ism than it used to be. Here’s how.

For most of the populous in Java, nationalism spirit from both 45 and 65 were extremely high. Therefore, the populous remained loyal to PNI-R for those who do. In some parts of Java, mostly metropolis areas, where the people were diverse, PPP owns them because of their pro-diversity and pro-social welfare status, which was ultimately million times better than what PNI-R offers. Still, in just tens of miles beyond the city limits, Indonesians there were outright PNI-R voters. The 1978 election was an exception because, in some parts of Java, the PPP campaign was extensively programmed to influence the people. With also LKY charisma, most targeted campaigns, like the kingdoms of Jogjakarta and Surakarta, along with metropolia like Semarang, Surabaya and Jakarta, were all PPP-dominated regions. Moreover, PKI’s influence in Central Java was still extremely high, therefore marginalizing Java’s voters away from PNI-R. In the upcoming 1983, since the party became more fractured than ever, Subandrio had no doubts about winning the second term. The problem was not the old rivalry, but the new contender from their coalition.

After the split of PKI between following the changes of the People’s Republic of China or retaining their Third Way policy. PRD, Partai Rakyat Demokratik, was the one successor of PKI which still coalesce with the ruling PPP Coalition. Despite a young party’s hope, nearly everyone knew that if Untung decided to retire, then the party would cease its meaning of existing. Budi Harjono was his apparent successor, becoming the Vice Chairman of the Party since 1982, despite his young age. Still, Untung manages to grasp a portion of Communist supporters from Semarang City and its surroundings. Yet, one that PPP feared the most was the rise of Partai Pekerja Indonesia or PPI.

Isnaeni became the ruling power of PPI and immediately noticed PPI’s lack of powerful leadership. When PPP has LKY, PRD has Untung, Isnaeni was neither of those great leaders. He instead tried to resurge the Sukarno’s dynasty back to PKI. after Sukarno’s resignation, most members of the family left for their accords, leaving the party void for any presence of the proclamator. In December 1981, he invited Guntur Soekarnoputra, who was Sukarno’s first child, into the party. Guntur initially declined because of his fond of American music and pro-Western attitudes. But, in Isnaeni second attempt, Guntur seemed very intrigued and decided to immediately be the fore-runner of the party.

Guntur was not alone in entering the party, all children of Sukarno which gained interests in politics, such as Megawati, Sukmawati and even Guruh, all joined in the party. The party’s aim was on workers individually, not on unions or communities. That purpose made the PPI became a more successful party in campaigning, because while the leader’s urge the members to vote PRD. PPI already convinced the proletariat to vote otherwise. In the campaign, this was not noticed by the opposing party of PPI but became a bomb for the PRD.

On 13 September 1982, Guntur decided that he would become the candidate of the PPI. Although alone in government and politics, Guntur’s weapon was inherited – his father oratory skills. His bloodline with the first president also alleviates him into not such minor foe for the others. He, however, lacked strength in anti-American policies, which he intended to side as long as he could, and instead promote more pro-worker laws and regulations.

In the giant PPP, this minor party was not detected because of PPP’s factionalism from the current leadership. Subandrio was still holding the chair, but LKY was the de facto leader. Because of that, the Malacca Faction dominated PPP’s agenda. Hatta’s Faction, currently led by Adam Malik, suffered a political reduction in left-politics. Involved in international relations for nearly ten years, Adam Malik completely unaware of the political drama when he returned to PPP. His idea was about becoming the neutral nation against the three superpowers, with his speech called ‘Mendayung diantara 3 Karang’, which gained poorly with the already pro-American Indonesians.

Because of that, most PPP voters aligned with the Malaccan Faction. However, LKY is fighting his former ally Musa Hitam, which in 1982 contested him on ruling the Malaccan Faction. Musa Hitam was a Johor citizen. After LKY’s success and Musa Hitam’s negligence from the Singaporean, Musa Hitam intended to grow big, this time without LKY. He would fight against LKY for Malaccan leadership.

In 1981, Musa Hitam unilaterally declared that he would contest LKY in leading the Malaccan Faction. Being a Malayan ethnicity and held Islamic faith, his status alleviates him far better than LKY did before. His Johor citizenship also gained more attention towards royal families. He adopted pro-monarchist policies, involving more autonomy towards unique regional governments and issuing a monarchial symbol for Indonesia. It was initially planned for improving relations with Middle East nations, which was predominantly monarchist. Then it is redefined to improve relations with Japan and the emerging monarchist bloc in Europe. He gained more voters from formerly British Malaya, which royal influence is high, also with Javanese sultanates like Jogjakarta and Surakarta.

The rise of Musa Hitam is predicted by everyone except LKY, who still trusted him as his ally in Malaya. Despite this sudden manoeuvre, LKY grows no more ambition in ruling the Malaccan faction, and instead focus on the more important task; ruling the nation as Premier of the Federal Republic of Indonesia. He allowed Musa Hitam’s candidacy and even his ascension as the leader of Malaccan Faction from 4th September 1982. His problem was not from inside the party, but from outside, precisely on PPP’s arch party, PNI-R.

For some time, the leader of the Purple Faction, Suryadino, with chairman Habibie, negotiated with Subandrio for a potential PNI-R and PPP Coalition once again. PNI-R returned as companions of the government would also mean that LKY’s ministerial position would be endangered, so do several key positions in the minister. Currently, LKY’s control within the PPP also helped him organizing various domestic issues. With added new parties involved, LKY must not only deal with the PRD alone, which caused problems already but also the large nationalist PNI-R.

Without Subandrio’s consent, LKY conversed with Trihandoko about this matter. Trihandoko also agreed on not sharing the cabinet with PNI-R politicians. The current system allows both people to manage the government with fast-paced movements. In general progress, Madagascar had become countless times better than it used to be. It has become New Papua in terms of development in the area. As for Papua, the perpetual influx of foreign and national immigrants boosted the development there, also profiting more from the island’s national resources.

PPP met with the party’s greatest troubles when January of 1983 arrived, just months before the election happens. Madagascar locals fought with Islamic Sundanese, with the latter exclaiming that the people living there were animist believers, ‘satanic’ for Abrahamic religions. Christians and Catholics also agreed, therefore bringing the entire island of Madagascar to the Supreme Court in Jakarta.

========================================​

Nothing lasts perfectly, not even Subandrio's presidency and LKY's premiership. Entering the second term, we would see some neglected policies which start to backfire to LKY and Subandrio. Also, fate has stated otherwise for Indonesia, and fate should give Indonesia rough times to survive. What do you think would happen? (Hint: Uncle Sam went blue)
 
Oh yeah btw when will we see the mysterious dutch person?
Somewhere after the 1983 Election, this mysterious Dutch person would affect more in the 2010-era.

I hope Indonesia become another anime land, it will be interesting with multiculture nature of Indonesia
Perhaps maybe even developing a unique style of animation that is distincly indonesian (if it is possible that is)
I believe Indonesia would maybe not contest Japan's anime, but would have a much more popular and distinct Indonesian cartoon. Upin Ipin may become worldwide ITTL, I predict.
 
Facing 1983: The Left Situation

Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, or PPP, was the ruling party which advocated the perks of democratic socialism, along with other left-wing rhetoric. Although currently owning the largest share of the Parliament, it’s leaders came from mostly two regions, Malaya and Madagascar. After the rise of LKY and the stagnating influence of Subandrio, the PPP was turning the party into more Malacca-ism than it used to be. Here’s how.

For most of the populous in Java, nationalism spirit from both 45 and 65 were extremely high. Therefore, the populous remained loyal to PNI-R for those who do. In some parts of Java, mostly metropolis areas, where the people were diverse, PPP owns them because of their pro-diversity and pro-social welfare status, which was ultimately million times better than what PNI-R offers. Still, in just tens of miles beyond the city limits, Indonesians there were outright PNI-R voters. The 1978 election was an exception because, in some parts of Java, the PPP campaign was extensively programmed to influence the people. With also LKY charisma, most targeted campaigns, like the kingdoms of Jogjakarta and Surakarta, along with metropolia like Semarang, Surabaya and Jakarta, were all PPP-dominated regions. Moreover, PKI’s influence in Central Java was still extremely high, therefore marginalizing Java’s voters away from PNI-R. In the upcoming 1983, since the party became more fractured than ever, Subandrio had no doubts about winning the second term. The problem was not the old rivalry, but the new contender from their coalition.

After the split of PKI between following the changes of the People’s Republic of China or retaining their Third Way policy. PRD, Partai Rakyat Demokratik, was the one successor of PKI which still coalesce with the ruling PPP Coalition. Despite a young party’s hope, nearly everyone knew that if Untung decided to retire, then the party would cease its meaning of existing. Budi Harjono was his apparent successor, becoming the Vice Chairman of the Party since 1982, despite his young age. Still, Untung manages to grasp a portion of Communist supporters from Semarang City and its surroundings. Yet, one that PPP feared the most was the rise of Partai Pekerja Indonesia or PPI.

Isnaeni became the ruling power of PPI and immediately noticed PPI’s lack of powerful leadership. When PPP has LKY, PRD has Untung, Isnaeni was neither of those great leaders. He instead tried to resurge the Sukarno’s dynasty back to PKI. after Sukarno’s resignation, most members of the family left for their accords, leaving the party void for any presence of the proclamator. In December 1981, he invited Guntur Soekarnoputra, who was Sukarno’s first child, into the party. Guntur initially declined because of his fond of American music and pro-Western attitudes. But, in Isnaeni second attempt, Guntur seemed very intrigued and decided to immediately be the fore-runner of the party.

Guntur was not alone in entering the party, all children of Sukarno which gained interests in politics, such as Megawati, Sukmawati and even Guruh, all joined in the party. The party’s aim was on workers individually, not on unions or communities. That purpose made the PPI became a more successful party in campaigning, because while the leader’s urge the members to vote PRD. PPI already convinced the proletariat to vote otherwise. In the campaign, this was not noticed by the opposing party of PPI but became a bomb for the PRD.

On 13 September 1982, Guntur decided that he would become the candidate of the PPI. Although alone in government and politics, Guntur’s weapon was inherited – his father oratory skills. His bloodline with the first president also alleviates him into not such minor foe for the others. He, however, lacked strength in anti-American policies, which he intended to side as long as he could, and instead promote more pro-worker laws and regulations.

In the giant PPP, this minor party was not detected because of PPP’s factionalism from the current leadership. Subandrio was still holding the chair, but LKY was the de facto leader. Because of that, the Malacca Faction dominated PPP’s agenda. Hatta’s Faction, currently led by Adam Malik, suffered a political reduction in left-politics. Involved in international relations for nearly ten years, Adam Malik completely unaware of the political drama when he returned to PPP. His idea was about becoming the neutral nation against the three superpowers, with his speech called ‘Mendayung diantara 3 Karang’, which gained poorly with the already pro-American Indonesians.

Because of that, most PPP voters aligned with the Malaccan Faction. However, LKY is fighting his former ally Musa Hitam, which in 1982 contested him on ruling the Malaccan Faction. Musa Hitam was a Johor citizen. After LKY’s success and Musa Hitam’s negligence from the Singaporean, Musa Hitam intended to grow big, this time without LKY. He would fight against LKY for Malaccan leadership.

In 1981, Musa Hitam unilaterally declared that he would contest LKY in leading the Malaccan Faction. Being a Malayan ethnicity and held Islamic faith, his status alleviates him far better than LKY did before. His Johor citizenship also gained more attention towards royal families. He adopted pro-monarchist policies, involving more autonomy towards unique regional governments and issuing a monarchial symbol for Indonesia. It was initially planned for improving relations with Middle East nations, which was predominantly monarchist. Then it is redefined to improve relations with Japan and the emerging monarchist bloc in Europe. He gained more voters from formerly British Malaya, which royal influence is high, also with Javanese sultanates like Jogjakarta and Surakarta.

The rise of Musa Hitam is predicted by everyone except LKY, who still trusted him as his ally in Malaya. Despite this sudden manoeuvre, LKY grows no more ambition in ruling the Malaccan faction, and instead focus on the more important task; ruling the nation as Premier of the Federal Republic of Indonesia. He allowed Musa Hitam’s candidacy and even his ascension as the leader of Malaccan Faction from 4th September 1982. His problem was not from inside the party, but from outside, precisely on PPP’s arch party, PNI-R.

For some time, the leader of the Purple Faction, Suryadino, with chairman Habibie, negotiated with Subandrio for a potential PNI-R and PPP Coalition once again. PNI-R returned as companions of the government would also mean that LKY’s ministerial position would be endangered, so do several key positions in the minister. Currently, LKY’s control within the PPP also helped him organizing various domestic issues. With added new parties involved, LKY must not only deal with the PRD alone, which caused problems already but also the large nationalist PNI-R.

Without Subandrio’s consent, LKY conversed with Trihandoko about this matter. Trihandoko also agreed on not sharing the cabinet with PNI-R politicians. The current system allows both people to manage the government with fast-paced movements. In general progress, Madagascar had become countless times better than it used to be. It has become New Papua in terms of development in the area. As for Papua, the perpetual influx of foreign and national immigrants boosted the development there, also profiting more from the island’s national resources.

PPP met with the party’s greatest troubles when January of 1983 arrived, just months before the election happens. Madagascar locals fought with Islamic Sundanese, with the latter exclaiming that the people living there were animist believers, ‘satanic’ for Abrahamic religions. Christians and Catholics also agreed, therefore bringing the entire island of Madagascar to the Supreme Court in Jakarta.

========================================​

Nothing lasts perfectly, not even Subandrio's presidency and LKY's premiership. Entering the second term, we would see some neglected policies which start to backfire to LKY and Subandrio. Also, fate has stated otherwise for Indonesia, and fate should give Indonesia rough times to survive. What do you think would happen? (Hint: Uncle Sam went blue)
A us intervention in indonesia?
 
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