Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes V (Do Not Post Current Politics Here)

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Comrade TruthTeller

Gone Fishin'
Anyone use PicPick? Is there any way to stop this from happening?

It skips a tiny bit of the photo, therefore making it hard to read. Sometimes you can tell what it says but sometimes it is hard to read. You have probably noticed it in quite a few of the infoboxes I have posted
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Cause he was a magnificent racist
and an ex klansmen who advocated making judaism a crime in the 20s
Byrd's involvement with the Klan is obviously inexcusable, as was his filibustering of the Civil Rights act; but he also explicitly renounced segregation later in his career and spent the rest of it trying to atone for his past, and changed so thoroughly that he won the approval of the NAACP. You really think he's worse than actual, literal serial killers?

I know it's kind of a Thing in certain circles (both conservative and extremely left) to cite Byrd as evidence that the Democrats are the real racists or otherwise Evil, but come on.
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Version one, where only the main candidates are shown. I am planning to make a version two, with Campbell, Byrd, Perot, and Brown's popular votes also shown in addition to the clusterfuck of the electoral college map (all under 0.7% unfortunately).

I may also do wikiboxes for the following: Ted Bundy, John Wayne Gacy, Michael Dukakis, Dan Quayle, Caryn Campbell, Mitt Romney, Al Gore, Hillary Rodham Bush, and Ann Klobuchar (some will be in the current politics infoboxes though)
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From Desire the Right:

Dominic Joseph Jacobetti was an American miner, trade unionist, and politician who served as 44th President of the United States from 1973 to 1981. Born in Michigan's Upper Peninsula to Italian immigrants Nick and Josephine Jacobetti (Niccolò and Giuseppina Giacobetti in Italian), he became a miner and quickly rose up through the ranks of the local chapter of the United Steel Workers Union until he became its president. He also gained prominent positions in the Michigan branch of the Farmer-Labor Party. Eventually, after serving a period of time in the Michigan State Legislature, he was elected Governor of Michigan in 1966, and was reelected in 1968 and 1970. During his time as governor, he became known as the "people's governor".

In 1972, an increasingly desperate Farmer-Labor Party, which had lost the previous three presidential elections to their main opponent, the Freedom Party, decided to nominate Jacobetti for president as a "dark horse" candidate. The Freedomites, under incumbent president George W. Romney, doubted Jacobetti could win, with the Freedom Party advertising campaign claiming Romney as the "model image of a president", while attacking Jacobetti for not being "presidential" enough. Jacobetti's campaign used his background as a poor miner in his campaign, portraying himself as "one of the people" in contrast with the "corrupt right-wing elites in the government" that he claimed President Romney represented. Jacobetti would go on to win the election, defeating Romney in his bid for a second term.

Within the first year of his first term, Jacobetti would controversially dismiss his young and popular Secretary of Labor, Bernie Goodman, due to Goodman's increasing opposition to Jacobetti's machine politics style of governance. Goodman's opposition to Jacobetti from the left would only increase following his dismissal. In 1975, Goodman would be shot dead by an unknown assailant, whose identity has not been discovered to this day. Almost immediately, conspiracy theories began cropping up that Jacobetti had supposedly hired a hitman to kill Goodman. Nevertheless, this did not prevent Jacobetti from winning reelection in 1976. Over the course of his second term, the conspiracy theories would gain more traction, as well as numerous accusations of corruption against Jacobetti. In 1979, he was impeached by the House of Representatives, although the Senate voted against removing him from office. Jacobetti took his Senate acquittal as a victory, and announced his intention to run for an unprecedented third term.

In the 1980 election, Jacobetti's main opponent, Donald Rumsfeld of the Freedom Party, would relentlessly attack Jacobetti for the corruption accusations, the Goodman case, and the fact Jacobetti was breaking Washington's two-term precedent, in addition to accusing Jacobetti of being a communist sympathizer due to his trade unionist background. Jacobetti touted his record of fighting for the common people in both Lansing and Washington, and accused Rumsfeld of being an elitist who wanted to take the people's voice away. Additionally, Jacobetti accused Rumsfeld, who had been Secretary of Defense under president Romney, of being a warmonger who wanted to throw American lives away in foreign wars. In the end, Rumsfeld won, with Jacobetti retiring to his hometown of Negaunee for the rest of his life.

Rumsfeld would almost immediately begin pushing for a constitutional amendment to establish a two-term limit on the presidency, which would eventually pass in 1991. Jacobetti would die suddenly at his home in Negaunee in 1994. His legacy today is ambivalent, with many on the left praising him as a fighter for the common people, while many on the right accuse him of communist sympathies, and many on both sides criticize his corruption. Following his 1980 defeat, the Farmer-Labor Party would not hold the presidency for another sixteen years, when the Farmer-Labor Party's Mickey Leland defeated the Freedom Party's Dexter Lehtinen for the presidency in 1996.

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This is part of an idea I had for a USA TL. Long story short is that Spain, Austria, Hungary, Turkey, and Russia are the main aggressors of an alt-WW2. This in turn means the the UK is not as badly damaged afterwards as they were IOTL.

Unfortunately, an alt-Cold War of Imperialism vs Nationalism arises between the US and UK during the 1950s. Though this is a short time compared to OTL's Cold War.
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Winters of Discontent: 1993

In his first speech outside Number 10 after winning the 1993 election, John Smith said that he hoped to make ‘a kinder, more open Britain’. His efforts to act on this were swift, in no small part thanks to his government’s massive majority- by mid-November, Parliament had voted to bring the UK into the Social Chapter, ratify the Maastricht Treaty on these conditions, and to introduce a national minimum wage. In these votes, Smith discovered he had an extra cushion for his planned reforms, as almost all the Liberal MPs also supported these measures.
Also in November, Liberal leader David Penhaligon declared his intention to stand down from the leadership. His decision was seen as a surprise to many political pundits and members of the public, due to his party’s recent success and the fact Penhaligon was just 49, but he explained in a press conference from his Truro constituency home that he wanted to allow some of his ‘talented new colleagues’ in Parliament a chance to make their mark on the party, as well as claiming he wanted to ‘go out on a high’ having just performed so well in the last election. Ironically, despite his ‘new colleagues’ remark, the next Liberal leader was to be an old hand, namely Paddy Ashdown, who despite being embroiled in an adultery scandal the previous year was fairly popular with the left of the party, and spoke warmly of Smith’s government, implying he would be open to cooperation on policy measures.
This emboldened Smith, and he decided to push for new programmes including the renationalization of the National Grid, the introduction of a Bill of Rights and Freedom of Information act, and start the process of referenda to offer devolution to Scotland and Wales, with consultation between him and Ashdown being rumoured.

While the Tories and Nat Libs ardently opposed these policies (without much luck), those two parties were also starting to move together politically. When the Tories elected Eurosceptic former Defence Secretary Michael Portillo as their new leader in December 1993, the large number of Nat Libs who had defected from the party in a vain attempt to bring down Maastricht started to consider allying with them again. As a compromise, Portillo and Hague agreed on the so-called ‘Back to Basics’ initiative the same month, emphasising traditional values and responsible government, which they hoped to use to rebuild their brand, as well as privately discussing a non-competition pact.

While the pact and alliance between the two parties continued to develop, the ‘Back to Basics’ initiative would be one of the most mocked elements of the party’s policy in opposition. In January 1994, Tory MP Tim Yeo resigned from the shadow cabinet after it came out that he had fathered a child after an extramarital affair, Nat Lib MP Alan Duncan had to follow him a few days afterwards in the wake of allegations that he had exploited a government scheme for the underprivileged to buy a council house at a reduced price, and the following month, Tory MP Stephen Milligan was found dead having partaken in auto-erotic asphyxiation. These cases did not do much for the party’s images as they were trying to oppose liberalizing reforms the Labour government had been hoping to pass, and by the end of February, ‘Back to Basics’ had become a punchline.

It seemed things were going swimmingly for Labour, but tragedy soon struck. On the morning of the 12th May, 1994, John Smith suffered a fatal heart attack, his life and premiership cut short. Having been Prime Minister just seven months, Smith was the shortest-serving PM since George Canning, and politicians of all stripes expressed solemn condolences.
Despite the unusually civil response to Smith’s untimely death, the by-election in his old constituency, Monklands East, was infamously toxic, as the SNP accused the Labour-run local council of being prejudiced in favour of the Catholic town of Coatbridge over Protestant Airdrie (despite Smith’s own Protestantism), and the Labour candidate, former General Secretary Helen Liddell, lost the seat to the SNP in an upset. For a while, there were serious doubts about the government’s future, but once the leadership race was decided, those doubts subsided. Smith’s successor was to be Home Secretary Tony Blair, who had given a warmly-received eulogy to Smith just after his death.

After winning the leadership, Blair set out three main goals as PM: he declared he would cut class sizes to 30, increase the efficiency of the NHS by increasing its funding and cutting red tape, and most surprisingly, issue no increases in VAT for the rest of the Parliamentary term. Under Blair, the party’s rhetoric swung to the right somewhat, emphasising a harder line on crime while also promoting its rehabilitation programmes in place of menial prison work. However, any disquiet on this from Labour supporters was quelled by the rhetoric of Portillo and Hague, whose insularly right-wing views made them a source of ridicule and whose still-divided parties soon led them to become immortalized as two heads on a hydra by numerous cartoonists.

The divided relationship between the Tories and Nat Libs would finally be settled when, in April 1995, the NEC of the Nat Libs voted to for the party to fuse with the Tories, creating the National Conservative Party, with Hague joining the Shadow Cabinet and becoming Shadow Foreign Secretary. However, this was lampooned almost as much as their previous relationship, with the infamous Mirror headline ‘The Tories Are Dead, Long Live The Tories’ and continued perceptions of Hague being after Portillo’s job. On top of this, rebranding the party proved enormously expensive, and the logo that was ultimately revealed, a silhouetted British bulldog with Union Jack colours, did not really chime with people; in one of his rare moments of humour, Blair remarked to Portillo at Prime Minister’s Questions that perhaps the Tories should have considered a white elephant instead.

As things went from bad to worse for the Opposition, they got better and better for the government. In 1996, in no small part due to the determined efforts of Northern Ireland Secretary Mo Mowlam (who persisted in negotiating a peace settlement regardless of being diagnosed with cancer soon after taking up the position), the government announced the Good Friday Agreement, which was ratified by voters in both Northern Ireland and the Republic. In the light of the Dunblane massacre, the government outlawed private ownership of handguns. By June the promised NHS spending increases had been delivered, and the economy was officially booming.

Meanwhile, the ‘Nat Cons’ (as the National Conservatives had been nicknamed) had continued to mire themselves in scandals. When, in 1995, the Sunday Times arranged a sting operation to contact ten Labour and ten Nat Con MPs to see if any of them would accept £1000 to ask a question in the House of Commons, all but two turned the offer down. Those two were Neil Hamilton and Tim Smith, both Nat Con members, and both refused to resign after their actions were revealed. Smith did resign after a few months, but Hamilton continued to insist he had been framed, further embarrassing the Nat Cons. Around the same time, Shadow Chief Secretary to the Treasury Jonathan Aitken was accused of dealing with senior Saudi government members, and his libel lawsuit with the Guardian newspaper and Granada Television continually attracted bad publicity for the Nat Cons.

As a result of the continual bad press for the Nat Cons and the well-received policies of the government, in September at the Labour Party Conference, Blair announced in the closing speech that when he returned to London he would be calling an election for mid-October. While Smith elected not to stand for re-election, Hamilton did, and with the support of Labour and the Liberals (who both stood down), the independent candidacy of former war correspondent Martin Bell was arranged to challenge him in his Tatton constituency.

While the slickness of the Labour campaign was joked about with made-up slogans like ‘How can you improve on perfection?’ and ‘The sun never sets on the Blair government’, it was hard to deny voters were satisfied with Labour. The boundary changes were generally felt to benefit them, and if anything the Liberals looked more set to gain than the Nat Cons. By election day, even Portillo’s seat was seen as vulnerable.


When the exit poll showed the predictions and declared that Labour looked set to increase its majority, the BBC’s resident psephologist Peter Snow remarked that ‘Mr Blair, if our exit poll is correct, is about to expand his landslide into a super-landslide’. Indeed, Labour won the biggest majority in its history, and the second-biggest landslide since the Second World War, just five seats shy of the majority Heseltine had won in 1985.

The most satisfying part of this for Labour, and the part people really remember from the 1996 election, was the result from Enfield Southgate, Portillo’s constituency. By just under a thousand votes, Portillo lost his seat to the Labour candidate and former NUS chairman Stephen Twigg, the first time in 65 years that the Leader of the Opposition had lost his seat at a general election.

Going into 1997, Labour had a colossal mandate and a wave of positive public opinion at its back. To many on the left, it seemed like the end of history- as if sleaze and corruption had been wiped out for good, that governments from now on would be committed to the good of the people and not the whims of corrupt groups, and if the Tories ever did get back in power, they would only do so by moderating themselves and acquiescing to the electorate’s needs.

This, as is always the way in politics, was a deceptively idyllic lie. Mostly.
More progress! I'm about halfway through my full alternate Wikipedia article outlining the Albionic Church. Here's a little window in on one of the more unique aspects of the institution:
Wait, Uncle Sam is a devil figure? What?

Also, why is Tokugawa Ieyasu there, he doesn't seem to fit?
From Sages, à la Chełm, my TL that I need to get around to updating someday.
That is a very suggestive title, that is.
Wait, Uncle Sam is a devil figure? What?
Yeah, back in ye olden days he kind of had a bit more of a negative connotation, so I've taken that to its extreme. Like, back then you'd use Columbia of you wanted to extol America's good attributes, but Uncle Sam for other cases. That shifted around the 20th century, when Columbia fell out of favor and Uncle Sam replaced her in every aspect by World War II.

Take, for example, this political cartoon around the time of the Spanish-American War:

Also, why is Tokugawa Ieyasu there, he doesn't seem to fit?
I haven't quite mentioned it yet, but Albionism is very, very big in Japan. As in, just about everyone there is an adherent. The religion itself is a mixture of American civil religion/American exceptionalism, Greek and Egyptian mythos, Shinto, and Christianity, and so Japanese history and its figures are very important. The Kojiki (which has been edited to include the Nihon Shoki and rechristened the "Kojiki Nova") is even one of the many holy books in the Albionic canon.
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Results of the Kauresian presidential election in the 33rd year of the Information era. This is the 9th election since the dawn of this new era, which has still maintained the status quo of a 2 party system split between the Nationals and Progressives in Kauresia. Malcom Brogdy has been the Progressive candidate since the 30th year and is the second self-proclaimed socialist since President Marvin Powell (607-619), the first and last President of the Labor Party, which was a one-hit-wonder in the early 600s that gained substantial support, but quickly faded out of relevance as its supporters shifted into the Progressive Party to form the more left-leaning caucuses of the party. De-facto, Brogdy is a center-left social democrat, which in his presidency has secured a Progressive trifecta as it was one of the more fortunate periods for the party as his platforms for current pensioning plans and further re-improvement in the national healthcare system established by Labor foundation in the 610s, which was subject to further privatization from National governments and centrist Progressive governments. He held platforms that would divert younger working-class and older voters to leave a tick on his name on the ballot.

Sarah Swinson was his opponent in this election, former president Don Keen (26-30) pledged to only serve one term as the end of his office resulted in a low approval rating due to failures of addressing lack of tax cuts in budgets which he had promised during his campaigns. Swinson was a National candidate running on a both socially and fiscally conservative platform, she won the National primary in a landslide as other candidates were generally weak in their campaigning. But, when it was time for her to campaign against her Progressive counterpart, she mostly was put up against a President with the most experience and a high approval rating once he exited his office, debates mostly involved her being given information of past scandals and allegations of corruption put against her. Mostly, in the end, election day resulted in Brogdy securing a second term in his office, this time with a much higher electoral vote count with 477 electoral votes, compared to his 413 electoral votes in the 29th year. In summary, this was an election between a President of a high approval rating, against one who wasn't too prepared for this race, Brogdy has said following this election that he would explore campaigning to secure a 3rd term in office, aspiring to be the first Progressive Party President to serve 3 terms in office.

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Full image of the 33 presidential election
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