Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes IV (Do not post Current Politics Here)
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Dorozhand
Banned
Beginning of a series with more to follow. PoD is Hidalgo following the military advice of Allende and capturing Mexico City 1810. The Hidalgo/Allende/Galeana alliance forms a central revolutionary government and organizes the full independence of New Spain as the Mexican Republic, forming a new regular army out of the militias which had formed. The next few years would be dominated by horrific warfare as Ferdinand VII sent reinforcements to destroy the rebels and bring New Spain back under his control. The rebellion fought valiantly, but Hidalgo and Morelos had a strained relationship with Victoria and Allende over the issue of religion, while his government was even criticized as theocratic, while the army was plagued by problems of communication and poor logistics. Though the First Republic would successfully execute a brilliant defense of Puebla, its cause was ultimately lost. The royalists advanced towards Mexico City and Queretaro amid a desperate but futile series of defensive operations under Victoria's command. In 1816, Queretaro was captured and Hidalgo was killed during the battle inside the city. This was the end of the conventional resistance, while many insurgent commanders, most famously Victoria, Allende, and Guerrero, went into hiding and fought a guerrilla war. These forces too would soon dwindle with disease and Spanish counterinsurgency, while the succession of Ferdinand VIII signaled the beginning of conciliatory measures from the crown. The general pardon convinced most to lay down their arms, while the rebels were given the concession of a new colonial arrangement from the young ruler, who agreed to elevate New Spain to the status of an empire in personal union with the Bourbon house. Many of the former rebels attained high positions in the new government, and this state of affairs would continue for several decades until the gradual encroachment and diplomatic harassment of the United States brought the Spanish empire to brink of war.
Asami
Banned
The Apple IIGS was the first computer in the '16-bit Apple Computer' line, released in September 1986 as a successor to the Apple II, Apple II Plus, and Apple IIe systems. Competing internally with the Apple Macintosh (developed by Steve Jobs and team), and the Apple Lisa (developed by Jobs, but later taken over by other members of the company); the Apple IIGS savaged the Macintosh and Lisa in terms of sheer sales, as the IIGS boasted backwards compatibility with the Apple II, and a speedy 65C816 processor and a fully operable multimedia system, with full RGB colors and 32-channel 8-bit wavetable sound. After Jobs' forced departure from the company in 1985, Steve Wozniak's Apple IIGS became the crown jewel of the Empire, and contributed to the discontinuation of the Macintosh in 1987 after disappointing sales, ending with the Macintosh Plus.
In 1991, the Apple IIGS was succeeded by it's own successor -- the A4, or "Apple 4", which expanded upon the feature sets of the Apple IIGS.
When Venus Terrorized the World
"Perhaps I and my family have just as many faults as you do. Perhaps I was wrong. But the division of Venus - the corrupt oligarchs of Sol and their jackals that call themselves 'freedom fighters' placing Venus on their own level - is the greatest crime to come out of this war. You have divided Venus and created a feudal hell, not unlike the one you are going through. You will suffer for that, but my suffering ends today. Here, in this prison, the last child of the Omeceola dynasty will die. Bring it on!"
Larra Circe Omeceola was the last Empress of All of Venus and the ruler whose reign ended with the downfall of Telinic Venus, a planet-encompassing state created following the Kingdom of Tellus/Telines' war of conquest. The only daughter of Ialan VIII and his consort, Janiviere Jeiger, Larra Circe was the designated heir, but was only 14 at the time of her father's death, and so, for the next five years, the Telinic domains were ruled by her older brother Jason, Prince of Asteria, in spite of his severe scars and near-fatal condition stemming from the Black Flay disease and his cybernetic body. Following her brother's death, Larra Circe took over. She was noted to be a cold, gloomy young woman with a hard hand and a sense of superiority to non-Telinic Venusians and non-Venusians. Her reign has been described as "harsh, but effective" and "overtly isolationist". However, the Imperial Venusian Army almost regularly conducted secret raids on other planets.
When Larra Circe began to suspect the Martian Union and other Solar states of funding freedom fighters in Jokwa Desert, she declared war, bolstered by her paranoia and the hawks in the Imperial Assembly and the Imperial Venusian Army. The oversized Imperial Army then launched invasions of all populated celestial bodies of Sol, barring a few. The rest of Sol, largely divided, created the United Solar Army as a counterweight to the Imperial Venusian Army. While often infighting, the Solar Army and its sub-Armies was definitely united in fighting against the Telinic Menace. Assisted by the Venusian Allies, the United Army of Sol defeated the Empire of Telinic Venus. Larra Circe was placed into the Topazios Prison, where she was executed on 2 March 2370.
During the Congress of Cayenne, the Empire of Telinic Venus was dissolved and the domains of the Kingdom of Telines were reduced to its Core, the Island of Tellus. However, the infighting in the United Solar Army (especially in the Terran United Army) and the final words of Larra Circe made some people think. Will the continued division of Earth be their downfall?
"Perhaps I and my family have just as many faults as you do. Perhaps I was wrong. But the division of Venus - the corrupt oligarchs of Sol and their jackals that call themselves 'freedom fighters' placing Venus on their own level - is the greatest crime to come out of this war. You have divided Venus and created a feudal hell, not unlike the one you are going through. You will suffer for that, but my suffering ends today. Here, in this prison, the last child of the Omeceola dynasty will die. Bring it on!"
Larra Circe Omeceola was the last Empress of All of Venus and the ruler whose reign ended with the downfall of Telinic Venus, a planet-encompassing state created following the Kingdom of Tellus/Telines' war of conquest. The only daughter of Ialan VIII and his consort, Janiviere Jeiger, Larra Circe was the designated heir, but was only 14 at the time of her father's death, and so, for the next five years, the Telinic domains were ruled by her older brother Jason, Prince of Asteria, in spite of his severe scars and near-fatal condition stemming from the Black Flay disease and his cybernetic body. Following her brother's death, Larra Circe took over. She was noted to be a cold, gloomy young woman with a hard hand and a sense of superiority to non-Telinic Venusians and non-Venusians. Her reign has been described as "harsh, but effective" and "overtly isolationist". However, the Imperial Venusian Army almost regularly conducted secret raids on other planets.
When Larra Circe began to suspect the Martian Union and other Solar states of funding freedom fighters in Jokwa Desert, she declared war, bolstered by her paranoia and the hawks in the Imperial Assembly and the Imperial Venusian Army. The oversized Imperial Army then launched invasions of all populated celestial bodies of Sol, barring a few. The rest of Sol, largely divided, created the United Solar Army as a counterweight to the Imperial Venusian Army. While often infighting, the Solar Army and its sub-Armies was definitely united in fighting against the Telinic Menace. Assisted by the Venusian Allies, the United Army of Sol defeated the Empire of Telinic Venus. Larra Circe was placed into the Topazios Prison, where she was executed on 2 March 2370.
During the Congress of Cayenne, the Empire of Telinic Venus was dissolved and the domains of the Kingdom of Telines were reduced to its Core, the Island of Tellus. However, the infighting in the United Solar Army (especially in the Terran United Army) and the final words of Larra Circe made some people think. Will the continued division of Earth be their downfall?
Asami
Banned
The Apple IIGS was the first computer in the '16-bit Apple Computer' line, released in September 1986 as a successor to the Apple II, Apple II Plus, and Apple IIe systems. Competing internally with the Apple Macintosh (developed by Steve Jobs and team), and the Apple Lisa (developed by Jobs, but later taken over by other members of the company); the Apple IIGS savaged the Macintosh and Lisa in terms of sheer sales, as the IIGS boasted backwards compatibility with the Apple II, and a speedy 65C816 processor and a fully operable multimedia system, with full RGB colors and 32-channel 8-bit wavetable sound. After Jobs' forced departure from the company in 1985, Steve Wozniak's Apple IIGS became the crown jewel of the Empire, and contributed to the discontinuation of the Macintosh in 1987 after disappointing sales, ending with the Macintosh Plus.
In 1991, the Apple IIGS was succeeded by it's own successor -- the A4, or "Apple 4", which expanded upon the feature sets of the Apple IIGS.
The Apple 4 was released on January 18th, 1991. The new computer boasted a fully 32-bit processor running at 18.8 MHz, but remaining backwards compatible with Apple II and IIGS software in the meantime. At a paltry $2,199, the Apple 4 was a resounding success. The computer included a 16-bpp display adapter developed internally at Apple, which ran at a native VGA-quality 640x400 or 640x480; as well as including the yet unreleased Sound Blaster 2.0 audio hardware on-board as the Creative CT1350B Enhanced Audio hardware; it also supported fixed disks, and usually came with a 20 MB drive, but could be upgraded with any SCSI hard disk on the market.
The Apple 4 Plus was released in 1992 expanding the RAM and video capacity; both models were succeeded by the Apple Newton in 1995.
Current political stuff goes in this info box thread.
More coming soon
The American Palaeop of the Interior is the ruler of the Palaeopitus of the Interior, composing the vast tracts of mostly uninhabited Wild Counties that lie between the cities and superhighways of the mid-to-far west. The Palaeop of the Interior commands the nearly-complete allegiance of the Interian Rangers, in large part retired WAVES who have decided they’d rather spend their extended lifespans in a ranch in the wilderness putting down poachers, polluters and slavers than be globe-trotting super-warriors. The Rangers can theoretically be federalized in emergencies, though this has never happened. Though on paper a member of the Cabinet, most Palaeops spend their time in the Interior’s model, carbon-negative capital of Interiopolis, only flying to Washington for major events.
The current Palaeop, Interian all-star veteran WAVE Adriana DeBlasio, fought with distinction in the Horn of Africa intervention and Second Iranian Revolt, moved on to a gold metal-earning stint in the Modded Olympics before returning to her homeland and joining the Rangers. Her appointment continued the informal practice of only crowning Interians as Palaeops. She has engendered controversy from certain far-left corners for her violent crackdowns --in which she often participates-- on Interian Anarcho-Communist villages that fail to heed strict environmental regulations, and alleged favoritism towards Anarcho-Primitivists. However, she remains popular with the administration and the majority of Americans.
War of the Unian Succesion:
Palaeop Adriana Deblasio
Polish Royal election, 1947
Battle of Anchorage Town
Union of Grande Europa
2145 UN Coup d'etat
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Ephraim Ben Raphael
Banned
So the only thing I can find for the word "Palaeopitus" is a secret society at Dartmouth College. What's the story behind the name?
Apparently the etymology means dominion over nature, so I thought it appropriate for an esoteric, secretive Deep Ecoloy deep state.
First Order as North Korea? Cool
Bhangbhangduc
Banned
I was gonna make a infobox for the Galactic senate, but in the process of doing so found out that no one knows how the Senate works, so I just made a box for the First Order. The only things of questionable canonicity here are: The official name of First Order space being the Galactic Empire, the existence of a First Order SAGroup, and the website URL.First Order as North Korea? Cool
This is a teaser of things to come in YASS, to be maerlialized when i'll be back from London. It involves beings from the fifth, sixth, and seventh dimensions who are utterly beyond our comprehension living among us.
"Imagine, if you will, a beast whose body is a mosaic of parts from every animal; even its bizzare appearance will be dwarfed by the incomprehensibilty of the true form of Lord Discord, the Spirit of Chaos, Creator and Destoryer of Worlds countless."
~Excerpt from the Book of Discord
List of Known Notable Transtridimentional beings [Partial]:
The Federally-Administered Mountain Territories
Chief Ministers of Equestria
Assassination of Pathfinder Kenneighdy-Tart, Red Bolt
The Slovenian Gem Genocide, Hosni Mubarak
The 2024-5 Canadian Constitutional Crisis
Queen Elizabeth II, The Lake Malawi Buddha
Butter F. Tart, Jr., Pathfinder E. Kenneighdy-Tart (Soon with Write-ups!)
Dustin the Turkey
Pathfinder's Funeral, Cromwell's Island
Grigori Rasputin; The Beatles and incomprehensibly malevolent eldritch abominations and other demonic beings
New Cork
Rise of the Very Happy Jew-Murdering Batshit Moroccan Sheikh Special Mimouna Post Thingy
Syrian Election of 1991
Josiah Bartlet
Teaser from London
"Imagine, if you will, a beast whose body is a mosaic of parts from every animal; even its bizzare appearance will be dwarfed by the incomprehensibilty of the true form of Lord Discord, the Spirit of Chaos, Creator and Destoryer of Worlds countless."
~Excerpt from the Book of Discord
List of Known Notable Transtridimentional beings [Partial]:
- John de Lancie, a.k.a. "Q" and "Discord": Septidimensional; first known manifestation circa 9500 BC in what is now agricultural land in Presidente Hayes Department, Paraguay;[...]Created a following from himself among Equestrian Ponies circa 100~50 BC, dubbing himself a "Spirit of Chaos" (See Also: Book of Discord, Cult of Discord);[...]Currenty pursuing a carrer as an Actor.
- Robin Williams: Pentadimensional; first known manifestation 1413 in Al-Qaribah (now in Khuzestan);[...]Returned to the fifth dimension on 11 August 2014.
- Ja'afar abu Hassan al-Dubbi: Pentadimensional; Grand Vizier of the Sultanate of Al-Qaribah until 1413, reigning as its Sultan briefly that year in the run-up to the rise of the Aladdini Sultanate; Initially a Tridimentional human, he was reformed into a Pentadimensional entity by Robin Williams; Current status and location unknown (His recovery was attempted by a distant descendant, the Ba'athist ruler of Khuzestan between 1967 and 1998, President Omar bin Ishaq al-Dubbi.*)
Y E T • A N O T H E R • S E C R E T • S E R I E S
The Name is now definitely nondescriptive.
Past Boxes:The Name is now definitely nondescriptive.
The Federally-Administered Mountain Territories
Chief Ministers of Equestria
Assassination of Pathfinder Kenneighdy-Tart, Red Bolt
The Slovenian Gem Genocide, Hosni Mubarak
The 2024-5 Canadian Constitutional Crisis
Queen Elizabeth II, The Lake Malawi Buddha
Butter F. Tart, Jr., Pathfinder E. Kenneighdy-Tart (Soon with Write-ups!)
Dustin the Turkey
Pathfinder's Funeral, Cromwell's Island
Grigori Rasputin; The Beatles and incomprehensibly malevolent eldritch abominations and other demonic beings
New Cork
Rise of the Very Happy Jew-Murdering Batshit Moroccan Sheikh Special Mimouna Post Thingy
Syrian Election of 1991
Josiah Bartlet
Teaser from London
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Gary was gone. He had been a successful Premier of a western province, captured the Progressive Conservative leadership in a landslide, banished Reform to the dustbin of political irrelevance, and had rebuilt the Tories as a competitive political machine capable of forming government. But he was gone. Despite the Conservative’s gains, the Liberals had regained their majority. Liberal staffers and volunteers across the country were popping champagne bottles to celebrate their victory. Prime Minister Pierre Pettigrew seemed ready to usher in the steady Liberal dominance that Canadians had expected of Paul Martin prior to his assassination. Canada’s political environment seemed ready to stay Liberal red for the foreseeable future. It was all fairly disheartening for the Tories, especially when only a few years earlier pundits were predicting that it was only a matter of when Gary Filmon would become Prime Minister, not if. Their only option available was to follow the party constitution and hold a leadership election to replace the scandal-plagued Filmon. The only question was who would they choose to lead them into this gloomy future?
There was Stephen Harper; the former Reform policy wonk whose face betrayed no sense of human emotion or feeling. But the Tories were looking for someone to connect with voters, not assimilate them into some kind of ideological collective. His riding neighbour, Jan Brown, was touted by many of the Red Tory-wing. The first potential woman leader and Prime Minister was an exciting thought for many, but many more conservatives worried her socially liberal leanings would divide the party and send their base back to the Reform Party. One step forward, two steps back was a common critique. Some Tories, including himself, advocated for Manitoba Premier Brian Pallister to succeed Filmon a second time. However, Pallister was quickly informed by his provincial caucus that he would not be able to seek the federal leadership and remain as Premier. The captain would continue to lead the ship. There was even talk that former Prime Minister Joe Clark would end his political retirement and return the Tories to the glory days of the 1980s. But the former Mulroney-era external affairs minister’s support was semi-jokingly described as being a mile-wide and an inch deep. What about Ralph Klein? He had been a loyal supporter of the party despite his province’s status as the headquarters of the Reform Party, and had breathed new life into the provincial Progressive Conservatives, winning three consecutive majorities and bringing Alberta’s debt under control. But Klein had little interest in Ottawa and was happy being the King of Alberta politics, despite the grumblings of some as he entered into his tenth year in power. But the man who had served as King Ralph’s right-hand-man and affable Treasurer seemed prepared to take the dive into the federal leadership race. First elected in the 1986 Alberta provincial election, Jim Dinning had served in various portfolios before helping fix the province's economy. He had been mentioned as a potential candidate to succeed Jean Charest in 1997, but after more than a decade in politics he was more interested in gaining private sector experience, as his father and grandfather had done before him, and better secure his family’s financial future then immediately move into the federal scene. After his marriage had ended in 1993, he had been forced to juggle his position as finance minister and as a father of four. Making matters worse, in the span of two months in 1996, two accidents had left the family nanny permanently disabled and his children injured. But that was almost five years and multiple boardrooms ago, and Dinning, who had married Evelyn Main in 1998, was eager to get back into the fight.
But that was Western slate. The Eastern slate of candidates was equally impressive, and crowded. As Canada’s largest province, Ontario also had the largest slate of possible candidates. Outgoing Ontario Premier Mike Harris, as leader of the infamous common-sense revolution, seemed like a natural choice to replace Gary Filmon. But he was immensely unpopular in his native province, which if he became leader could be a massive hill to climb for the Tory party. Plus the hate that Canada’s left had for the man could potentially motivate voters to mobilize against the Conservatives. John Tory meanwhile was a Red Tory’s dream. Bill Davis’ former principal secretary, the Tories saviour and campaign manager during the ‘93 campaign, the former CEO of Rogers Communications and former Commissioner of the CFL, he seemed as though he had the perfect mix of public and private experience. But he had never held elected office before, which might cause some voters to pause when choosing the country’s next Prime Minister. Dennis Timbrell failed to win the leadership of the provincial Progressive Conservative’s twice in 1985. He had failed to win election in 1998 to the House of Commons. But many still wanted the former Ontario cabinet minister to contribute his skills to the conservative cause. There was of course the cabal of former candidates from 1997, including Perrin Beatty, Barbara Greene, Bobbie Sparrow, but placing faith in losers to win an election was something in which many conservative party members were not willing to do. In Quebec, thanks in part to Filmon’s leadership, the party’s representation was poor and the candidates even poorer. Former Deputy leader Pierre Blais had retired from politics and made clear that, unlike some candidates, he was not eager to return. André Bachand was by far one of the more vocal Quebec Tory critics of Filmon, which caused many to disqualify him immediately. Although a degree of Tory members somewhat agreed with Bachand’s comments, loyalty was a valued commodity within the Conservative Party, and it was a rule that if broken would bring about dire consequences. The only other Quebec candidate was anglophone Larry Smith. A former running-back and president for the Montreal Alouettes, Smith was by far the most physically imposing of all the possible conservative candidates. Much like John Tory, he had also served as CFL commissioner and brought with him a great deal of private sector experience, including recently becoming president and publisher of the Montreal Gazette.
There was of course the Atlantic slate. Peter Mackay was young, athletic, and the son of an influential Mulroney-era cabinet minister. To many he lacked the necessary experience to be leader, but many also argued that such a weakness could also be a strength; he lacked any affiliation with past intra-party squabbles. New Brunswick Premier Bernard Lord, who like MacKay was only thirty-seven years old, seemed like the perfect mix to take the Tories into Quebec and elsewhere. A Premier of an Atlantic province, born in Quebec and seamlessly bilingual, Lord seemed a strong potential candidate to rebuild the party’s standing in French Canada. But having just won his first election in 1999, many felt that it was not yet his time. Still, Jean Charest was only thirty-five when he was elected leader, so the possibility of a second youthful leader was not immediately ruled out. Nova Scotia Premier John Hamm, MP Bill Casey were also asking around, but many Atlantic Tories were interested in someone else. There were even a few articles, much to the ridicule of This Hour Has 22 Minutes and The Royal Canadian Air Farce, that mentioned PEI Premier and former MP Pat Binns. The famously rambunctious Premier of Newfoundland, Loyola Sullivan, also garnered considerable speculation, but many agreed that the self-control of Ottawa was no place for a Newfoundlander to be leader of Her Majesty’s official opposition. John Crosbie’s 1983 run for the PC leadership had seen to that. Retired general-turned King-Hants MP Lewis Mackenzie was tall, well-spoken, moderate, nationalistic and well acquainted with the affairs of the world. The moment Gary Filmon resigned his team began assembling a list and making calls to potential supporters of a Mackenzie candidacy. With roots in Ontario and the Atlantic, the universal respect his military career had brought him, not to mention the enthusiastic and reluctant endorsements of key Tory figures, former general Lewis Mackenzie quickly emerged as the clear frontrunner of the Conservative Party leadership race.
The campaign itself was defined by its turbulence. Having twelves candidates vying for the leadership meant that every candidate had to battle for attention from both the media and the party membership. Much like the last leadership election, the race would initially be a straight vote of the part membership, with each of the 301 ridings given one hundred points if none of the candidates received a majority on the first ballot, as was likely, the lowest ranking candidate would be eliminated and a second ballot would be held using a preferential ballot, as long as more than two candidates remained, as was likely. Thus the nature of the rules of the leadership election meant that the eventual winner would need the support of second, third, and even fourth ballot preference listing if they were to emerge victorious. No backroom deals on the convention floor, only a wide appeal to the party membership.
The Mackenzie campaign at first sought to play on the fact that as the presumed frontrunner of the race, the former general would likely win outright on the first ballot. At the first debate between the candidates Mackenzie repeatedly answered questions by prefacing it the phrase “when I’m Prime Minister”. What was meant to appear as confidence came across as arrogance. There was also the fact that many in the upper echelons of the Mackenzie campaign had successfully pushed for their candidate to take an above the fray approach to his opponents and avoid any concrete policy proposals, arguing that in doing so the frontrunner would remain the most appealing of the twelve-or-so candidates. The only policy-specifics involved the War against Terrorism, where the Nova Scotia MP could flaunt his staunch interventionist beliefs. As many observers expected, military and foreign affairs became Mackenzie’s sole focus for much of the race. Unfortunately for Mackenzie, the former general was still new to politics, and lacked the skills that had been honed by colleagues with decades of experience. Many agreed that the transition from military to public service was proving difficult for Mackenzie.
John Tory, the “hero of the ‘93 campaign”, sought to make the campaign a battle of big ideas. He wanted to combat the notion that strong federal-provincial relations were a fundamental Liberal concept, encouraging that the provinces form a Council of the Federation and hold regular meetings every year. Tory himself pledged to implement a federal audit of money given to the provinces, much to the chagrin of his more right-wing, small government colleagues. In additional to the usual conservative policies of lower taxes and a strong fiscal prudence, the former conservative insider also wanted to implement a federal basic wage across the country, which in turn would help lower poverty levels. Journalists and bloggers, including renowned Liberal Party insider Warren Kinsella, referred to Tory as the most principled candidate in the race and the potential Conservative leader that Liberals feared the most.
Aside from Larry Smith and Tom Long, Dinning was often referred to as the most right-wing candidate of the contest, or at least the most electable one. When Alberta was sinking financially, suffering from high interest rates, a recession, and pork-barrel spending, Dinning worked tirelessly to implement an agenda to balance the province’s budget. He consulted through tours, blue ribbon panel commissions, made broad cuts, and actually helped make a government that had let spending explode focus on reversing the course. Under Jim Dinning’s time in the finance portfolio, the Alberta government achieved this goal in only five years and saved the Tory dynasty from oblivion. Politically speaking, that was a bigger accomplishment than any of the other candidates in the race. There was also the fact that Dinning was more personable than most of the contenders. He seemed genuine, happy, willing to speak off-the-cuff, and was perceived to be the fiscal conservative representative of the infamous Klein Revolution. Despite his positions on strengthening healthcare and environmental protection, some questioned whether or not the party membership were prepared to make the Apostle of fiscal prudence the next Tory leader.
Everyone, including Lewis Mackenzie himself, expected the King-Hants MP to come out on top on the first ballot. Indeed he did. Yet, like many frontrunners before him, his position as leader of the pack had been severely damaged due in part to his own inexperience as a politician and inadequacies as a leadership candidate. Although many had expected long-time party insider John Tory, who had given up the chance to run for Toronto Mayor in favour of seeking the Tory leadership, to emerge as Mackenzie’s main opponent, due in part to his standing as the “Ontario candidate” of the race, he did not. The position of runner up went to Jim Dinning, the architect of Alberta’s balanced budgets. Despite the fact that Ontario Tories held a population advantage over their western colleagues, the voting rules made it so all ridings were considered equal. Of the original twelve candidates, six immediately dropped off rather than go through the grueling process of begging Conservative Party members to make them their second, third, or even forth choice in the resulting preferential ballot. Jan Brown headed to the Dinning camp, following what many assumed was her supporter’s main preference, while fellow Ontarian and former Environment Minister Barbara Greene joined the Tory campaign. Keith Martin withdrew and opted to back longshot candidate and fellow British Columbian Chuck Strahl. Another surprise of the convention was the surprisingly strong showing of Montreal businessman Larry Smith, who placed fourth. A member of the party’s right-wing, Smith garnered the public endorsements of Tom Long and Bob Runciman, who hoped their backing would be enough to give Smith enough momentum to grow his number of first, second, and third preferences, and ultimately the leadership itself. Disappointed by his poor showing, Andre Bachand threw in the towel and refused to endorse any of the remaining candidates. Going into the second and final ballot, scheduled for October 21, it seemed as though momentum was on the side of Jim Dinning and Larry Smith. But therein lied the problem.
From an ideological standpoint, the second preference for a large number of Dinning supporters was Larry Smith, just was the case for Smith supporters who preferred Dinning over Mackenzie and Tory. They would deadlock one another and potentially allow one of the other candidates to emerge victorious. Every campaign turned their eyes onto Chuck Strahl and his supporters. Western, a former member of the Reform Party, moderate, agreeable, Strahl and his supporters would be a prize catch for any campaign. Rumours circulated that John Tory and Lewis Mackenzie were prepared to offer him a senior position in shadow cabinet and actual cabinet if they formed government. Larry Smith reportedly offered to make him Deputy Prime Minister. In a secret meeting held at the home of Calgary MP Stephen Harper, Strahl was offered something even more tantalizing by the Dinning camp. If Strahl back the former Alberta Treasurer, he would have complete and total authority over the British Columbian slate of candidates, as long as Dinning was leader, win or lose the next election. Such power obviously undermined the democratic process of the riding associations, but would enable Strahl to effectively position himself for a future leadership bid with a concrete base of supporters in caucus. Dinning argued that with such support in caucus, Strahl would easily be selected by his colleagues as Deputy Prime Minister. Under a Dinning government there would be a change to the practice, that the Conservative Party caucus would select the Deputy Prime Minister through a secret ballot, a move that the leadership candidate hoped would direct leadership aspirants and the ambitious away from what he hoped would be his office. Strahl agreed, and the endorsement was made public. Keith Martin followed soon after.
The race was down to four, one from each major region of the country. No matter how many people called on him to withdraw and back Mackenzie, John Tory would not drop out. He had staked his political future on this battle and was determined to see it through to the end. General Mackenzie offered him foreign affairs. Jim Dinning offered finance. Smith offered him Deputy Prime Minister, as he had with Strahl. But the race was in constant flux. Would business-friendly Tory supporters list Mackenzie, Dinning, or Smith as their second preference? Who would back who? Every candidate needed the supporters of their rival, while at the same time they needed to undermine said rival. All that was left was the campaigning, the speeches, the appearances at riding AGMs, and the promises.
Lewis Mackenzie was a shadow of his former self, and it showed. While he was occasionally awkward on the campaign trail, he genuinely enjoyed meeting with volunteers and members. But that was gone. He had privately told his campaign staff that he felt as though he was whoring himself out and diminishing his stature as a former member of the Canadian Armed Forces. His chances of winning were diminishing as more and more of his supporters left to back Tory or Dinning. By the second week of October it became clear to many that Mackenzie would not be the next Prime Minister of Canada as he had said during the debates. After conversations with his wife, children, and campaign team, Lewis Mackenzie shocked the nation and withdrew from the race. Comparisons were quickly drawn to former Liberal leadership candidate Lloyd Axworthy, whose withdrawal and endorsement of Allan Rock had secured the leadership for the former Justice Minister. Unlike Axworthy, Mackenzie opted not to endorse any of his colleagues, and instead indicated that he would retire from politics altogether come the next election. At only 62 and what would be six years as an MP by the next scheduled election, Lewis Mackenzie had apparently had his fill of elected politics. Again, the race was fundamentally changed.
This move worried Larry Smith. Mackenzie’s decision prompted many of his supporters to flock to John Tory. While some would join Jim Dinning, a three-way race might prove too difficult for the Albertan to overcome, and the party would select an political moderate with no experience as an elected official. While Smith cam from a somewhat similar background, his ideological leanings were more inclined towards Dinning. Also, due to the fact that the number of party memberships were disproportionally low in Quebec as compared to Ontario or out West, Smith remained at a disadvantage despite his control over his native province. The Quebec Anglophone concluded that much like Lewis Mackenzie, he had to act. With the promise of a cabinet post or, in the event of his defeat, a seat in the Senate, Smith announced his own withdrawal from the race and endorsed Dinning.
Going into the second, and final ballot, no one was quite sure what would happen. Would the Tories elect a moderate from Toronto or a fiscal hard-liner from Calgary? Would the party emerge united or divided? Would the Conservatives be ready for the next election or would they split further into factionalism? The two waring camps arrived with their entourage, their backers from the previous ballot, and a prepared victory and concession speech in their pockets. In the end the Tories decided to go with experience over potential appeal, and narrowly elected Jim Dinning. Following a public embrace with Tory, whom he referred to as the future of the Conservative Party, Dinning pledged that the Conservative Party would stand up for voters interests, reign in the exuberant growth of the federal government, push for a more active role in the global community, and return transparency and accountability to Ottawa. It was, in many respects, a somewhat cliché and bland speech. But as Dinning explained to both his colleagues and reporters, he took seriously Bill Davis’ old saying, “bland works”. Such a political philosophy would be put to the test against the more charismatic Pierre Pettigrew.
There was Stephen Harper; the former Reform policy wonk whose face betrayed no sense of human emotion or feeling. But the Tories were looking for someone to connect with voters, not assimilate them into some kind of ideological collective. His riding neighbour, Jan Brown, was touted by many of the Red Tory-wing. The first potential woman leader and Prime Minister was an exciting thought for many, but many more conservatives worried her socially liberal leanings would divide the party and send their base back to the Reform Party. One step forward, two steps back was a common critique. Some Tories, including himself, advocated for Manitoba Premier Brian Pallister to succeed Filmon a second time. However, Pallister was quickly informed by his provincial caucus that he would not be able to seek the federal leadership and remain as Premier. The captain would continue to lead the ship. There was even talk that former Prime Minister Joe Clark would end his political retirement and return the Tories to the glory days of the 1980s. But the former Mulroney-era external affairs minister’s support was semi-jokingly described as being a mile-wide and an inch deep. What about Ralph Klein? He had been a loyal supporter of the party despite his province’s status as the headquarters of the Reform Party, and had breathed new life into the provincial Progressive Conservatives, winning three consecutive majorities and bringing Alberta’s debt under control. But Klein had little interest in Ottawa and was happy being the King of Alberta politics, despite the grumblings of some as he entered into his tenth year in power. But the man who had served as King Ralph’s right-hand-man and affable Treasurer seemed prepared to take the dive into the federal leadership race. First elected in the 1986 Alberta provincial election, Jim Dinning had served in various portfolios before helping fix the province's economy. He had been mentioned as a potential candidate to succeed Jean Charest in 1997, but after more than a decade in politics he was more interested in gaining private sector experience, as his father and grandfather had done before him, and better secure his family’s financial future then immediately move into the federal scene. After his marriage had ended in 1993, he had been forced to juggle his position as finance minister and as a father of four. Making matters worse, in the span of two months in 1996, two accidents had left the family nanny permanently disabled and his children injured. But that was almost five years and multiple boardrooms ago, and Dinning, who had married Evelyn Main in 1998, was eager to get back into the fight.
But that was Western slate. The Eastern slate of candidates was equally impressive, and crowded. As Canada’s largest province, Ontario also had the largest slate of possible candidates. Outgoing Ontario Premier Mike Harris, as leader of the infamous common-sense revolution, seemed like a natural choice to replace Gary Filmon. But he was immensely unpopular in his native province, which if he became leader could be a massive hill to climb for the Tory party. Plus the hate that Canada’s left had for the man could potentially motivate voters to mobilize against the Conservatives. John Tory meanwhile was a Red Tory’s dream. Bill Davis’ former principal secretary, the Tories saviour and campaign manager during the ‘93 campaign, the former CEO of Rogers Communications and former Commissioner of the CFL, he seemed as though he had the perfect mix of public and private experience. But he had never held elected office before, which might cause some voters to pause when choosing the country’s next Prime Minister. Dennis Timbrell failed to win the leadership of the provincial Progressive Conservative’s twice in 1985. He had failed to win election in 1998 to the House of Commons. But many still wanted the former Ontario cabinet minister to contribute his skills to the conservative cause. There was of course the cabal of former candidates from 1997, including Perrin Beatty, Barbara Greene, Bobbie Sparrow, but placing faith in losers to win an election was something in which many conservative party members were not willing to do. In Quebec, thanks in part to Filmon’s leadership, the party’s representation was poor and the candidates even poorer. Former Deputy leader Pierre Blais had retired from politics and made clear that, unlike some candidates, he was not eager to return. André Bachand was by far one of the more vocal Quebec Tory critics of Filmon, which caused many to disqualify him immediately. Although a degree of Tory members somewhat agreed with Bachand’s comments, loyalty was a valued commodity within the Conservative Party, and it was a rule that if broken would bring about dire consequences. The only other Quebec candidate was anglophone Larry Smith. A former running-back and president for the Montreal Alouettes, Smith was by far the most physically imposing of all the possible conservative candidates. Much like John Tory, he had also served as CFL commissioner and brought with him a great deal of private sector experience, including recently becoming president and publisher of the Montreal Gazette.
There was of course the Atlantic slate. Peter Mackay was young, athletic, and the son of an influential Mulroney-era cabinet minister. To many he lacked the necessary experience to be leader, but many also argued that such a weakness could also be a strength; he lacked any affiliation with past intra-party squabbles. New Brunswick Premier Bernard Lord, who like MacKay was only thirty-seven years old, seemed like the perfect mix to take the Tories into Quebec and elsewhere. A Premier of an Atlantic province, born in Quebec and seamlessly bilingual, Lord seemed a strong potential candidate to rebuild the party’s standing in French Canada. But having just won his first election in 1999, many felt that it was not yet his time. Still, Jean Charest was only thirty-five when he was elected leader, so the possibility of a second youthful leader was not immediately ruled out. Nova Scotia Premier John Hamm, MP Bill Casey were also asking around, but many Atlantic Tories were interested in someone else. There were even a few articles, much to the ridicule of This Hour Has 22 Minutes and The Royal Canadian Air Farce, that mentioned PEI Premier and former MP Pat Binns. The famously rambunctious Premier of Newfoundland, Loyola Sullivan, also garnered considerable speculation, but many agreed that the self-control of Ottawa was no place for a Newfoundlander to be leader of Her Majesty’s official opposition. John Crosbie’s 1983 run for the PC leadership had seen to that. Retired general-turned King-Hants MP Lewis Mackenzie was tall, well-spoken, moderate, nationalistic and well acquainted with the affairs of the world. The moment Gary Filmon resigned his team began assembling a list and making calls to potential supporters of a Mackenzie candidacy. With roots in Ontario and the Atlantic, the universal respect his military career had brought him, not to mention the enthusiastic and reluctant endorsements of key Tory figures, former general Lewis Mackenzie quickly emerged as the clear frontrunner of the Conservative Party leadership race.
The campaign itself was defined by its turbulence. Having twelves candidates vying for the leadership meant that every candidate had to battle for attention from both the media and the party membership. Much like the last leadership election, the race would initially be a straight vote of the part membership, with each of the 301 ridings given one hundred points if none of the candidates received a majority on the first ballot, as was likely, the lowest ranking candidate would be eliminated and a second ballot would be held using a preferential ballot, as long as more than two candidates remained, as was likely. Thus the nature of the rules of the leadership election meant that the eventual winner would need the support of second, third, and even fourth ballot preference listing if they were to emerge victorious. No backroom deals on the convention floor, only a wide appeal to the party membership.
The Mackenzie campaign at first sought to play on the fact that as the presumed frontrunner of the race, the former general would likely win outright on the first ballot. At the first debate between the candidates Mackenzie repeatedly answered questions by prefacing it the phrase “when I’m Prime Minister”. What was meant to appear as confidence came across as arrogance. There was also the fact that many in the upper echelons of the Mackenzie campaign had successfully pushed for their candidate to take an above the fray approach to his opponents and avoid any concrete policy proposals, arguing that in doing so the frontrunner would remain the most appealing of the twelve-or-so candidates. The only policy-specifics involved the War against Terrorism, where the Nova Scotia MP could flaunt his staunch interventionist beliefs. As many observers expected, military and foreign affairs became Mackenzie’s sole focus for much of the race. Unfortunately for Mackenzie, the former general was still new to politics, and lacked the skills that had been honed by colleagues with decades of experience. Many agreed that the transition from military to public service was proving difficult for Mackenzie.
John Tory, the “hero of the ‘93 campaign”, sought to make the campaign a battle of big ideas. He wanted to combat the notion that strong federal-provincial relations were a fundamental Liberal concept, encouraging that the provinces form a Council of the Federation and hold regular meetings every year. Tory himself pledged to implement a federal audit of money given to the provinces, much to the chagrin of his more right-wing, small government colleagues. In additional to the usual conservative policies of lower taxes and a strong fiscal prudence, the former conservative insider also wanted to implement a federal basic wage across the country, which in turn would help lower poverty levels. Journalists and bloggers, including renowned Liberal Party insider Warren Kinsella, referred to Tory as the most principled candidate in the race and the potential Conservative leader that Liberals feared the most.
Aside from Larry Smith and Tom Long, Dinning was often referred to as the most right-wing candidate of the contest, or at least the most electable one. When Alberta was sinking financially, suffering from high interest rates, a recession, and pork-barrel spending, Dinning worked tirelessly to implement an agenda to balance the province’s budget. He consulted through tours, blue ribbon panel commissions, made broad cuts, and actually helped make a government that had let spending explode focus on reversing the course. Under Jim Dinning’s time in the finance portfolio, the Alberta government achieved this goal in only five years and saved the Tory dynasty from oblivion. Politically speaking, that was a bigger accomplishment than any of the other candidates in the race. There was also the fact that Dinning was more personable than most of the contenders. He seemed genuine, happy, willing to speak off-the-cuff, and was perceived to be the fiscal conservative representative of the infamous Klein Revolution. Despite his positions on strengthening healthcare and environmental protection, some questioned whether or not the party membership were prepared to make the Apostle of fiscal prudence the next Tory leader.
Everyone, including Lewis Mackenzie himself, expected the King-Hants MP to come out on top on the first ballot. Indeed he did. Yet, like many frontrunners before him, his position as leader of the pack had been severely damaged due in part to his own inexperience as a politician and inadequacies as a leadership candidate. Although many had expected long-time party insider John Tory, who had given up the chance to run for Toronto Mayor in favour of seeking the Tory leadership, to emerge as Mackenzie’s main opponent, due in part to his standing as the “Ontario candidate” of the race, he did not. The position of runner up went to Jim Dinning, the architect of Alberta’s balanced budgets. Despite the fact that Ontario Tories held a population advantage over their western colleagues, the voting rules made it so all ridings were considered equal. Of the original twelve candidates, six immediately dropped off rather than go through the grueling process of begging Conservative Party members to make them their second, third, or even forth choice in the resulting preferential ballot. Jan Brown headed to the Dinning camp, following what many assumed was her supporter’s main preference, while fellow Ontarian and former Environment Minister Barbara Greene joined the Tory campaign. Keith Martin withdrew and opted to back longshot candidate and fellow British Columbian Chuck Strahl. Another surprise of the convention was the surprisingly strong showing of Montreal businessman Larry Smith, who placed fourth. A member of the party’s right-wing, Smith garnered the public endorsements of Tom Long and Bob Runciman, who hoped their backing would be enough to give Smith enough momentum to grow his number of first, second, and third preferences, and ultimately the leadership itself. Disappointed by his poor showing, Andre Bachand threw in the towel and refused to endorse any of the remaining candidates. Going into the second and final ballot, scheduled for October 21, it seemed as though momentum was on the side of Jim Dinning and Larry Smith. But therein lied the problem.
From an ideological standpoint, the second preference for a large number of Dinning supporters was Larry Smith, just was the case for Smith supporters who preferred Dinning over Mackenzie and Tory. They would deadlock one another and potentially allow one of the other candidates to emerge victorious. Every campaign turned their eyes onto Chuck Strahl and his supporters. Western, a former member of the Reform Party, moderate, agreeable, Strahl and his supporters would be a prize catch for any campaign. Rumours circulated that John Tory and Lewis Mackenzie were prepared to offer him a senior position in shadow cabinet and actual cabinet if they formed government. Larry Smith reportedly offered to make him Deputy Prime Minister. In a secret meeting held at the home of Calgary MP Stephen Harper, Strahl was offered something even more tantalizing by the Dinning camp. If Strahl back the former Alberta Treasurer, he would have complete and total authority over the British Columbian slate of candidates, as long as Dinning was leader, win or lose the next election. Such power obviously undermined the democratic process of the riding associations, but would enable Strahl to effectively position himself for a future leadership bid with a concrete base of supporters in caucus. Dinning argued that with such support in caucus, Strahl would easily be selected by his colleagues as Deputy Prime Minister. Under a Dinning government there would be a change to the practice, that the Conservative Party caucus would select the Deputy Prime Minister through a secret ballot, a move that the leadership candidate hoped would direct leadership aspirants and the ambitious away from what he hoped would be his office. Strahl agreed, and the endorsement was made public. Keith Martin followed soon after.
The race was down to four, one from each major region of the country. No matter how many people called on him to withdraw and back Mackenzie, John Tory would not drop out. He had staked his political future on this battle and was determined to see it through to the end. General Mackenzie offered him foreign affairs. Jim Dinning offered finance. Smith offered him Deputy Prime Minister, as he had with Strahl. But the race was in constant flux. Would business-friendly Tory supporters list Mackenzie, Dinning, or Smith as their second preference? Who would back who? Every candidate needed the supporters of their rival, while at the same time they needed to undermine said rival. All that was left was the campaigning, the speeches, the appearances at riding AGMs, and the promises.
Lewis Mackenzie was a shadow of his former self, and it showed. While he was occasionally awkward on the campaign trail, he genuinely enjoyed meeting with volunteers and members. But that was gone. He had privately told his campaign staff that he felt as though he was whoring himself out and diminishing his stature as a former member of the Canadian Armed Forces. His chances of winning were diminishing as more and more of his supporters left to back Tory or Dinning. By the second week of October it became clear to many that Mackenzie would not be the next Prime Minister of Canada as he had said during the debates. After conversations with his wife, children, and campaign team, Lewis Mackenzie shocked the nation and withdrew from the race. Comparisons were quickly drawn to former Liberal leadership candidate Lloyd Axworthy, whose withdrawal and endorsement of Allan Rock had secured the leadership for the former Justice Minister. Unlike Axworthy, Mackenzie opted not to endorse any of his colleagues, and instead indicated that he would retire from politics altogether come the next election. At only 62 and what would be six years as an MP by the next scheduled election, Lewis Mackenzie had apparently had his fill of elected politics. Again, the race was fundamentally changed.
This move worried Larry Smith. Mackenzie’s decision prompted many of his supporters to flock to John Tory. While some would join Jim Dinning, a three-way race might prove too difficult for the Albertan to overcome, and the party would select an political moderate with no experience as an elected official. While Smith cam from a somewhat similar background, his ideological leanings were more inclined towards Dinning. Also, due to the fact that the number of party memberships were disproportionally low in Quebec as compared to Ontario or out West, Smith remained at a disadvantage despite his control over his native province. The Quebec Anglophone concluded that much like Lewis Mackenzie, he had to act. With the promise of a cabinet post or, in the event of his defeat, a seat in the Senate, Smith announced his own withdrawal from the race and endorsed Dinning.
Going into the second, and final ballot, no one was quite sure what would happen. Would the Tories elect a moderate from Toronto or a fiscal hard-liner from Calgary? Would the party emerge united or divided? Would the Conservatives be ready for the next election or would they split further into factionalism? The two waring camps arrived with their entourage, their backers from the previous ballot, and a prepared victory and concession speech in their pockets. In the end the Tories decided to go with experience over potential appeal, and narrowly elected Jim Dinning. Following a public embrace with Tory, whom he referred to as the future of the Conservative Party, Dinning pledged that the Conservative Party would stand up for voters interests, reign in the exuberant growth of the federal government, push for a more active role in the global community, and return transparency and accountability to Ottawa. It was, in many respects, a somewhat cliché and bland speech. But as Dinning explained to both his colleagues and reporters, he took seriously Bill Davis’ old saying, “bland works”. Such a political philosophy would be put to the test against the more charismatic Pierre Pettigrew.
Leaders of the Progressive Conservative Party of Canada (1942-1999):
John Diefenbaker (Prince Albert) 1956-1967
Robert Stanfield (Halifax) 1967-1976
Joe Clark (Rocky Mountain/Yellowhead) 1976-1983
Erik Nielsen (Yukon) 1983 *
Brian Mulroney (Central Nova/Manicouagan/Charlevoix) 1983-1993
Jean Charest (Sherbrooke) 1993-1997
Gary Filmon (Winnipeg South) 1997-1999
*Interim leader
Leaders of the Conservative Party of Canada (1999- ):
Gary Filmon (Winnipeg South) 1999-2000
Kim Campbell (Vancouver Centre) 2000-2002 *
Jim Dinning (Calgary Southwest) 2002-
*Interim leader
John Diefenbaker (Prince Albert) 1956-1967
Robert Stanfield (Halifax) 1967-1976
Joe Clark (Rocky Mountain/Yellowhead) 1976-1983
Erik Nielsen (Yukon) 1983 *
Brian Mulroney (Central Nova/Manicouagan/Charlevoix) 1983-1993
Jean Charest (Sherbrooke) 1993-1997
Gary Filmon (Winnipeg South) 1997-1999
*Interim leader
Leaders of the Conservative Party of Canada (1999- ):
Gary Filmon (Winnipeg South) 1999-2000
Kim Campbell (Vancouver Centre) 2000-2002 *
Jim Dinning (Calgary Southwest) 2002-
*Interim leader
- Status