"A Very British Transition" - A Post-Junta Britain TL
- Thread starter powerab
- Start date
What I find interesting is that you mentioned Anas Sarwar, who is the son of Chaudhry Sarwar - former governor of Punjab province, Pakistan. What role did Chaudhry Sarwar play during the transition and post-Junta. As a Pakistani, I find the lives of British Pakistanis very interesting, considering ITTL, we may have Sadiq Khan as PM potentially.
2018 Scottish Election, Part 1
Author's Note: Unfortunately I lost by just 60 votes - still, more time for AH!
Scotland's President would fight the election from Dublin
“Scotland kicked off regional elections on Tuesday as many pro-independence candidates sat in jail or in exile. Polls have the separatists and pro-Westminster parties neck and neck ahead of the vote. "London doesn't want us campaigning on an equal footing with the other candidates," said Patrick Harvie in a video message to supporters. From his haven in Dublin, Harvie said Scots must "choose between nation or submission." Harvie's former deputy Keith Brown and three other independence leaders had their request to be released on bail rejected on Monday. The central government wants Harvie and his associates imprisoned for rebellion — a charge that can carry up to 30 years in prison. British prosecutors are currently fighting to have Harvie extradited back to the UK to face trial.” - DW News Bulletin (2018)
When the election began the first question was of the party leaders, two of the three largest parties in Scotland had its leaders either in exile or imprisoned, and a considerable chunk of separatist MPs were held in custody awaiting trial. Keith Brown and Tommy Sheppard, the two most high profile Scottish politicians in prisons, both appealed to be released for the duration of the election campaigns due to their senior political positions. After these appeals were rejected Brown announced his intention to lead the SNP from his prison cell in Belmarsh. However, nearly 90 MSPs, MPs, Councillors and activists were released on bail in order to campaign, the Court justified this by saying these minor political actors were not at risk of causing violence, unlike Brown and Sheppard.
Polls showed a tight race with the three hardcore Separatist parties polling an average of 49%, whilst the unionists and federalists stood on a total of 51%. The race for first place was also close, with Patrick Harvie’s RISE Party and Ruth Davidson’s Unity within margin of error of each other. Traditional parties were expected to do badly, especially National whose new leader Adam Tomkins had risen to the top more out of loyalty to the London Head Office, rather than from any love of the Scottish electorate. Some National MSPs had called for an non-aggression pact or even formal alliance with Unity to ensure a unionist plurality, but this had been dismissed by Tomkins out of hand, leading to MSP Donald Cameron to defect to Unity.
Unity had moved to the right in hopes of squeezing the National vote
Parties in the middle of the constitutional issue were also getting squeezed, the People’s Alliance were desperate to pivot the conversation away from independence and towards issues of austerity and inequality, but this only made them seem delusional and out of touch. Anas Sarwars’s “blether” campaign had initially seen a lot of support but as the immediate threat of armed conflict dissipated, most voters moved back towards their original constitutional camp. The Social Democrat’s devolutionist pledge didn’t appeal to anyone, and with the party becoming increasingly irrelevant at a Westminster level they couldn’t even present themselves as the only way to give the Tories a kick.
“The Social Democrats voted for the implementation of Article 219 and for the British Government seizing Scotland’s autonomy. It also walked out in protest during the voting on the Declaration of Independence in the Scottish Parliament. It did so, in fact, along with two other unionist parties: Unity and National. But, the SDP is the only left-leaning one of the three, putting it in a delicate position. It has wavered on a unionist alliance with Unity and National, even flat-out denying it would back a Unity or National Scottish presidency. The SDP has been focusing on other political elements other than the independence road-map for its campaign. In all, the Social Democrats are eager to move on from the pro and anti-independence narrative that’s been dominating the election cycle. Whether voters feel the same, is yet to be seen.” - Scottish Election Profiles; the SDP, BBC News (2018)
Harvie’s personal popularity had shot through the roof, despite mostly taking place over Teams his rallies pulled thousands of attendees where Harvie’s face would be projected onto a giant screen. However both his party and his broader separatist alliance was feeling the pressure. Most of RISE’s leadership were abroad or in prison, and whilst Teams rallies were all well and good, ground campaigning noticeably suffered as experienced MSPs and party staffers rotted awaiting their day in court - with younger activists having to step up and coordinate local campaigns. To make matters worse, Róisín McLaren had pulled the Workers Party out of any election cooperation with RISE, with the party’s base infuriated at Harvie’s delay in declaring independence.
Both the SDP and National were struggling to stay relevant in Scotland
During his rallies Harvie dropped several hints of a planned return to Scotland, with millionaire Christine Weir offering to charter a private jet to return the exiled President to Scotland. This was the nightmare situation for Westminster, in one leaked briefing Security Forces told the Prime Minister they would be unable to stop crowds from storming Glasgow or Edinburgh airport should Harvie make a return, warning arresting Harvie in the face of an “organised crowd” would be “a near impossibility”. The martyr affect around Harvie seemed to paying dividends politically as even international audiences were joining in on the “#FreePatrick” campaign.
For Ruth Davidson, not being in prison was a big plus, allowing her to attend rallies and press interviews in person. The Unity campaign focused not only on unionist voters but winning over soft-nationalists through appeals around securing Scotland’s place in the EU. Like in the 2016 elections, Unity hoped to attract quiet unionists to turnout, those who weren’t particularly fussed by the high-level philosophical arguments around sovereignty, but were worried about paying their bills and preventing a return to violence. The fear of the bad old days was a real draw for voters, as scuffles broke out between sectarian gangs and even the occasional car bomb attack by SNLA dissidents.
Violence aside, just the rhetoric between parties was increasingly aggressive. In separatist areas, Unity posters of Ruth Davidson’s face had swastikas graffitied on them. Unity’s Ian Murray complained of harassment by “radical separatist activists” claiming some nationalist neighbourhoods were becoming “no-go areas”, in Maryhill a mural appeared overnight entitled “You are now Entering Free Glasgow”. The political parties reported ten incidents of vandalism, with seven of these reported incidents taking place on Unity or SDP offices. In Dumbarton a group of young Social Democrats were assaulted putting up posters, the youngest victim being just fifteen years old.
“Scotland's election campaign has been shaken up by the murder of a man wearing the British flag. Many supporters of the union allege they are the target of a "hate campaign". Some separatists, meanwhile, say they have been assaulted by their opponents. A 55-year-old man, David Clark died on Tuesday four days after he was hit on the head with a metal bar outside a bar in Dundee. Clark, who was wearing union jack suspenders, got into an argument with the alleged attacker, Rory Lewis, a police spokesman said. Witnesses told local media that Lewis and the three others began yelling at Clark and calling him a "fash", or fascist, because of his suspenders. When Clark left the bar, Lewis, 33, allegedly ran after him and hit him from behind with a metal bar before running away, leaving him unconscious.” - Murder of unioinst Scot shakes up election, France24 Bulletin (2018)
Political violence ranged from coordinated bombing campaigns to pub brawls
Scotland's President would fight the election from Dublin
“Scotland kicked off regional elections on Tuesday as many pro-independence candidates sat in jail or in exile. Polls have the separatists and pro-Westminster parties neck and neck ahead of the vote. "London doesn't want us campaigning on an equal footing with the other candidates," said Patrick Harvie in a video message to supporters. From his haven in Dublin, Harvie said Scots must "choose between nation or submission." Harvie's former deputy Keith Brown and three other independence leaders had their request to be released on bail rejected on Monday. The central government wants Harvie and his associates imprisoned for rebellion — a charge that can carry up to 30 years in prison. British prosecutors are currently fighting to have Harvie extradited back to the UK to face trial.” - DW News Bulletin (2018)
When the election began the first question was of the party leaders, two of the three largest parties in Scotland had its leaders either in exile or imprisoned, and a considerable chunk of separatist MPs were held in custody awaiting trial. Keith Brown and Tommy Sheppard, the two most high profile Scottish politicians in prisons, both appealed to be released for the duration of the election campaigns due to their senior political positions. After these appeals were rejected Brown announced his intention to lead the SNP from his prison cell in Belmarsh. However, nearly 90 MSPs, MPs, Councillors and activists were released on bail in order to campaign, the Court justified this by saying these minor political actors were not at risk of causing violence, unlike Brown and Sheppard.
Polls showed a tight race with the three hardcore Separatist parties polling an average of 49%, whilst the unionists and federalists stood on a total of 51%. The race for first place was also close, with Patrick Harvie’s RISE Party and Ruth Davidson’s Unity within margin of error of each other. Traditional parties were expected to do badly, especially National whose new leader Adam Tomkins had risen to the top more out of loyalty to the London Head Office, rather than from any love of the Scottish electorate. Some National MSPs had called for an non-aggression pact or even formal alliance with Unity to ensure a unionist plurality, but this had been dismissed by Tomkins out of hand, leading to MSP Donald Cameron to defect to Unity.
Unity had moved to the right in hopes of squeezing the National vote
Parties in the middle of the constitutional issue were also getting squeezed, the People’s Alliance were desperate to pivot the conversation away from independence and towards issues of austerity and inequality, but this only made them seem delusional and out of touch. Anas Sarwars’s “blether” campaign had initially seen a lot of support but as the immediate threat of armed conflict dissipated, most voters moved back towards their original constitutional camp. The Social Democrat’s devolutionist pledge didn’t appeal to anyone, and with the party becoming increasingly irrelevant at a Westminster level they couldn’t even present themselves as the only way to give the Tories a kick.
“The Social Democrats voted for the implementation of Article 219 and for the British Government seizing Scotland’s autonomy. It also walked out in protest during the voting on the Declaration of Independence in the Scottish Parliament. It did so, in fact, along with two other unionist parties: Unity and National. But, the SDP is the only left-leaning one of the three, putting it in a delicate position. It has wavered on a unionist alliance with Unity and National, even flat-out denying it would back a Unity or National Scottish presidency. The SDP has been focusing on other political elements other than the independence road-map for its campaign. In all, the Social Democrats are eager to move on from the pro and anti-independence narrative that’s been dominating the election cycle. Whether voters feel the same, is yet to be seen.” - Scottish Election Profiles; the SDP, BBC News (2018)
Harvie’s personal popularity had shot through the roof, despite mostly taking place over Teams his rallies pulled thousands of attendees where Harvie’s face would be projected onto a giant screen. However both his party and his broader separatist alliance was feeling the pressure. Most of RISE’s leadership were abroad or in prison, and whilst Teams rallies were all well and good, ground campaigning noticeably suffered as experienced MSPs and party staffers rotted awaiting their day in court - with younger activists having to step up and coordinate local campaigns. To make matters worse, Róisín McLaren had pulled the Workers Party out of any election cooperation with RISE, with the party’s base infuriated at Harvie’s delay in declaring independence.
Both the SDP and National were struggling to stay relevant in Scotland
During his rallies Harvie dropped several hints of a planned return to Scotland, with millionaire Christine Weir offering to charter a private jet to return the exiled President to Scotland. This was the nightmare situation for Westminster, in one leaked briefing Security Forces told the Prime Minister they would be unable to stop crowds from storming Glasgow or Edinburgh airport should Harvie make a return, warning arresting Harvie in the face of an “organised crowd” would be “a near impossibility”. The martyr affect around Harvie seemed to paying dividends politically as even international audiences were joining in on the “#FreePatrick” campaign.
For Ruth Davidson, not being in prison was a big plus, allowing her to attend rallies and press interviews in person. The Unity campaign focused not only on unionist voters but winning over soft-nationalists through appeals around securing Scotland’s place in the EU. Like in the 2016 elections, Unity hoped to attract quiet unionists to turnout, those who weren’t particularly fussed by the high-level philosophical arguments around sovereignty, but were worried about paying their bills and preventing a return to violence. The fear of the bad old days was a real draw for voters, as scuffles broke out between sectarian gangs and even the occasional car bomb attack by SNLA dissidents.
Violence aside, just the rhetoric between parties was increasingly aggressive. In separatist areas, Unity posters of Ruth Davidson’s face had swastikas graffitied on them. Unity’s Ian Murray complained of harassment by “radical separatist activists” claiming some nationalist neighbourhoods were becoming “no-go areas”, in Maryhill a mural appeared overnight entitled “You are now Entering Free Glasgow”. The political parties reported ten incidents of vandalism, with seven of these reported incidents taking place on Unity or SDP offices. In Dumbarton a group of young Social Democrats were assaulted putting up posters, the youngest victim being just fifteen years old.
“Scotland's election campaign has been shaken up by the murder of a man wearing the British flag. Many supporters of the union allege they are the target of a "hate campaign". Some separatists, meanwhile, say they have been assaulted by their opponents. A 55-year-old man, David Clark died on Tuesday four days after he was hit on the head with a metal bar outside a bar in Dundee. Clark, who was wearing union jack suspenders, got into an argument with the alleged attacker, Rory Lewis, a police spokesman said. Witnesses told local media that Lewis and the three others began yelling at Clark and calling him a "fash", or fascist, because of his suspenders. When Clark left the bar, Lewis, 33, allegedly ran after him and hit him from behind with a metal bar before running away, leaving him unconscious.” - Murder of unioinst Scot shakes up election, France24 Bulletin (2018)
Political violence ranged from coordinated bombing campaigns to pub brawls
Firstly, too bad about the elections. Better luck next time.
Secondly...this is all going to go horribly wrong, isn't it?
Secondly...this is all going to go horribly wrong, isn't it?
It's ok, in 2018 lost the ward by nearly 800 votes so 60 is a minor miracle
Take it as a compliment that you went from that large a margin to that small of one.
Hell, take the margin of loss itself as a compliment. You lost by barely a apartment block's worth of people. That is one helluva close call.
Sorry about the election results pal. Sounds like you're working towards getting the votes needed at least!
If that trend continues you should win by 740 votes the next time. Sorry to hear about the result.
2018 Scottish Election Debate
Battle lines drawn in intense Scottish election debate
BBC News
The first debate among candidates for the regional elections in Scotland has highlighted the divides on the issue of independence. Supporters of secession are a long way from giving up on their ambitions.
The televised debate among Scotland's political leaders - at least those not in jail, or self-imposed exile - was a heated affair. Insults were thrown among party representatives reflecting the narrowness of the polls.
The upcoming election sees pro-independence forces lined up against “constitutionalist” parties. The unionists insist on the need to stop the independence process and get the teetering regional economy back on track.
Occupying the uneasy middle ground is Mhairi Black's United People Alliance which is opposed to both the application of Article 219 and unilateral independence.
Attempts by Black to gain traction on issues such as health and education floundered as the debate rarely strayed far from the constitutional question.
If social issues are taking a back seat it is because secessionists argue until independence there is no point in pushing for social change. They complain London uses the courts to overrule the Scottish parliament when it makes decisions that are not to its liking. Many of the UK's senior judges were appointed during the Junta and are fiercely anti seperatist.
The constitutionalist bloc is made up of National, Unity and the Scottish branch of the Social Democrats. These parties are far from a united front but they parked their differences on Thursday night and avoided attacking each other. This strategy was also adopted by the pro-independence RISE, the SNP and the radical anti-austerity Worker's Party. All three parties are still linked to their recent history as partners in the independence drive that led to the illegal referendum.
In an intense debate lasting 75 minutes, the declaration of independence came under scrutiny. The absences of RISE candidate Patrick Harvie and the SNP candidate Keith Brown were a further reminder of this recent past.
While pro-independence parties in Scotland have retreated from their hard-line strategy of unilateral secession, they are not giving up on independence.
“We will continue to push ahead with the implementation of independence. That is our democratic mandate. We will do it,” said Jim Sillars of RISE - standing in for his exiled boss.
The RISE leader is exile in Dublin for his role in the unilateral declaration of independence in and anointed Sillars to campaign in his name.
Politicians do not come more pro-independence than Sillars but Harvie may live to regret his choice. Sillars has been described as a tough scrapper with a glass jaw – and he is proving a liability when he leaves the comfort zone of the pro-independence media.
According to Sillars “There never was a unilateral way, that was something invented by the British state.” Eyebrows were also raised when he claimed Westminster told the Scottish government there would be “blood on the streets” if they did not desist. This was denied by the government and Sillars has never been able to substantiate the claim.
Worker's Party candidate Róisín McLaren was even more explicit, saying the party would “establish a republic and face down the coup".
“Instead of feeling regret, you will do the same thing again. We can’t allow ourselves four more years of referenda without realistic proposals,” said Unity candidate Ruth Davidson.
“What these people have provoked is institutional madness, economic debacle and social fracture,” added Davidson. “Not only have you driven companies away, if you remain in power, you’re going to cause more harm.”
To her left, SDP leader Anas Sarwar who currently polls fifth, was even blunter: “Don’t deny reality — you’ve impoverished the country.”
Sillars argued that the independence discussion "does not affect the Scottish economy — we’ve seen growth.” “The only madness is the deplorable images of August 14,” he said, referring to the footage of police officers beating unarmed voters at polling stations.
"The British state is allergic to democracy, it is so allergic to us practicing democracy that it has completely altered the rules of the game. It does not respect democratic principles. That is what prevents our leader Patrick Harvie from being here today," said Sillars.
Davidson said it was time to move on. "The best alternative to separatism is not inaction it's reform. The separatists have not been able to convince everyone of their standpoint. It's time we left the independence process behind and started a new political era of reconciliation in Scotland."
Sarwar tried to steer the debate away from the recent past, saying: “I want to speak about what we are going to do in the future. The failure of the unilateral and illegal route has been demonstrated, it was a total and absolute failure.” He said job creation and economic growth were now the chief priorities.
Meanwhile, one heated moment in the debate saw McLaren attacking Black for the UPA's perceived failure to take sides on independence. But Black tried to establish her party’s position outside the framework of two opposing blocs.
When William Hague's local candidate Adam Tomkins was asked what would be National's first move in the unlikely event of them winning the regional presidency, he said he would “call the companies that have left and ask them to come back.”
Thursday's election is expected to attract a record turnout with RISE running neck-and-neck with Unity. Both are are likely to fall far short of the 48 seats needed to hold a majority.
BBC News
The televised debate among Scotland's political leaders - at least those not in jail, or self-imposed exile - was a heated affair. Insults were thrown among party representatives reflecting the narrowness of the polls.
The upcoming election sees pro-independence forces lined up against “constitutionalist” parties. The unionists insist on the need to stop the independence process and get the teetering regional economy back on track.
Occupying the uneasy middle ground is Mhairi Black's United People Alliance which is opposed to both the application of Article 219 and unilateral independence.
Attempts by Black to gain traction on issues such as health and education floundered as the debate rarely strayed far from the constitutional question.
If social issues are taking a back seat it is because secessionists argue until independence there is no point in pushing for social change. They complain London uses the courts to overrule the Scottish parliament when it makes decisions that are not to its liking. Many of the UK's senior judges were appointed during the Junta and are fiercely anti seperatist.
The constitutionalist bloc is made up of National, Unity and the Scottish branch of the Social Democrats. These parties are far from a united front but they parked their differences on Thursday night and avoided attacking each other. This strategy was also adopted by the pro-independence RISE, the SNP and the radical anti-austerity Worker's Party. All three parties are still linked to their recent history as partners in the independence drive that led to the illegal referendum.
In an intense debate lasting 75 minutes, the declaration of independence came under scrutiny. The absences of RISE candidate Patrick Harvie and the SNP candidate Keith Brown were a further reminder of this recent past.
While pro-independence parties in Scotland have retreated from their hard-line strategy of unilateral secession, they are not giving up on independence.
“We will continue to push ahead with the implementation of independence. That is our democratic mandate. We will do it,” said Jim Sillars of RISE - standing in for his exiled boss.
The RISE leader is exile in Dublin for his role in the unilateral declaration of independence in and anointed Sillars to campaign in his name.
Politicians do not come more pro-independence than Sillars but Harvie may live to regret his choice. Sillars has been described as a tough scrapper with a glass jaw – and he is proving a liability when he leaves the comfort zone of the pro-independence media.
According to Sillars “There never was a unilateral way, that was something invented by the British state.” Eyebrows were also raised when he claimed Westminster told the Scottish government there would be “blood on the streets” if they did not desist. This was denied by the government and Sillars has never been able to substantiate the claim.
Worker's Party candidate Róisín McLaren was even more explicit, saying the party would “establish a republic and face down the coup".
“Instead of feeling regret, you will do the same thing again. We can’t allow ourselves four more years of referenda without realistic proposals,” said Unity candidate Ruth Davidson.
“What these people have provoked is institutional madness, economic debacle and social fracture,” added Davidson. “Not only have you driven companies away, if you remain in power, you’re going to cause more harm.”
To her left, SDP leader Anas Sarwar who currently polls fifth, was even blunter: “Don’t deny reality — you’ve impoverished the country.”
Sillars argued that the independence discussion "does not affect the Scottish economy — we’ve seen growth.” “The only madness is the deplorable images of August 14,” he said, referring to the footage of police officers beating unarmed voters at polling stations.
"The British state is allergic to democracy, it is so allergic to us practicing democracy that it has completely altered the rules of the game. It does not respect democratic principles. That is what prevents our leader Patrick Harvie from being here today," said Sillars.
Davidson said it was time to move on. "The best alternative to separatism is not inaction it's reform. The separatists have not been able to convince everyone of their standpoint. It's time we left the independence process behind and started a new political era of reconciliation in Scotland."
Sarwar tried to steer the debate away from the recent past, saying: “I want to speak about what we are going to do in the future. The failure of the unilateral and illegal route has been demonstrated, it was a total and absolute failure.” He said job creation and economic growth were now the chief priorities.
Meanwhile, one heated moment in the debate saw McLaren attacking Black for the UPA's perceived failure to take sides on independence. But Black tried to establish her party’s position outside the framework of two opposing blocs.
When William Hague's local candidate Adam Tomkins was asked what would be National's first move in the unlikely event of them winning the regional presidency, he said he would “call the companies that have left and ask them to come back.”
Thursday's election is expected to attract a record turnout with RISE running neck-and-neck with Unity. Both are are likely to fall far short of the 48 seats needed to hold a majority.
Balkiazation on a great and grand scale! I truly would love to see this story expanded.
2018 Scottish Election, Part 2
Volunteer counters would be closely watched by security forces and international observers
“Pollsters also have predicted a high turnout on election day. YouGov suggests that it could pass the 80 percent mark. That would be the highest turnout ever for a British election since 1951. As secessionist and unionist forces face the election day neck and neck, uncertainty is rising. Neither the separatist nor the unionist forces are predicted to secure a majority in the regional parliament. The leftist, anti-austerity UPA is said to hold the key that will disentangle the government formation. The pro-independence bloc has become fragmented in the last few months. "A hung parliament is very likely," says Sheila Dow, an economist, "so I do not think that the election will unblock the current crisis, many do not support independence, but also don't feel that any of the unionist parties represent them."” - Scotland votes, high turnout, high uncertainty, DW News Bulletin (2018)
As the election reached its final stretch, the two communities became increasingly fragmented. On the seperatist side the Workers Party had pulled out of any alliance with RISE, and the SNP had been effectively beheaded by the imprisonment of Keith Brown. On the Unionist side Unity had been increasingly annoying the other pro-union parties through aggressive squeeze messaging, with campaign literature saying a vote for the SDP or National was a wasted vote. Hopes for a unionist majority were dashed when SDP leader Anas Sarwar said at a campaign rally he wouldn’t support a Ruth Davidson led executive, calling her a “shoddy democrat” over these heavy-handed tactics.
Polls showed Unity quickly gaining on RISE in the last days of the campaign, partly boosted by Davidson’s strong performance in the debates - and Sillars’ relatively lackluster one. Unity’s campaign was focused on emerging as the largest party, arguing if RISE was pushed into second place it would stop independence in its tracks. Support for smaller unionist parties, especially the Scottish branch of National, was collapsing fast, with one poll showing National being swept out of the Scottish Parliament entirely as voters abandoned the Tories for Ruth Davidson. Tomkins had proven himself a fairly ineffectual leader, barely registering in the debates. Even William Hague seemed to have abandoned his comrades north of the border, only making one appearance over the whole campaign.
Facing internal challenges in Westminster, Hague preferred to keep his head down
As odds were slashed on a second election, the financial repercussions hit purse strings in Edinburgh and London. The Bank of England warned projected growth in the UK economy had fallen by almost one percent since the start of the Scottish crisis. Accusations of brutality on behalf of British security services also harmed the UK’s standing abroad with organisations like Amnesty International, the Red Cross - even the UN had called on the British state to reduce military presence in Scotland. The UK’s belligerent demands for Ireland to return Patrick Harvie to the UK even alienated EU allies. Separatists warned that plans to have armed soldiers guard polling stations would amount to intimidation of ordinary voters.
“This rebellion is by no means a narrow nationalist or apolitical struggle. Indeed, the Scottish movement is a mobilisation against the authoritarianism of the British state. In the last decade or so, the resistance to London’s authoritarian nationalism has gathered momentum. Since National lost power in 2005, its strategy has been to regain electoral appeal by deploying an ever more crude brand of nationalism. This has meant overt confrontation with the principle of Scottish autonomy. This has resulted in some bizarre strategies by groups linked to National such as calls for a boycott of Scottish produce. People now talk about ‘Scotphobia’. Anyone who saw the crowds sending off the army from their barracks last month with the chants ‘go get ’em’ will understand this is not an exaggeration.” - Scottish power on the streets, David Whyte, Red Pepper (2018)
The unionists were banking once again on ordinary Scottish voters being tired of the election protest and voting for the moderate status quo. The separatists meanwhile were motivating their voters by advertising the election as referendum part two, having their leaders martyred in prison was a powerful motivator with images of Patrick Harvie front and centre in late campaign literature. The election wasn’t one of ideas or persuasion but one of turnout, whoever could get their voter blocs to the polls were likely to win. This naturally gave the advantage to unionist parties whose voters tended to be older, and thus more likely to vote. The main challenge for RISE was to get the young people to go to the polls, rather than a picket or even a SNLA camp.
Political consciousness was at an all time high, whatever happened
The day itself was mercifully quiet, nearly 2,000 polling stations opened at 7am without incident, with 12,000 security forces protecting voting places, every school assembly hall or leisure centre had at least five police officers standing guard. In more fractious areas these officers were replaced by armed soldiers.There was no great SNLA uprising, with only a handful of amateur attacks taking place on the day itself, whether this was the work of a security services, or the SNLA not wanting to jeopardise a seperatist majority was unclear. Either way people were able to vote without fear of bombs or baton, a great upgrade from the referendum just three months earlier.
The main question now was how would London react? If RISE were returned to power, would the central government relinquish article 219 and allow a return to devolution? If Harvie was re-elected as Scottish President would he be allowed to return? If the seperatist coalition was democratically re-elected - perhaps with a greater majority - and the British Government refused to return control, it risked turning a generation of Scots away from the democratic process and towards violence. Some were discussing the need for a cross-community power sharing agreement involving both communities, names like former Minister Charlie Falconer, head of civil service Gillian Russel or even Billy Connolly were named as potential leaders of a “power sharing government”.
“Unity is now neck-and-neck with RISE days before Scottish voters cast their ballots. But Jim Sillars is playing down Unity's chances. “They have a discourse that goes against Scotland, against the fight we have had for more than a decade,” Sillars said. With full self-awareness, he accused Unity of making hay out of the independence issue. “They talk more about independence than we talk about it!” she said. “You talk about energy poverty, they talk about independence. You talk about governance and they’ll take out a flag and talk about independence. It’s true.” Asked if the result might herald the return of Patrick Harvie, Sillars said they had been in touch, but “it’s too early to say now. If the president is me, great. If it’s Patrick, even better. We’re going to prepare for everything.” - Scotland’s RISE faces down unionist threat, Sam Saeed, Politico.eu
Despite having it's leaders abroad, RISE was riding high
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Praying for a nationalist majority, just to fuck with the powers that be. It'd be amazing ITTL to see the best the British government can throw at Scotland rejected once again.
But knowing all the forces which have been brought to bear, voter fatigue and splits within the nationalist camp I'm imagining a small unionist majority.
But knowing all the forces which have been brought to bear, voter fatigue and splits within the nationalist camp I'm imagining a small unionist majority.
A Very British Transition: what I gather of the Succession of First Lords & Prime Ministers
| Portrait | Title Prime Minister Office (Lifespan) | Term of Office | Party |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 
| First Lord Louis Mountbatten 1st Earl Mountbatten of Burma (1900-1980) | 9 December, 1968 - 20 October, 1980 † 11 Years, 311 Days | National |
|
| 
| First Lord Peter Hill-Norton (1915-2004) | 20 October, 1980 - 16 May, 2004 † 23 Years, 206 Days | National |
|
| 
| First Lord Sir Mike Jackson (1944- | 16 May, 2004 - 14 March, 2005 302 Days | National |
| 
| Alan Johnson (1950- | 14 March, 2005 - 17 November, 2012 7 Years, 213 Days | SDP |
|
| 
| William Hague (1961- | 17 November, 2012 - Incumbent | National |
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