The Shield of Liberty
- Thread starter Asami
- Start date
Asami
Banned
Second Great War? When was the first?
Good update, though I do dislike the hammer and sickle.
The Great War took place during the 1760s and 1770s -- it was the War of American Rebellion.
Oh yeah, it was the one at the beginning where the French and Spanish were involved, right?
Hello, new member here! I've been reading your timeline and I got to say it's awesome! So, the first Great War is like OTL Seven Years War and the Second Great War is like WWI or II?
Also, I now it's a little bit too late but the flag you proposed for the Crown Colony of Cuba in late 18th Century was designed in OTL 1868, drawing inspiration from the Chilean flag...so it wouldn't be like that if the british took the island in the 1760.
Also, I now it's a little bit too late but the flag you proposed for the Crown Colony of Cuba in late 18th Century was designed in OTL 1868, drawing inspiration from the Chilean flag...so it wouldn't be like that if the british took the island in the 1760.
Asami
Banned
I know, but flags are always difficult to master correctly. But it's so good to see someone from Cuba on the forums! I'm hoping I'm doing your motherland some justice. I have a limited idea of what I intend to do with it in the future, but I really don't want it to follow closely to OTL's history.
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I so badly want a map of Scythia. The idea of a Jewish state in Central Asia is too cool to not have mapped out.
You'll have to get someone to make that kind of map. I'm bad bad bad at it.
Are the city names "Jewishized" or do they stay the same? I like the idea of cities with a particularly high Jewish population being rechristened with Hebrew names. Where's Scythia's capital city? Is it a pre-existing city or a purpose-built capital? I rather like the idea of them originally using a pre-existing city like Samarkand and then building a capital so that the Jewish elite had a city they wholely own. Is Scythia a "dominion" of the Russian crown? They recognize the Tsar as King but are increasingly independent of Moscow. How many Jews live in Scythia? The existance of Scythia could have effects on any Palestinian state. With a considerable population of Jews settling in Scythia the area could either become a secular republic or welded to Transjordan. And the levant would be much more peaceful without the Israel-Palestine conflict. Which would butterfly away ISIS along with it. The events that created that terrorist state wouldn't happen in this timeline. And pre-Islamic historic sites in the region are all the better for it.
Asami
Banned
1. The city names do get renamed to something Hebrew when a certain threshold of Jewish people live in it.
2. The capital is located in OTL's Atyrau, which is called Chadash IATL.
3. Scythia is more of a settler territory for Russia -- the King of Ashkenaz is a Polish Jew, but the Russians do have total control of their affairs.
4. A large number, about 30% of the total population are Jews.
5. There is not currently any push to settle in the actual Holy Land by Jews -- Zionism wasn't even around by this point in OTL, but there's really no big push for it anyway.
1. So there'd still be names in original languages in places where Jews hadn't reached that threshold? I'm guessing cities like Samarkand (the largest city in the region) would keep their names.
2. Did they rebuild the temple there or would that be considered a step too far?
3. I'm guessing that'll change in the future. Is the position hereditary? I only say that because I personally think that having an elective monarchy is unneccessary in a country with an elected parliament.
4. Which'll go up with births, immigration and conversion.
5. The lack of an explicitly Jewish state in Palestine would help the region. I don't know whether it'd be more likely to be an independent state or part of Transjordan. I'm leaning slightly towards the latter because of factors regarding the abscense of Israel.
2. Did they rebuild the temple there or would that be considered a step too far?
3. I'm guessing that'll change in the future. Is the position hereditary? I only say that because I personally think that having an elective monarchy is unneccessary in a country with an elected parliament.
4. Which'll go up with births, immigration and conversion.
5. The lack of an explicitly Jewish state in Palestine would help the region. I don't know whether it'd be more likely to be an independent state or part of Transjordan. I'm leaning slightly towards the latter because of factors regarding the abscense of Israel.
Asami
Banned
Next chapter is Międzymorze -- where we delve into some of the mid-19th century politics of the Intermarium, from the Kingdom of Poland, Lithuania and Ruthenia, into a much different constitutional monarchy -- the Intermarine Kingdoms, modeled heavily off of the British model, to which the White King is deeply enamored.
The Intermarine Kingdoms will consist on the Kingdom of Poland (which spans from Posen/Gdansk to Galich-Volhynia), Kingdom of Lithuania (roughly OTL sized), Kingdom of White Ruthenia (roughly OTL sized), the Kingdom of Kiev (Ukraine mostly) -- while also including the autonomous Grand Duchy of Prussia, under King Ludwik II's son, Casimir I; and the Grand Duchy of Livonia, under the von Wrangel family.
The Intermarine Kingdoms will consist on the Kingdom of Poland (which spans from Posen/Gdansk to Galich-Volhynia), Kingdom of Lithuania (roughly OTL sized), Kingdom of White Ruthenia (roughly OTL sized), the Kingdom of Kiev (Ukraine mostly) -- while also including the autonomous Grand Duchy of Prussia, under King Ludwik II's son, Casimir I; and the Grand Duchy of Livonia, under the von Wrangel family.
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Asami
Banned
Chapter XXXVI: Miedzymorze
The mid-1860s showed promise for a great revolutionary change in Central-Eastern Europe. The First Reform of modern Poland had been undertaken by Count Stanisław Małachowski, the regent whom had master-minded the re-piloting of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth into the modern age in the face of the Great War. After his death in 1809, the country had seen a level of stagnation in moving towards what he saw as the ultimate reforms that would make Poland the country to be a superpower in the future.
King Ludwik, whom had taken to the Count as an apprentice during his regency, felt the need that now was the time to execute his mentor's dream.
The Second Reform of modern Poland was initiated by the King directly in a grand speech given in Warsaw in 1864. Ludwik II had laid the seeds early on with the Liberal Institution and the formation of a liberal and Bohemian culture in the major urban cities. The first part of the institutional reform took place in the early 1860s with the establishment a growing Mutualist ideology, the King's views on how to reform the state and nation to be more concentric and federalized. He gained the support of many radical liberals who were not socialists or communists, but rather a variant of liberal with empowerment in mind.
The Mutualists and the King came up with their great idea yet -- Between-the-Seas.
Modeled on the United Kingdom, the King began to speak publicly about the desire to establish the Intermarine Kingdom -- a union of crowns with Poland, Lithuania, and Kyiv, with the Grand Duchy of Prussia and the Grand Duchy of Livonia being included in the union of crowns as autonomous self-governing zones. While Warsaw would remain the capital, being the most developed and most urban of the "old provinces" in the Commonwealth -- the other crowns and states would have a grand say in the way the Union was governed; and any future states to be included under her aegis would also be given a proper course for equality among brothers.
The King had no intentions of expanding his realm any further, due to the obvious issues of growing nationalist ideologies in the various countries in the Crown -- such as Speak Lithuanian! existing in the Kingdom of Lithuania; as well as the other minor nationalist parties which intended to break up the Commonwealth and establish free, independent states across the realm. Speak Lithuanian! whom had been formally banned some years prior during the Lithuanian Revolt, continued to participate in acts of vigilante terrorism across the Lithuanian state, from Minsk to Memel.
The proposal of the Intermarine Kingdom went over quite well in most of the country -- while the urban elites in all the regions were hesitant to further extend power out from the center to the people of the country, the agricultural lower-class were quite pleased -- this would enable them to have a deciding say in their own country's affairs, more so than the semi-universal democracy that had already been established in Poland, while also being part of a greater union of crowns that would be able to project power in Europe if need be.
In the Sejm, while mostly opposed by the weakening Conservatives and Nationalists; the Intermarine Kingdom plan was overwhelmingly endorsed by the Liberal and Mutualist factions, and was thereby slipped through the Sejm with minimal opposition. While an attempt to institute something similar to the Liberum Veto was instituted in the initial "counter-proposals" amongst discontent groups in the Sejm, but was quickly shot-down for being harmful to the future of the country.
After the vote, the new Union of Crowns Act was sent out to the various provinces and monarchies of the Commonwealth for ratification -- after a couple weeks of negotiations, the draft was approved, and the new state was established -- The Intermarine Kingdom began the process of selecting a new flag, a new anthem and establishing a strong federalist identity; and Ludwik II hoped that under the remainder of his slowly passing rule, and all future Kings, that it be a successful one, much like the United Kingdom.
King Ludwik, whom had taken to the Count as an apprentice during his regency, felt the need that now was the time to execute his mentor's dream.
The Second Reform of modern Poland was initiated by the King directly in a grand speech given in Warsaw in 1864. Ludwik II had laid the seeds early on with the Liberal Institution and the formation of a liberal and Bohemian culture in the major urban cities. The first part of the institutional reform took place in the early 1860s with the establishment a growing Mutualist ideology, the King's views on how to reform the state and nation to be more concentric and federalized. He gained the support of many radical liberals who were not socialists or communists, but rather a variant of liberal with empowerment in mind.
The Mutualists and the King came up with their great idea yet -- Between-the-Seas.
Modeled on the United Kingdom, the King began to speak publicly about the desire to establish the Intermarine Kingdom -- a union of crowns with Poland, Lithuania, and Kyiv, with the Grand Duchy of Prussia and the Grand Duchy of Livonia being included in the union of crowns as autonomous self-governing zones. While Warsaw would remain the capital, being the most developed and most urban of the "old provinces" in the Commonwealth -- the other crowns and states would have a grand say in the way the Union was governed; and any future states to be included under her aegis would also be given a proper course for equality among brothers.
The King had no intentions of expanding his realm any further, due to the obvious issues of growing nationalist ideologies in the various countries in the Crown -- such as Speak Lithuanian! existing in the Kingdom of Lithuania; as well as the other minor nationalist parties which intended to break up the Commonwealth and establish free, independent states across the realm. Speak Lithuanian! whom had been formally banned some years prior during the Lithuanian Revolt, continued to participate in acts of vigilante terrorism across the Lithuanian state, from Minsk to Memel.
The proposal of the Intermarine Kingdom went over quite well in most of the country -- while the urban elites in all the regions were hesitant to further extend power out from the center to the people of the country, the agricultural lower-class were quite pleased -- this would enable them to have a deciding say in their own country's affairs, more so than the semi-universal democracy that had already been established in Poland, while also being part of a greater union of crowns that would be able to project power in Europe if need be.
In the Sejm, while mostly opposed by the weakening Conservatives and Nationalists; the Intermarine Kingdom plan was overwhelmingly endorsed by the Liberal and Mutualist factions, and was thereby slipped through the Sejm with minimal opposition. While an attempt to institute something similar to the Liberum Veto was instituted in the initial "counter-proposals" amongst discontent groups in the Sejm, but was quickly shot-down for being harmful to the future of the country.
After the vote, the new Union of Crowns Act was sent out to the various provinces and monarchies of the Commonwealth for ratification -- after a couple weeks of negotiations, the draft was approved, and the new state was established -- The Intermarine Kingdom began the process of selecting a new flag, a new anthem and establishing a strong federalist identity; and Ludwik II hoped that under the remainder of his slowly passing rule, and all future Kings, that it be a successful one, much like the United Kingdom.
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Asami
Banned
Chapter XXXVII: The Rif Crisis
Flag of the Sultanate of Morocco, 1867
Flag of the Sultanate of Morocco, 1867
The Rif Crisis marked the start of the Saharan Rush. After the fall of the Kingdom of France to Radnicism, the country had been rapidly militarizing and growing interested in staking conquest of foreign realms -- while they were largely discouraged from attempting to salient into the Rhineland or Alsace-Lorraine, they were turning their eyes southward, at the small African realm of Morocco.
Morocco was an absolute monarchy, and was one of the last North African monarchies remaining -- by 1867, only them and Egypt remained independent, as Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli and Cyrenaica had fallen to Britain's conquests; and even this was growing more and more tenuous, with the growing influence of the United Kingdom over Egyptian territory.
In March 1867, the French propaganda machine began to roll her wheels, with French media depicting Morocco's monarchy as the "subjugated slave of the autocratic counter-revolutionary monarchies of Angleterre and Allemagne," and called for the Moroccan "proletariat to rise up against these imperialists, and fight for a liberated Morocco!"
In April 1867, the French Grand Council approved a limited intervention in Morocco to "liberate the oppressed masses" -- the French Marines Révolutionnaires launched an armed intervention into the Rif region of Morocco, and seized the city of Nador from the Sultanate. Within three days, they moved and encircled the British territory of Melilla. The British consul to France, whom had remained in country even after the revolution, made a demand that the French forces withdraw and leave British assets in Africa alone.
Tensions remained high for several days, as British garrison forces in Melilla militarized their area, and the British naval assets in Gibraltar, Ceuta, Tangiers and Algiers mobilized against the French insurgency. Britain moved towards France, and threatened to impose a blockade on French trade unless they capitulated. France refused to withdraw, and Britain passed the French Embargo Act of 1867, placing a full embargo on France, and giving the Royal Navy the right to search and seize any ship they believed to be trading with France. They closed the English Channel to naval traffic, and refused to let ships in who intended to trade with France.
Rhodesia passed a similar embargo, banning French merchants from entering into Southmere, or trading with Rhodesian merchants. This was passed after a speech on the floor of the Assembly by President Kingsley highlighted the need to combat radicalism in the form of the French state -- whom she said "directly countered the true meaning of the People's Movement."
On the continent, France ordered all troops back from leave, and placed the nation into full mobilization. This alarmed almost every nation around her. The government of the Intermarium issued a statement guaranteeing that any "attempts to disrupt European balance of power," would be met with full intervention by the government of the Intermarium; and this sentiment was not only backed up by the Intermarium, but was echoed in the halls of other nations.
The Saviet Union issued a statement, warning that the French "attempt to masquerade imperialism as a form of national salvation and liberation," was unbelievably dastardly, and that they were "toeing the line of revisionism and anti-proletarian activity," and vowed to support the European Coalition against her, should she go to war. Too many in Europe had remembered the Daniau War, and did not want to see it repeat once again.
Through the spring and summer of 1867, the tension on the continent remained tense. In June 1867, the Conservatives raised a motion of no confidence in the government of William Ewart Gladstone, with party leader Benjamin Disraeli pointing out that the months of tensions with France had done nothing to resolve the situation, and that it was time for change.
The motion of no confidence succeeded, and a general election was called to determine the new British government. The General Election of 1867 saw a catastrophic loss of seats for the Liberals, and an immense surge of the Conservatives, allowing them to reclaim Number Ten from Gladstone.
Benjamin Disraeli, now Prime Minister, decided, in order to avoid a costly European War, he would swallow some pride and make peace. Paris, whom was now facing the prospects of food shortages in the Southern Provinces, decided to sit and hold a European conference. While Rhodesia was nominally excluded (and angered in the process), the European powers began the process of diplomacy.
The Congress of Amiens in 1867 made an agreement between Europe and France -- France would be given sphere of influence over the Sultanate of Morocco, in exchange for withdrawal and guarantee of British assets in North Africa -- and the demobilization of the front-lines in Europe. France agreed to the deal, and promptly invaded Morocco and annexed the monarchy into their thralling state, under the guise of "liberation" -- and quickly instituted a number of policies that many would see as no better than imperialistic.
The British press nearly tarred and feathered Disraeli, but Disraeli managed to deflect the negative press saying that it was "peace in our time" -- these words were strong and meant much in 1867, but would be his Achilles' Heel within the next decade. With the Rif Crisis concluded, the affairs of Europe settled down -- but the lines in the sand had been drawn, and the coming conflict of the late 19th century loomed, more so than ever.
Domestically, Rhodesia was outraged at being completely cut out, and how Europe had forced them to lift their embargo against France. Rhodesian press hammered the drum of anti-European sentiment, decrying the growing Commonwealth being treated like a mere colony of a stronger power. The Unionists, who were leading this sentimental charge, were putting themselves into place for 1868, hoping to secure the Capital Residence for their party.
Morocco was an absolute monarchy, and was one of the last North African monarchies remaining -- by 1867, only them and Egypt remained independent, as Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli and Cyrenaica had fallen to Britain's conquests; and even this was growing more and more tenuous, with the growing influence of the United Kingdom over Egyptian territory.
In March 1867, the French propaganda machine began to roll her wheels, with French media depicting Morocco's monarchy as the "subjugated slave of the autocratic counter-revolutionary monarchies of Angleterre and Allemagne," and called for the Moroccan "proletariat to rise up against these imperialists, and fight for a liberated Morocco!"
In April 1867, the French Grand Council approved a limited intervention in Morocco to "liberate the oppressed masses" -- the French Marines Révolutionnaires launched an armed intervention into the Rif region of Morocco, and seized the city of Nador from the Sultanate. Within three days, they moved and encircled the British territory of Melilla. The British consul to France, whom had remained in country even after the revolution, made a demand that the French forces withdraw and leave British assets in Africa alone.
Tensions remained high for several days, as British garrison forces in Melilla militarized their area, and the British naval assets in Gibraltar, Ceuta, Tangiers and Algiers mobilized against the French insurgency. Britain moved towards France, and threatened to impose a blockade on French trade unless they capitulated. France refused to withdraw, and Britain passed the French Embargo Act of 1867, placing a full embargo on France, and giving the Royal Navy the right to search and seize any ship they believed to be trading with France. They closed the English Channel to naval traffic, and refused to let ships in who intended to trade with France.
Rhodesia passed a similar embargo, banning French merchants from entering into Southmere, or trading with Rhodesian merchants. This was passed after a speech on the floor of the Assembly by President Kingsley highlighted the need to combat radicalism in the form of the French state -- whom she said "directly countered the true meaning of the People's Movement."
On the continent, France ordered all troops back from leave, and placed the nation into full mobilization. This alarmed almost every nation around her. The government of the Intermarium issued a statement guaranteeing that any "attempts to disrupt European balance of power," would be met with full intervention by the government of the Intermarium; and this sentiment was not only backed up by the Intermarium, but was echoed in the halls of other nations.
The Saviet Union issued a statement, warning that the French "attempt to masquerade imperialism as a form of national salvation and liberation," was unbelievably dastardly, and that they were "toeing the line of revisionism and anti-proletarian activity," and vowed to support the European Coalition against her, should she go to war. Too many in Europe had remembered the Daniau War, and did not want to see it repeat once again.
Through the spring and summer of 1867, the tension on the continent remained tense. In June 1867, the Conservatives raised a motion of no confidence in the government of William Ewart Gladstone, with party leader Benjamin Disraeli pointing out that the months of tensions with France had done nothing to resolve the situation, and that it was time for change.
The motion of no confidence succeeded, and a general election was called to determine the new British government. The General Election of 1867 saw a catastrophic loss of seats for the Liberals, and an immense surge of the Conservatives, allowing them to reclaim Number Ten from Gladstone.
Benjamin Disraeli, now Prime Minister, decided, in order to avoid a costly European War, he would swallow some pride and make peace. Paris, whom was now facing the prospects of food shortages in the Southern Provinces, decided to sit and hold a European conference. While Rhodesia was nominally excluded (and angered in the process), the European powers began the process of diplomacy.
The Congress of Amiens in 1867 made an agreement between Europe and France -- France would be given sphere of influence over the Sultanate of Morocco, in exchange for withdrawal and guarantee of British assets in North Africa -- and the demobilization of the front-lines in Europe. France agreed to the deal, and promptly invaded Morocco and annexed the monarchy into their thralling state, under the guise of "liberation" -- and quickly instituted a number of policies that many would see as no better than imperialistic.
The British press nearly tarred and feathered Disraeli, but Disraeli managed to deflect the negative press saying that it was "peace in our time" -- these words were strong and meant much in 1867, but would be his Achilles' Heel within the next decade. With the Rif Crisis concluded, the affairs of Europe settled down -- but the lines in the sand had been drawn, and the coming conflict of the late 19th century loomed, more so than ever.
Domestically, Rhodesia was outraged at being completely cut out, and how Europe had forced them to lift their embargo against France. Rhodesian press hammered the drum of anti-European sentiment, decrying the growing Commonwealth being treated like a mere colony of a stronger power. The Unionists, who were leading this sentimental charge, were putting themselves into place for 1868, hoping to secure the Capital Residence for their party.
Asami
Banned
Chapter XXXVIII: The Election of 1868
1868 marked the end of the Presidency of Nolusindiso Kingsley, and the start of the future for the Commonwealth of Rhodesia. In the run-up to the election from mid-1867 to 1868, the Rhodesian public attitudes stirred out of growing ambition to be better than the Europeans, whom were barely managing themselves without chaos, warfare and darkness.
In September 1867, Unionist leader Patrick C.Q. Woods retired due to poor health. He had been given an honored award for his services to the country and crown -- both as President of Rhodesia before the rise of the Detestable Wilmer, and as the founding leader of the Unionist Party.
The leadership election for the Unionists saw a number of candidates vying for the role of Leader of the Party -- the initial front-runner was a Member of Parliament from Transorange, William T. Selwyn -- however, a growing "grassroots" effort by the moderate-to-liberal group of the Unionist party began to agitate for Louisa Stirling to be made leader of the Party.
While the field of candidates was broad and open at first, the election began to rapidly narrow down to the two candidates. After a number of gaffes by Mr. Selwyn, Louisa Stirling secured the leadership of her party, pledging to adhere to "National Awakening", and a general call to "do better by ourselves, and by the world abroad." -- and a need to "raise Rhodesia's status to that of a top-tier power."
President Kingsley's replacement within the party was James Cirha, the man whom had been her political ally in the Assembly.
While Thomas Stevens remained the leader of the Radical Party, the Democrats and Royalists replaced their Assembly party leaders with new faces in the hopes of gaining more votes -- backfiring seriously on them on election day.
When election day finally rolled around, the Assembly saw all the other parties than the Unionists taking hits -- the Railroad dropped from 116 seats to 101; the Democrats lost 24 seats, the Radicals 17, and the Royalists were completely liquidated from the Assembly, losing every seat, including that of their leader.
Rhodesian general election, 1868; Assembly Elections
184 out of 367 seats required to attain a majority
The Railroad - James Cirha - 101 seats (-15)
Unionist - Louisa Stirling - 179 seats (+31)
Democratic - Robert G. Brooke- 65 seats (-24)
Radical - Thomas Stevens - 22 seats (-17)
Royalist - Dudley Francis North - 0 seats (-7)
The Senate was a similar bloodbath. The other parties suffered losses, with the Unionists gaining almost everything off of them, securing for James Harden a majority, and the Presidency of the Senate.
Rhodesian general election, 1868; Senate elections
85 out of 170 seats required to attain a majority.
The Railroad - Patrick Johnson - 44 seats
Democratic Party - Michael Norton - 36 seats
Unionist Party - James Harden - 80 seats
Radical Party - William Carrington - 9 seats
Royalist Party - Robert Chiles - 1 seats
These results caused a bit of tension, as it meant that the Unionists did not command a majority, and would have to either form a minority government, or govern with a supply from another party. After a days of negotiations following the election, Louisa announced something that shocked many.
The Unionists formed a government with the radical liberal Radical Party, with Thomas Stevens becoming President Stirling's stand-in as Speaker of the Assembly. As well, Radicals gained control of the Home Secretary and Education Secretary positions. This coalition was confusing to many political commentators -- as the Radicals were dwarfed by the Unionists.
Most modern analysis of the 1868 general election point to the idea that President Stirling was unwilling to allow the other parties to influence her government -- and chose to go with the party that would grant her a majority, albeit a narrow one -- in exchange for influence over the education system, and a voice in foreign affairs. With 201 seats in the Assembly, and 89 seats in the Senate (both meaning a majority), Louisa Stirling took office in early 1869 in a massive ceremony in Southmere, and gave a pledge to serve her nation faithfully, and promised that "today was the first day of the future, and we shall see to it, that Rhodesia is a name that is praised in the hearts of all of Europe, and all of the world. We shall make freedom ring from the highest mountains, and from the lowest valleys..."
She also made clear her intention to "lend a soapbox for the voiceless, empower the weak, and raise all citizens, male and female, unto power, glory and pride. This is the promise we make, because it is common sense. A common sense burned into the mind of all Rhodesians, young and old..."
In September 1867, Unionist leader Patrick C.Q. Woods retired due to poor health. He had been given an honored award for his services to the country and crown -- both as President of Rhodesia before the rise of the Detestable Wilmer, and as the founding leader of the Unionist Party.
The leadership election for the Unionists saw a number of candidates vying for the role of Leader of the Party -- the initial front-runner was a Member of Parliament from Transorange, William T. Selwyn -- however, a growing "grassroots" effort by the moderate-to-liberal group of the Unionist party began to agitate for Louisa Stirling to be made leader of the Party.
While the field of candidates was broad and open at first, the election began to rapidly narrow down to the two candidates. After a number of gaffes by Mr. Selwyn, Louisa Stirling secured the leadership of her party, pledging to adhere to "National Awakening", and a general call to "do better by ourselves, and by the world abroad." -- and a need to "raise Rhodesia's status to that of a top-tier power."
President Kingsley's replacement within the party was James Cirha, the man whom had been her political ally in the Assembly.
While Thomas Stevens remained the leader of the Radical Party, the Democrats and Royalists replaced their Assembly party leaders with new faces in the hopes of gaining more votes -- backfiring seriously on them on election day.
When election day finally rolled around, the Assembly saw all the other parties than the Unionists taking hits -- the Railroad dropped from 116 seats to 101; the Democrats lost 24 seats, the Radicals 17, and the Royalists were completely liquidated from the Assembly, losing every seat, including that of their leader.
Rhodesian general election, 1868; Assembly Elections
184 out of 367 seats required to attain a majority
The Railroad - James Cirha - 101 seats (-15)
Unionist - Louisa Stirling - 179 seats (+31)
Democratic - Robert G. Brooke- 65 seats (-24)
Radical - Thomas Stevens - 22 seats (-17)
Royalist - Dudley Francis North - 0 seats (-7)
The Senate was a similar bloodbath. The other parties suffered losses, with the Unionists gaining almost everything off of them, securing for James Harden a majority, and the Presidency of the Senate.
Rhodesian general election, 1868; Senate elections
85 out of 170 seats required to attain a majority.
The Railroad - Patrick Johnson - 44 seats
Democratic Party - Michael Norton - 36 seats
Unionist Party - James Harden - 80 seats
Radical Party - William Carrington - 9 seats
Royalist Party - Robert Chiles - 1 seats
These results caused a bit of tension, as it meant that the Unionists did not command a majority, and would have to either form a minority government, or govern with a supply from another party. After a days of negotiations following the election, Louisa announced something that shocked many.
The Unionists formed a government with the radical liberal Radical Party, with Thomas Stevens becoming President Stirling's stand-in as Speaker of the Assembly. As well, Radicals gained control of the Home Secretary and Education Secretary positions. This coalition was confusing to many political commentators -- as the Radicals were dwarfed by the Unionists.
Most modern analysis of the 1868 general election point to the idea that President Stirling was unwilling to allow the other parties to influence her government -- and chose to go with the party that would grant her a majority, albeit a narrow one -- in exchange for influence over the education system, and a voice in foreign affairs. With 201 seats in the Assembly, and 89 seats in the Senate (both meaning a majority), Louisa Stirling took office in early 1869 in a massive ceremony in Southmere, and gave a pledge to serve her nation faithfully, and promised that "today was the first day of the future, and we shall see to it, that Rhodesia is a name that is praised in the hearts of all of Europe, and all of the world. We shall make freedom ring from the highest mountains, and from the lowest valleys..."
She also made clear her intention to "lend a soapbox for the voiceless, empower the weak, and raise all citizens, male and female, unto power, glory and pride. This is the promise we make, because it is common sense. A common sense burned into the mind of all Rhodesians, young and old..."
Louisa Stirling, 2nd President of Rhodesia
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