Into the Cincoverse - The Cinco de Mayo EU Thread and Wikibox Repository

Seattle Subway - Old System (Lines 5 and 6)
  • Line 5 - Westminster Triangle to Madison Park

    Opened as the Madison Line in 1952, Line 5 was known as the "Fishhook Line" colloquially for its long shape extending down upon opening from the city limit at 85th Street all the way down to downtown and its "hook" off of the 27th Avenue Tunnel towards Madison Park. At the time it was planned in the early 1940s, the Lake Washington Floating Bridge via Mercer Island had just been proposed for the first time and the Madison Terminal for ferries was still active and connected only by bus to the rest of the city; much like the Day Street Terminal, a line to the smaller ferry terminal on the mouth of the Montlake Cut made sense. By the time the line opened, however, the Floating Bridge was in her second year across the lake and the terminal would soon be obsolete; the Madison Terminal is now a mixed-use lakeside marketplace and event center surrounded by high-rise condominiums. Nonetheless, the line served an important purpose, connecting the University Park and Cowen Park neighborhoods to the University District, Eastlake and downtown via a line down 10th Avenue, intersecting with the Crosstown Line at 45th and 10th and eventually the Eastlake terminus of Line 8, which opened in 1974 and cut east-west across the north end of Capitol Hill.

    An extension of the Madison Line, later Line 5 in the post-1964 reorganization and rebrand, north of 85th street was a major point of debate and controversy for years, much like the extension of Line 3 south of the city. For one, the City of Seattle, which at the time operated the Subway on its own, was reluctant to have to share in revenue or risk with suburban municipalities it regarded as unreliable partners and wanted them to bear the full cost of lines built out of its municipal limits; other than Lake City, many suburbs did not always necessarily see the value of extending the Subway into their own neighborhoods, either, and the city of Soundview, where a Line 5 extension would have gone, had a consistently anti-Subway city council majority and mayoralty for most of the 1970s and 1980s, even as other expansion plans elsewhere went through. The growth of the Soundview Center shopping district and increasingly terrible traffic on Central Avenue and other arterials in Soundview by the early 1990s began to change attitudes, however, but by then a Line 5 extension had fallen down the priority list so that the Eastside Extension and other projects ahead of the 2000 Winter Olympics could be prioritized. Finally, in 1998, a state transportation package identified the 10th Avenue-Pinehurst corridor as one of the most traffic-clogged transit priority corridors in Washington and plans for a Line 5 extension were brushed off, studied and implemented; construction began in 2002 and would finish eight months ahead of schedule in September 2008. A debated extension of Line 5 further into Richmond Center and Richmond Highlands towards the Snohomish County Line has been proposed, but funding and a construction timetable is as of 2023 not in place and it is regarded as a low priority for King County's transit planners.

    Starting west of the Dearborn Trunk, the line since 2008 begins under the Richmond city limits at 145th and Pinehurst Boulevard, at the bottom of the neighborhood known as Westminster Triangle. From there, the line goes southeast along Pinehurst Boulevard with a stop near Central Avenue and Haller Lake, then at 125th at the north end of the Pinehurst neighborhood. From there, it turns south on 10th Avenue, following it all the way to the Seattle city limits at 85th, with stops at 100th and Soundview Center, which has emerged as a booming residential and commercial neighborhood since 2008. The line runs all the way to its connection with Line 4 at 45th Street with intermediate stops on 85th and 65th, then has one last stop at Pacific Avenue at the south end of the University District before going through a tunnel under the Montlake Cut to the Eastlake neighborhood, and then passes southwest through Cascade towards Civic Center. Once out of the 3rd Avenue and Dearborn Trunks, it follows 27th Avenue all the way to the Madison Street stop, where it turns off the trunk and exits the tunnel and hill on an elevated guideway down the middle of Madison Street, with a stop in the Madison Park neighborhood before turning into its terminal stop on top of the Madison Terminal.

    Line 6 - Capitol Hill Circular

    Line 6 was, upon its opening in 1940, probably the most controversial line in the system. An entirely contained 9.6-kilometer loop line under the heart of Capitol Hill that, at the time, had no connection to any other train in the system via a transfer stop. Pilloried as a train to nowhere, it was nonetheless an important part of the Bogue Plan, helping maneuver people around one of the city's most rapidly-emerging neighborhoods without interconnecting with other lines and thus avoiding timing issues. Since its opening, the Circular did get parallel transfer stops with Line 7 starting in 1968 upon its opening, and now is the beating heart of one of the West Coast's most densely populated areas. Due to its closed nature, Line 6 was the first line, in 2016, to get automated rolling stock that does not require a driver; the rollout of such technology elsewhere in the system has been a matter of huge controversy and so far, Line 6 remains the only automated line.

    The line runs in a loop, clockwise north to south, from Boston Street in the north down to 15th and then straight south down along 19th Avenue before turning west down Yesler, northwest at Boren and then entirely north again on Broadway all the way back up to Boston Street; on this route, it has stops at Boston Street, Boren Park, Mercer Street, 19th & Pine (where it connects to Line 7), Cherry Street, Pratt Park, Yesler Terrace, James Way, Broadway & Pike (an additional connection to Line 7, in proximity to the Pike Triangle nightlife and entertainment district), John Street, and finally Volunteer Park before finishing the loop back at Boston Street.
     
    1872 United States presidential election
  • The 1872 United States presidential election was the 22nd quadrennial presidential election of the United States, held on November 5, 1872. The election saw John T. Hoffman of New York elected with an electoral college landslide and a majority of the popular vote, thanks to the collapse of the then-ruling Republican Party into feuding factions led by Benjamin Wade of Ohio and Lyman Trumbull of Illinois, respectively.

    The Republican Party had earned supermajorities in both houses of Congress as well as the Presidency under Salmon Chase in 1868 and subsequently pursued one of the most ambitious agendas in American political history, passing two constitutional amendments to outlaw slavery, reinstate a national bank, and expand the Navy. However, the shift back to a firmer currency occurred at the precise time as corruption scandals overwhelmed the Chase administration and an attempted corner of the American gold markets by New York financiers helped trigger the Panic of 1870, helping lead to a wipeout for the Republicans in the subsequent midterms and the party soon thereafter saw the exit of "hard money" supporters of the gold standard and a laissez-faire, pro-business alignment that also campaigned against corruption, led by former President Abraham Lincoln; this faction took the name "Liberal Republicans" and would form the nucleus of the Liberal Party.

    The Democrats, meanwhile, nominated Hoffman, who was the youngest man to ever receive the Presidential nomination and had been regarded as a relatively successful and reformist Governor of New York, untainted by factional or ideological disputes that had plagued Democrats in the 1860s around the question of the War of Secession. From a definitively postwar generation and taking advantage of the new medium of photography, Hoffman cast himself as the "Candidate of Youth and Vigor" and rigorously campaigned in person across much of the industrial heartland of the United States and seeing to it that pictures of him doing so were widely disseminated, a sharp break with precedent that demanded candidates conduct "front-porch" campaigns and appealed him to the masses. Hoffman carried 18 states, including everything west of New England save for Wade's home state of Ohio, but won only a narrow majority of the popular vote; nonetheless, he entered his Presidency with healthy Democratic majorities in Congress, and within less than a decade the Republican Party of outgoing President Chase would cease to exist (Chase himself would die less than ten weeks after leaving office).

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    (credit to @GDIS Pathe for making this)
     
    Review - "Scandal: The Rise and Fall of Chris Huhne"
  • On the third season of BBC's "Scandal" series, it's a more recent media circus' time to shine - and some lessons from the fresh, lingering decade-old wounds of the Huhne Affair
    - BBC.uk, April 28, 2023

    On Sunday evening, the third series of the BBC program Scandal debuts its first of five episodes, to be played over the next five weeks, and unlike previous seasons drawing on events from decades ago, this new series focuses on something a great deal of us still remember very vividly, and how could we not? The remarkable fall of Prime Minister Chris Huhne was only just in the spring of 2012, and his conviction for perversion of the law in a scandal around getting his ex-wife Vicky Pryce to claim driving penalty points on his behalf occurred ten years ago last month.

    The Huhne Affair - "Huhnebris," as the Daily Mail infamously coined it - has remained a source of major arguments both within the Liberal Party and across British society in the decade since it happened. To Huhne's legions of remaining defenders, dark conspiracies involving opposition figures and enemies within the NLF and Cabinet - beginning with Nick Clegg - were at the core of his defenestration, reactionary and opportunistic elements alike seeking to defeat the progressive Prime Minister in his campaign to reclaim the Liberal Party and the whole of Britain for a noble and just cause. Behind the defeat of their golden boy is a cavalcade of shadowy elements ranging from a vengeful ex-wife in Pryce, jealous Orange Bookers, right-wing press barons, oil investors and coal unions, or a zealous Crown Prosecution desiring its time in the sun. Those who cheered Huhne's resignation in February 2012 retort that Huhne very clearly broke the law and that for once, a senior political figure - the Prime Minister, no less - was properly held accountable for something that any ordinary Briton would face severe penalties including prison for attempting. That it dovetailed with their perception of Huhne as an arrogant and condescending figure, or of "Same Old Liberal Sleaze," was just icing on the cake.

    The truth, Scandal posits, probably lies somewhere in between, and Martin Freeman gives some of his career-best work in humanizing the famously aloof Huhne while Emma Thompson opposite as Vicky Pryce is quite good, too, though her having a decade on Freeman - and Freeman looking young for his 51 years - distracts in their scenes together. Drawing on two very different books as source material - The Plot Against the Prime Minister, an accounting of the political ramifications of the affair in Huhne's favor by Guardian journalist Mark Roberts, and Regina v Huhne: The View From Within, a book written by former Director of Public Prosecutions Sir Keir Starmer that defends his case on its legal merits - the series suggests that Huhne certainly committed the offense that he did and the case against him was sound, but also acknowledges that compared to some of the more severe scandals around corruption (or worse) that have plagued Westminster in the last decades, Huhne's offenses were relatively tame. That raises an interesting question that has been debated ad nauseaum in British political circles since: is it right for a clearly guilty man to get off with, as the Americans are fond of saying, a slap on the wrist, due to the sins of others being worse? Or is it more just for accountability to finally be served, even against a fairly un-egregious offense?

    In terms of that debate, Scandal offers little new material. It indulges Huhnian grievances against Clegg and the other Orange Bookers, suggesting that Cabinet officials abandoning Huhne late in 2011 was political payback for his defeat of Clegg in the 2007 leadership election and, perhaps, his role in preventing "The Orange Book" from being adopted as the formal party policy/pre-manifesto in the "Battle of Hastings" at the 2003 Liberal Party Conference, and editors of Fleet Street rags are portrayed with the contempt one can imagine Huhne himself had for the tabloids. In the end though, Freeman's performance of a well-meaning but stiff man persuaded of his own importance to the party arrives back at the frequent conclusion that has been drawn by many more neutral observers - pressuring Pryce to take his penalty points to avoid having his license suspended in 2003 was a silly thing to do, and having a suspended license for speeding would have hardly killed his political career as it was on the upswing.

    Where Scandal does get more interesting, however, is in its take on Pryce, always the lesser-considered party in the arrangement. Contemporary concerns about women in politics are reflected through a look at the Greek-born economist wife of a potential future Prime Minister and a more feminist lens on the affair suggests not an abusive Huhne, as some women suggested in editorials, but rather a difficult marriage with a fair deal of pressure to take the points for the power couple's advancement. "It isn't just me who benefits when we sacrifice," Huhne pleads with Pryce in the episode covering the fateful decision to have her claim his penalty points for herself and lie that she had been driving when captured on speed cameras. "This is for both of us." Thompson finds something interesting in Pryce, a portrayal of an accomplished woman in her own right shunted into a supporting role, attacked by conservatives for her Greek nationality and as a convenient punching bag and by people she thought were allies now attacking her because they blame her for her husband's failings. Pryce has remained largely silent over the last decade, choosing to reflect on her brief prison sentence with a book on penal reform ideas and returning to academia quietly, and one wonders what she thinks of Thompson's nuanced, layered take of her as a conflicted, cautious woman who in the end pays the price of her partner's mistakes that she reluctantly participated in.

    Whatever one thinks of the Huhne Affair and its still-felt aftermath in British politics over the last ten years, there are some new ideas explored here and the production value, acting and writing is sharp as the previous entries into the Scandal anthology. That said, don't watch it hoping to make up your mind - Huhnebris was a complicated matter that Scandal struggles to find a firm opinion on, and odds are you drew your conclusions on it long ago.
     
    PRA Championship - End of Regular Season Power Rankings
  • End of Spring Season Power Rankings - PRA Championship 2022-23
    - SportsNet.en 5/5/2023

    The first weekend in May's traditional bye week for the Open Cup Final gives us a chance to look back at the 2022-23 season of the top flight of United States professional rugby, the PRA Championship, ahead of next week's preview of the six teams moving on to the Championship Final Playoff, and the annual Play-In for Promotion and Relegation to the Championship or dropping to the 2nd Division. It's been a wild, twisty year of rugby in the Championship - let's see how it all shook out after the final match day last weekend.

    1. Eskimos RFC - The defending Halas Cup winners proved all the naysayers wrong with a tremendous performance this season, staying in the top position for the entirety of the Fall Season and trading places throughout the Spring Season with Philadelphia Eagles only to come out on top in the end. Eskimos have stayed focused and disciplined throughout, relying on the steady play of flanker Khalil Mack to win scrums and keep pressure on the opposition, and the emergence of fly-half Marcus Brown over the Spring Season has opened up huge opportunities for scoring that weren't there during the Cinderella run last year. Having won the Doritos Cup by virtue of their top position at the conclusion of the Championship, the side from Duluth looks well-positioned, if perhaps the favorite, to repeat their Final title on May 27th in Philadelphia.
    2. Philadelphia Eagles - Gang Green in our nation's capital lost out on a Doritos Cup and opportunity for a Triple Crown on goal difference, and you can be certain when they head to Oakland this Sunday for the Open Cup Final they will not forget that. The top-scoring team in the Championship this past season looks to build on its daring title chase and put its surrendering of five points to lose the Doritos Cup over the course of May to Eskimos as it heads into May with a bye on the first weekend of the playoff to rest up after its Open Cup trials; Welshman Josh Adams looks ready to dominate the Playoff as he did all season long and build on his likely Most Valuable Player trophy with a Halas Cup won at home ground in Philadelphia to go with it.
    3. New York Titans - A year after their Doritos Cup win and subsequent Playoff defeat, Titans are back in the third position in the Playoff and look retooled and ready for a Playoff push; this is a club designed for May rugby. A tricky match against Cleveland Rams looms on May 13th in Queens, but Julian Montoya, Chase Young and company are looking to meet the challenge once again, no matter what comes, before the club's Final window closes.
    4. Metropolitan Rugby Club of New York - Titans' glitzier, more decorated cousin returns to the Playoff for the first time since its improbable 2019 Halas Cup run, in the fifth position but in fourth in our rankings; the surge starting in late March after a middling mid-table performance during the Fall Season suggests possibly the hottest team in the Championship with genuine momentum coming into the Playoff, rather than a roster of overpaid malcontents as is often the case in Midtown. A mix of international stars - Antoine Dupont, with the PRA's richest contract - and North American stalwarts including 2021 Rugby World Cup star Malcolm Brown have once again given Metropolitan Rugby an expensive, talented roster that could easily compete for a World Cup on its own. A match against an equally-resurgent Chicago Bears makes for an intriguing matchup between two of the most decorated clubs in the history of the sport, a jolt of blue blood to the Playoff in a year where the Doritos Cup heads to Duluth.
    5. Chicago Bears - After years of mediocrity following the end of the Lovie Smith-era dynasty, Bears are back from hibernation, and though they struggled to maintain their third - at one point second! - position following a strong Fall Season start, Vic Fangio's club is nonetheless classic Chicago - disciplined, aggressive in the scrum, and well-balanced between forwards and backs. A deep playoff run is not out of the question, but this young and eager team looks ready to build on its experience this season before a push next year to bring the Halas Cup home to the club founded by its namesake.
    6. Cleveland Rams - Last year's Open Cup champion and Final runner-up squeaks back into the Playoff in the sixth position after starting April in eighth; all that matters, though, is that you make the big dance. Rams look remarkably similar to the side that collected silverware last season and fought their way through a difficult Playoff schedule to San Diego for the final. Titans looms next weekend first, but Rams showed already this season why you don't want to bet against Cleveland when it comes to a late-season drive.
    7. Chicago Cardinals - The South Side looked likely to advance to the Playoff for the first time since 2014-15 and only their fifth time in club history until dropping their last three games and being pipped by Rams; a lot of grim recriminations will be going around at 34th Street this month as Charles Taylor and company head to the golf course rather than Queens for a Playoff showdown. Cardinals at least have the future to look forward to, with a young and cheap roster, but dropping such an opportunity will sting all summer long until Fall Season begins.
    8. Boston Redskins - Though removed from the absurd Triple Crown-winning season of 2019-20 in which Boston seemed utterly unstoppable, the aging and veteran Skins core still showed signs of life all season long after last year's poor Championship play, in which they nearly joined Seattle in relegation. Still, consistently mid-table is not the performance Boston fans are accustomed to after two Halas Cups in three years along with other silverware between 2018 and 2020, and do not be surprised if there is significant roster retooling to improve the forwards positions in Boston over the summer after Redskins had one of the worst rates of winning the scrum in any of the PRA's three levels.
    9. Detroit Panthers - Mitch Peterson announced his arrival in nearly taking the scoring crown off of Josh Adams this season, and Detroit looked dangerous for much of the year even if consistently mid-table, including the stunning upset win at Eskimos in which Peterson scored four tries. A shaky Fall Season limited Panthers' upside, but this club could regroup and reload over the next few months to make a credible push next year, especially as Michigan rugby fans are starting to get expectations thanks to the recent success of the Michigan Wolverines
    10. Oilers Los Angeles - Oilers have never quite figured out how to best take advantage of their powerful forwards and seem to be a West Coast version of Metropolitan - expensive wings, often from Europe or Australia, who can't gel and care more about the national side tournaments. Despite seeming to be a relegation threat much of the year, Oilers recovered in March to get out of the drop zone, but several difficult decisions about the future of this roster - in particular England's Owen Farrell - loom.
    11. San Francisco 49ers - A year after falling just shy of a return to the Final, 49ers collapsed in Spring Season thanks to injuries and were lucky that they built a credible points bank over Fall because they looked likely to join West Coast clubs Oregon and San Diego in the drop zone for much of February and March. Do not expect Handre Pallard to be back, nor flanker Fred Warner; star winger Christian McCaffrey has already announced he'll return, but what will surround him seems an open question.
    12. Green Bay RC - Another Playoff club from last year ravaged by injuries and roster turnover, the Packers announced on Black Monday they've sacked the majority of their staff and will be starting over from scratch; that fellow Upper Midwestern small-market rival Eskimos are thriving while Green Bay seems to be mired in midtable mediocrity is surely a major factor in frustrations in northern Wisconsin, even as Milwaukee remain tentatively stuck in the 2nd Division as compensation. Whether Canadian international Jack Edwards returns is the key question at Green Bay this summer; the head-and-shoulders best player at the club, Edwards' suspected departure to a bigger-money club such as Oilers or Metropolitan is a real risk for the Pack
    13. Kansas City Chiefs - The Chiefs stayed one spot out of the drop zone and thus enjoy our 13th position in the Power Rankings. This was not a good year at Arrowhead, not helped by the departure of several starters from the creditable 2021-22 campaign nor by the frequent feuding between internationals Dan Biggar and George Ford over playing time. Chiefs have a terrific roster on paper that has never quite gelled; ideally, new management can help tap its potential.
    14. Chargers RC - San Diego placed in the highest drop zone spot and thus earns the right to face the fourth-best 2nd Division team in next weekend's Play-In - in this case, perennial Play-In aspirant Los Angeles Aztecs. Chargers should be favored there and against whoever they square off against the next weekend as well to keep the final Championship spot, though Play-In history is littered with 14th-placed clubs flaming out and being relegated unexpectedly. How fly-half Justin Herbert performs for his club here will be the key.
    15. Baltimore Colts - Colts are not good, nor have they been good in some time, but Colts are at risk of relegation for the first time since their dire late 1990s period having spent twenty-two consecutive seasons in the Championship. Felipe Burchesi will almost certainly leave the club in June if relegation occurs, and Chris Ashton is retiring regardless, thus denying Colts two of their best internationals; it has been made abundantly plain to manager Ronan O'Gara he is coaching for his job next Saturday. Ashton stated this week that he wants to end his career having kept Colts in the Championship and other players are certainly motivated, though Milwaukee Maroons poses a tricky challenge for a side that has been dire all season long.
    16. Oregon Evergreen RFC - Nobody else belongs in this spot - the sole automatic drop from the Championship means you are, by definition, the worst team in the Championship, and Oregon fits that bill. All year long, it never went higher than 15th for a brief spell in two weeks in Fall Season, and they "secured" relegation on the last weekend of March, a record. The 2022-23 campaign by Evergreen is perhaps among the statistically worst in the history of the Championship, and as Oregon returns to the 2nd Division after five uneven seasons in the top flight, look for significant changes in Portland over the next three months bordering on burning the whole thing to the ground. Evergreen is up for sale, and there will certainly be a new scouting chief, new managers, and probably a whole host of new players signed or on loan; some Portland beat writers expect close to 70% roster turnover. Only question then is how much worse it can get at Evergreen before it gets better.
     
    2020 Canadian federal election
  • The 2020 Canadian federal election was held on October 20, 2020, to elect the 45th Parliament of Canada. The minority government of James Moore, Conservative Prime Minister since November of 2015, was defeated in a landslide, along with its further-right confidence provider Reform, and replaced by a minority government under the Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation of Peter Julian, who was acclaimed as Prime Minister upon his securing a confidence and supply agreement with the Liberal Party and Green Party.

    After taking over for John Baird after the November 24, 2015 extraordinary leadership convention, Moore had surprised observers by leading the Tories to a second minority government a year later in the 2016 elections in which they gained seats, buffeted by a strong economy and weak opposition leaders. During the following Parliament, however, Moore's government had been riven by infighting between moderate and conservative factions and was deeply unpopular with both the left and the "crank right" after signing the United States-Canada Free Association Agreement, in which Canada agreed to further limit its tariffs on American products and, crucially, entered a passport union with the United States that eliminated all border controls on both sides. Controversies plagued several reports on paramilitary violence in the late 1980s and early 1990s under the provisions of the State Secrets Act that implicated public figures in the political and economic chaos surrounding the revocation of Confederation by Quebec, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, in particular several senior Tory grandees including former party chairman Tom Long. Corruption scandals took down Moore's Finance Minister Rob Nicholson in 2018 and Foreign Minister Scott Reid was forced to resign from Parliament in 2019 after being caught on camera suggesting Chinese-Canadian businesses in Toronto were a front for heroin dealers. Exacerbating issues, Moore's government was forced into an unpopular and unprecedented vote of confidence on recognizing same-sex civil unions early in 2020 following the passage of the Ontario Human Rights Ordinance under that province's Liberal government, with Moore supporting provincial conscience but his Reform partners threatening to bring down government, and the Tories and Reform together blocked the implementation of OHRO by one vote. Besides social issues and questions of corruption swirling around the government, the 2019-20 recession struck Canada particularly hard, and by the time the writs of election were dropped in early August for a seventy-five day campaign, Canada's unemployment rate was 8.8%, a full two points higher than a year earlier and its highest level in a decade.

    The campaign began with a high-single digit polling lead for the CCF, led by Peter Julian since summer of 2017 and running on a pragmatic platform of provincial conscience, immigration reform, alleviation for unemployment and the cost-of-living crisis, and infrastructure spending. The traditionally third-party Liberals, meanwhile, were led into the campaign by Mark Holland, one of the few survivors of the 2008 and 2012 electoral disasters inflicted upon the party and enjoying the advantage of being the only major party leader from Ontario (Moore, Julian, and Reform leader Mark Strahl all hailed from British Columbia, as did longtime Greens leader Elizabeth May) and who campaigned on a more centrist-progressive straightforward platform to appeal to Toronto and Vancouver suburbanites turned off by Moore's pivot to the right on OHRO. Surprising observers was a surge of support for the Canadian Action Party which emerged as an anti-trade protest organization that attracted a variety of fringe figures of both left and right, running in direct opposition to the Free Association Agreement and positioning itself as an alternative to Reform for anti-centralist, conservative voters skeptical of Reform's shift rightwards on social issues during the 2010s and lack of appeal outside of the West.

    The 2020 election was an unprecedented landslide defeat for the longstanding "party of government" Tories, their worst performance in both percentage and total seat count since Confederation, losing half their caucus, the majority of their frontbench and even Moore himself was defeated in his home riding. Conservatives were shut out of British Columbia for the first time in history and retained only 19 seats west of Ontario, just two ahead of traditionally Western-focused Reform. Reform's leader Strahl was himself defeat, though the party suffered a loss of only seven seats. The CCF gained 14 seats to become the largest in Parliament, largely on the strength of a ten-seat pickup in British Columbia, and became the first party to go from opposition to government while failing to add additional seats in Ontario; Holland's Liberals, in addition to winning their first seats west of Manitoba since 2005, emerged as the second-largest party in Ontario behind the CCF. The election was in particular noted for the overperformance of Canadian Action, which had been expected to perhaps stand pat, particularly in the provinces of Ontario and Alberta where it won several CCF and Tory targets.

    Following the election there was some question of whether Holland would enter a coalition with the CCF, or whether he would attempt to serve as Opposition Leader; on October 22, 2020, Holland announced a ten-point confidence agreement with the CCF for the 45th Parliament through 2024 which the Greens under May endorsed separately, and Julian became the Prime Minister of Canada the next day.


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    Seattle Subway - New System (Lines 7-9)
  • The New System of the Seattle Subway refers to the lines created after the completion of the initial Bogue System by 1960 and the reorganization of the lines in 1964. In total, this includes Lines 7-13 of the Subway, primarily focused on extending rapid, six-minute-headway lines out into Seattle's suburbs, as well as proposed or under-construction future lines. As Lines 9, 10, 11, 12 and 13 were all opened (or intended to be opened) in conjunction with the 2000 Winter Olympics, New System lines are also often referred to as "Olympic System" lines or, due to their association with Mayor Norm Rice, "Rice Trains" or "the Norm System."

    Line 7 - Madrona to Des Moines

    The strain on the Dearborn Trunk, 3rd Avenue Tunnel and 27th Avenue Tunnel meant that any additional lines would need to enjoy their own infrastructure, and in the wake of congestion during the 1958 Winter Olympics the Subway decided to extend service into previously-underserved South Seattle, particularly in the proximity of King County Airport, today known as Boeing Field, which at the time was still a small commercial airport that had been frequently used during the Olympics. The Line was placed in its own tunnel bisecting Capitol Hill east-west, beginning at a terminus in Madrona and running through what was known as the Pine Street Tunnel, with connections to the lines on the 27th Avenue Tunnel as well as the Capitol Hill Circulator (Line 6) at stations at 19th Avenue and at Broadway. From there, it continued into downtown, connecting to the 3rd Avenue Tunnel at a new deep station at 3rd and Pike, before entering a tunnel running the length of Western Avenue near the waterfront and then under 1st the entire length of the Industrial District to the Duwamish River, where it emerged onto a high bridge over the river into the South Park neighborhood. This initial line, completed for revenue service in December of 1968, connected people to industrial harbor jobs and was in relatively close proximity to King County Airfield.

    More changes were to come, though, as the line was well short of Seattle-Henry Jackson International Airport, then known as Seattle-Tacoma International. Arguments for a route of extension to SEA dominated regional planning discussions for nearly two decades as other lines were opened or streamlined and planned, with a particular debate around the long-term needs at SEA and the placement of its parking facilities. A route and approach were finally decided upon in 1981 and the extension to Seattle-Jackson was finally completed in March 1988, unfortunately a mere eight months before the collapse in air travel during the late 1980s oil crisis began, leaving the line used more sparingly than intended for the first several years of its use. Further extensions of the Line 7 were largely discounted for years, with focus instead placed on running other lines on its infrastructure to get more trains-per-hour to Seattle-Jackson, but a proposal to extend the line to a terminus at Highline College in Des Moines was finally approved by regional planners in 2012 during discussions on how to get more lines extended into South King County, and the Des Moines Extension, despite cost overruns and delays, finally opened in July 2020.

    Line 8 - Eastlake to South Center

    The Roanoke Tunnel was an idea bandied about in the original Bogue Plan that was put off for years due to concerns about its viability - Eastlake was, after all, already on a major north-south line. However, with spare capacity in the 27th Avenue Tunnel for the time being and a relative lack of interest in ending a future Line 8 at the increasingly obsolete Madison Terminal, Eastlake, via a tunnel under Roanoke, became the most obvious terminus for a new line, and Line 8's opening in 1974 made the neighborhood sandwiched between Lake Union and Capitol Hill thus a major transit hub that it remains to this day. The core of Line 8 was not its small hook west to Eastlake off of the 27th Avenue Tunnel, however, but rather the "New Dearborn Trunk" built between 1971-73 immediately south of the existing tunnel, with stations on the Old Trunk and New Trunk capable of cross-mezzanine transfers between lines using each track. The New Trunk thus opened up considerably more east-west capacity at the south end of downtown Seattle but also was unable to interline directly with the 3rd Avenue Tunnel, and so a new solution was born - running trains out of the New Trunk south, on an elevated guideway over 8th Avenue through the Industrial District. This 8th Avenue Elevated would be designed even in the 1970s to support an interchange station on the Spokane Street Viaduct, and continued on south initially with stops in Georgetown and at King County Airport (allowing airport employees a potential one seat ride to work) and then a final stop at North Marginal until an extension via the Duwamish Bridge to North Tukwila was completed in 1980.

    Much like the Des Moines Extension, this remained Line 8's terminus for over thirty years, until a six-kilometer extension to the old South Center Mall campus was completed in 2014 after being approved in 2008; not coincidentally, in 2014, a master plan for a massive eco-district in central Tukwila at the previously auto-oriented South Center site was approved and began construction three years later, and the South Center Extension passed relatively close to the Tukwila station on the Amrail mainline for commuter and intercity rail services.

    Line 9 - Eastlake to Burien

    Other than small line extensions, the 1980s were a generally quiet time for the Subway, but planning for the 2000 Winter Olympic bid that would succeed in 1993 required a major push for hotel, airport and transport capacity in the Puget Sound region and Line 9 was designed to be a part of that. One major complaint in prior years had been the lack of connection for West Seattle to the rest of the system, which Seattle Mayor Norm Rice declared in 1988 during his inaugural "would be corrected at last" - indeed, planning for a "SkyBridge" over the Duwamish River had begun even before he came to office, but the largest expansion of the Subway since the 1930s/early 1940s heyday was set aside for the 1990s as Seattle boomed and the Olympics loomed. The first piece would be the opening of the SkyBridge between the Spokane Street Viaduct interconnection with the 8th Avenue Elevated, and when Line 9 opened in February of 1992 it ran only to a station at Delridge North, but still West Seattle finally had its subway connection. Phased openings then followed, frustrating residents and transit planners alike as overruns and delays plagued Rice's ambitious "Millennium Project" in the city proper. The line was opened along Delridge Avenue all the way to Delridge South in June of 1994, and finally the Burien extension was wrapped up in August of 1996, a full four years after it had been intended to be complete, though the litigious and expensive story of Line 9 was nothing compared to some of the other "Olympic System" plans that would become infamous over the same years...
     
    National ID Standards Act of 2005
  • National ID Standards Act of 2005, commonly known as the NIDS Act, was a major act of legislation in the United States that for the first time standardized identity documents nationwide, hybridizing a federal standard known as the National Identification Documents Standard (NIDS) as a national identification card for every American citizen, permanent resident (also known as green card holders) and long-term visa resident. NIDS was paired with the North American Passport Standard (NAPS) to create uniform standards for personal domestic and international identity documents for all current and potential future members of the North American Free Travel Area (NAFTA), one of the major endeavors of President Roger Goodell and his successors of both parties.

    Prior to the passage of the NIDS Act, standards for identification had varied widely from state to state, and the standards for border controls between various North American countries was somewhat ad hoc. The terrorism waves of the mid-1990s and again in the early 2000s had threatened to derail conversations in North America about a potential free travel area and passport union, and common standards for ID documents for such a union were regarded as a prerequisite. With multiparty talks on the proposed free travel area largely collapsing after the 2003 bombing campaign by the Fellowship Army and heightened illegal migration thanks to the economic fallout of the 2002 financial crisis, the incoming Goodell administration in early 2005 elected to pursue the NIDS program as a unilateral first step to create a simple, secure process for a national identification card that could be used as a springboard of common document safety standards across North America. The proposal was not without controversy; the small Socialist and Independent Conservatives caucuses both unilaterally announced they would oppose the act on principle, the latter due to their firm opposition to free travel. The initial versions of the act introduced by Representative Mike Castle (L-DE) proposed a single, separate National ID Card that all Americans would be required to apply for, drawing robust opposition from Democrats. A compromise was pieced together from Democratic leaders in the Senate who instead proposed an alternative, suggesting uniform standards for various types of state identification that would be NIDS compliant, tying approval of NIDS into the renewal that same year of the National Voter Registration Act's funding separate from the controversial 2005 omnibus budget. This lost the bill support amongst many conservative Liberals, but it nonetheless passed by healthy margins and was signed into law by Goodell.

    NIDS was not without controversy outside of the United States, as upon the resumption of FTAA talks in the 2006 Panamerican Congress in San Juan, Puerto Rico the Goodell administration outlined its intention to use NIDS as a standard for national identification cards in any future free association area, and the adoption of the NAPS Protocol for passports of member states via multilateral agreement between the United States, Mexico, Cuba and Nicaragua in 2008 solidified NIDS as the identity document standard moving forward. Canadian Prime Minister Jack Layton and Quebecois Prime Minister Gilles Duceppe were famously opponents of Canada adopting NIDS/NAPS during the late 2000s and early 2010s despite their maneuvers towards greater economic integration with the United States, though both would be adopted in the mid-2010s by their successors.

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    (All a bit down in the weeds, but hopefully gives a taste of what North America is like in present day with the implementation of a common travel area/passport union, vs. the North America of today which is... definitely not that)
     

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    The Economist (June 12, 2023)
  • "...ways. Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois is sanguine but optimistic about the challenges Quebec faces, noting that he emerged from the 2011 student protests that virtually shut down the country as a major political figure from anonymity and that the students were successful in the end, after all, in getting the government to blink on the tuition hikes. Having won the June 1st elections just a day after his 33rd birthday, "GND" is all forward-looking perk, conventionally handsome, fluent in four languages and able to rattle off a laundry list of left-wing priorities for the country now that the hated Maxime Bernier is gone, for now.

    Of course, GND elides some strange truths about his home country, possibly by virtue of his and many of his incoming government's considerable youth. When the youngsters who largely staff the democratic-socialist Quebec Solidaire were children in the late 1980s and much of the 1990s, Quebec was synonymous with debt crisis, dauntingly high unemployment and considerable brain drain, narrowly avoiding total economic and demographic collapse in the first half of the decade but nonetheless a basket case in a continent full of them. Ironically, Quebec's best economic performance since voting for independence in 1991 and formally achieving it just over a year later in January 1993 was over the last ten years, despite remarkable political dysfunction and a rotating door of Prime Ministers in which the average tenure was less than two years. The chaos of the 1990s and the stagnation under the long premiership of Gilles Duceppe in the 2000s is gone - Quebec's position as a clean energy and electric technology superpower has supercharged its economy since those protests that helped bring Duceppe down, while dramatically reducing unemployment and the national debt.

    This is not to say that Quebec is pirouetting from success to success, because it isn't. Her per capita income and gross domestic product is about two-thirds that of neighboring Canada and barely over a third that of the United States - hardly what Quebecois nationalists promised their countrymen in the heyday of 1991. While the biker gangs that ran much of the provincial countryside deep into the 2000s have been largely crushed, organized crime, gun violence and drug use remain higher than in Canada or the Atlantic Union and teenage motherhood is the highest in North America behind the Confederate States.

    GND, perhaps unsurprisingly, lays much of the blame at the feet of his immediate predecessor, the bombastic and ultra-orthodox liberal populist Max Bernier, stating that in his four years in charge of Ville-du-Quebec he slashed education and healthcare budgets to the bone, fired hundreds of public servants including experienced police officers, and that his suspension of agricultural supply management has wreaked havoc on rural areas of the province. The elections of June 1st were meant to be a triumph over Bernier's increasingly illiberal and right-wing worldview, but the ADQ - Democratic Action of Quebec - remained the province's largest party, by one seat, over the Quebec Soildaire. It is for that reason that it took eleven days to form a government and that GND's new government is an unwieldy multiparty coalition.

    It contains not only the stridently youth-politics, democratic socialist and alter-globalist QS but also the Social Democratic Alliance and Quebecois Party, its fellow travelers on the left, plus the progressive-liberal Democratic Center and the formally nonpartisan Indigenous Voice. This five-party coalition enjoys a healthy, massive majority in the National Assembly after the ADQ's surprise overperformance, landing ahead of three right-wing parties and smaller centrist and regional outfits, but it will initially be unwieldy and, to put it mildly, inexperienced. GND reserved the Finance Ministry to Christine Labrie, a former history teacher who while not regarded as a party firebrand nonetheless has little if any economic background and seems chosen mostly for her essays criticizing capitalist history and remarkably nationalist views on Quebec's time within Canada; at Foreign Affairs one can find Sol Zanetti, who has questioned the continued perpetuation of the Commonwealth of Nations and in a speech advocated not just Quebec but Canada and Ireland withdraw from it and encouraged Scotland to consider exiting the United Kingdom.

    Beyond the long idealists around GND, the ASD and PQ will want to exercise a fair deal of influence, particularly as seeing that the former came close to matching QS on seat count and will expect to be treated as an equal rather than junior partner. Guy Caron, the party's leader and an experienced and sober figure, has, perhaps to Zanetti's chagrin, been given the Commonwealth Relations portfolio and ethics advocate Alexandre Boulerice will manage the Public Safety ministry, while Alexandrine Latendresse, an intriguing young reformer, looks to make recommendations around constitutional reform and strengthening Quebec's democracy after it has been battered by four years of Bernierisme and his cronyist policies. Had these kinds of names been put in power during the ASD's government from 2016, it may be that party that was the champion rather than wingman of the ascendant Quebecois left.

    Nonetheless, how GND manages these issues will be paramount, and so far he has remained vague but sought to reassure investors and the public alike. The "collectives" of QS govern by consensus and he has promised that the cooperative parties will be consulted as well. His government's immediate priorities are to lower unemployment, perhaps unsurprisingly slash school fees (a matter close to GND's heart) and explore the implementation of a universal dividend from Hydro-Quebec - the state-owned and cash-flush hydroelectric and nuclear utility that underpins much of Quebec's clean-industry dominance - to the country's population as a form of universal basic income..."

    - "The Young and the Restless: Quebec's New Prime Minister Takes Over" June 12, 2023
     
    2023 Quebec general election
  • The 2023 Quebec general election was held on May 31, 2023 to elect 265 members of the National Assembly of Quebec via mixed-member proportional vote. The elections were a landslide defeat for the ruling right-wing coalition of the Democratic Action (Action Democratique, ADQ) and Quebec Debout, headed for the previous four years by Maxime Bernier and former Prime Minister Pierre-Karl Peladeau. While ADQ remained the largest party in the National Assembly, they were replaced as head of the government by a four-party coalition that was formed after ten days of negotiations and sworn in at the start of the new National Assembly on June 12th, 2023 headed by Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois, leader of the democratic socialist and ecologist Quebec Solidaire (QS) collective, supported by the center-left Social Democratic Alliance (ASD), centrist Democratic Centre (CD) and nationalist Parti Quebecois (PQ) in what was branded "the People's Quadrant."

    Maxime Bernier, leader of the ADQ since late 2014, had led the party to an increased role as kingmaker in the National Assembly in 2016 following the collapse of the Peladeau-Boisclair coalition the previous autumn and subsequently led the ADQ to the party's best performance in history in 2019, in which it nearly won an absolute majority on its own and entered into a coalition with Peladeau's QD. Taking over near the beginning of the late 2010s recession in Quebec after a decade of unusually strong economic growth, Bernier was elected on a platform of ultra-liberal economics and right-populist social causes, including slashing Quebec's immigration allowance from 50,000 per annum to 30,000 per annum from outside the North American Free Travel Area (NAFTA) while tightening immigration requirements to prioritize educated and affluent immigrants who are partially or fully fluent in French. In what came to be titled by the Quebecois press as "the grand experiment," Bernier's government pursued a policy of strict austerity with aggressive budget cuts and "cost-sharing" on healthcare, university tuition, and automobile insurance, continued the previous Peladeau government's policy of hostility to organized labor, and most controversially ended a number of economic and environmental regulations including the protectionist agricultural policy known as supply management ahead of signing an expanded free trade agreement with the United States ahead of Quebec's formal entry into the NAFTA on January 31, 2022. Starting in 2022, the Bernier government also began a series of privatizations, including selling Radio-Quebec to the Quebecor media group owned by Peladeau, who quickly responded by firing dozens of critical journalists, inviting massive protests in Montreal that were thought of as reinvigorating an opposition that had been moribund the previous few years.

    The opposition also benefitted from more dynamic leadership than in previous years; the ASD, which had led government from 2016-19 under a rotating cast of Prime Ministers, consolidated behind Guy Caron as its leader and shifted more decisively to the center. QS, meanwhile, appointed former student protest leader Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois, at the time only 29 years old, as its "chief spokesperson" in November 2019 and the following year signed an electoral pact with the Green Party which would absorb the latter as a "collective" within the group. The former "party of government" in the PQ also found younger, more dynamic leadership in the youthful and telegenic Paul St-Pierre Plamondon, while the liberal-progressive Democratic Centre attempted to reinvigorate the Quebecois progressive center by recruiting former Montreal Mayor Melanie Joly as its leader after the disastrous Andre Boisclair and tepid Pierre Morneau years.

    Bernier called for elections for May 31, 2023, about a month before they were due, with allegations that he was attempting to influence the result by having it at the precise time that CEGEP and university students were in exams. Despite strong first quarter economic numbers being released in early May and twelve straight months of falling unemployment, Bernier's combative personality and four exhausting years of controversial austerity even during the economic recovery soured many cosmopolitan voters in Greater Montreal and the Capital Region on his premiership. Nearly half of the ADQ and QD caucuses were defeated, and the once-supermajority PQ lost seats for the sixth consecutive election dating back to 2006. Though the more traditional center-left ASD had been expected to win as many as 80 to 90 seats, they underperformed expectations thanks to a massive surge of support for the considerably more radical QS, which dominated with voters under 35 and quadrupled their representation, going from fringe party to potential party of government. Meanwhile, the CD performed well in Montreal, particularly more Anglophone-heavy and liberal-leaning West Island, drawing many moderate ADQ voters, while QS dominated Middle and East Island as well as Laval; ASD did well in suburban areas and the Monteregie. ADQ and QD grew their support, meanwhile, in rural and exurban areas and some industrial small cities, particularly Gatineau. The ultra-nationalist Front Patriotique associated with terrorist organization Le Meute and other neo-integralist organizations returned to the National Assembly, doubling their representation from 2 to 4 seats.

    On June 1, Maxime Bernier was offered by Governor-General of Quebec Denis Coderre the chance to form a government; with his caucus and QD unable to reach a majority on their own, Bernier offered Caron a three-party coalition deal that Peladeau-aligned media called the Cordon Sanitaire against the QS' more radical brand of socialism on June 2, which was rejected later that day. Caron thereafter announced on June 4 that he would accept a government with Nadeau-Dubois at its head after consulting with Plamondon and Joly to reach consensus that there was no viable government that could exclude one of ADQ or QS. Nadeau-Dubois subsequently negotiated an agreement with Caron that would bring QS and ADQ into a formal governing coalition, initially intended to rely on the support of ten non-partisan members of the National Assembly reserved to Indigenous tribes and confidence from either CD or PQ. Joly and Plamondon on June 7 announced they would not provide confidence and would only support a government "from within," thus leading to a coalition agreement branded "People's Quadrant" on June 9, with rearranged Cabinet positions. On June 12, Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois - having just turned 33 on May 31, the day of the election - became the youngest Prime Minister in the world and the youngest in Quebecois history.


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    2016 Canadian federal election
  • The 2016 Canadian federal election was held on November 17, 2016 to elect the House of Commons of Canada. The House of Commons had been expanded to 231 seats as part of the 2012-13 redistribution of ridings, and the center-right Conservative Party was reelected to a second parliament as the head of a minority government with the support of the right-wing Reform Party.

    With a middling economy and the groundswell of public support after the August 2011 death of Prime Minister Jack Layton having subsided, the Conservative Party had narrowly defeated the governing Co-operative Commonwealth Federation in the 2012 election, forming a minority administration under John Baird in something of an unexpected upset. Unlike 2000, when the Tories had formed a formal coalition with Reform known as the Canadian Alliance, Baird elected to govern under confidence and supply and governed cautiously, avoiding controversy and raising taxes slightly while freezing spending at 2012 levels for his first two budgets. The Tories generally narrowly led most opinion polls until 2015, when the CCF of Paul Dewar - the previous Prime Minister - took small leads throughout the spring. Baird shocked Canada when after less than three years as Prime Minister he announced without warning that he had "lost his fire" and would resign as Prime Minister effective the conclusion of a leadership election, noting that he had never particularly desired the position in the first place. Following a four-month campaign from July to November, James Moore of British Columbia became the new Prime Minister of Canada after winning the 2015 extraordinary leadership race a year out from the next scheduled election.

    The Moore government largely reshuffled existing personnel, most prominently promoting Defense Minister Rob Nicholson to the Finance Ministry, but did not markedly change its approach as the Canadian economy grew at its fastest pace in decades and unemployment shrank. Governing more from the center than the right, the Moore government thus improved its polling numbers ahead of the 2016 elections. Meanwhile, Dewar kept the CCF aligned behind him as he had after taking over for the late Layton in 2011, but faced a new threat from the Liberal Party, which had shifted left under its new leader Mark Holland and was campaigning aggressively in Ontario, its traditional heartland. Moore's pivot to the center also left space on the Tories' right for the resurgent Reform Party. As such, the election saw a limit on the ability of the governing Tories to pick up seats; the Conservative Party gained seven seats, the same number of seats as the opposition CCF lost, but the Liberals and Reformists both won double-digit seats as parties picked up in redistributed ridings. As such, the 2016 polls were regarded as a status-quo election that saw the minor parties gain but the two main parties largely enjoy similar seat counts as pre-election with only minor adjustments; Dewar announced the next day he would step down as leader of the CCF after leading the party to seat losses in two consecutive elections.

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    2024 FIFA World Cup Qualification - SportsNet.en
  • As the 2023 Confederations Cup kicks off tomorrow night in Manchester with a match between Great Britain and Australia, it also means we are less than a year from the kickoff of the 2024 FIFA World Cup, as Britain hosts the event for a record third time and seeks a fourth World Cup title at the same time that Mexico looks to defend its own silverware from 2020 with what would be an historic, record-extending sixth championship. So far, though, only Great Britain have qualified as hosts - and as the Confederations Cup starts up this week, so do qualifying matches restart tonight for the big show next year in a variety of confederations. What are some things to watch over the home stretch of these last five months as the odyssey of qualification draws to a close?

    UEFA

    France is in position to qualify with a win over Hungary this weekend, and would thus be the second team to make it to Britain with a mere three points; even with a draw or loss, it is statistically impossible for either France or Hungary not to advance to either the World Cup or the playoff. The rest of the picture is more muddled. Norway continues to top her group and could qualify for only the second time in her history, but faces a tricky game against Italy and a potential revenge game against Austria in qualifying's toughest group. Sweden has looked more pedestrian than usual and faces a genuine challenge from a good Croatia side nipping at her heels; how an aging Marcus Berg handles what is surely his last qualifying campaign will tell volumes. Rounding out major European sides, Netherlands, still riding high off their European championship, are in Britain for the Confederations Cup, but runners-up Spain look ready to take three points off Ireland tonight to set themselves up for qualification in the next match at the end of the month against Switzerland.

    The biggest disappointment remains Germany, which sits mired at second in its group and needs at least a draw this weekend against Portugal to feel good about a light home stretch that features sides such as Malta and a mediocre Greece. After poor performances in both the 2020 World Cup and 2022 Euros, Germany needs to right the ship - now.

    CONAFA

    The Hex continues with a tight three-way clash at the top between USA, Texas and surprise performer CSA, and the latter two could take advantage of the spotlight as USA and Mexico have makeup games later this year to account for their time in Britain for the Confederations Cup. Andrew Luck and USA need a good performance in Britain to feel good about putting away the stubborn CSA in particular, which shocked on home soil in Chicago earlier this year, and behind ageless veteran Chris Paul and dazzling newcomer Collin Sexton has put the whole of CONAFA on notice. Mexico, meanwhile, languishing in fourth, will hope to leverage a recent run of superior results in friendlies into a confidence boost at Confederations Cup and press on into the meat of qualifying.

    AFC

    Unlikely for much drama here - Korea is in Britain, and Japan has a chance to punch its ticket with at least four points in the two late June games, and winning solely against Iran gives her the hot hand in the final stretch. On the other side of the qualifiers, Vietnam looks to continue her solid campaign by putting away China on Friday night and taking care of business against declining Kuwait thereafter and creating a much more challenging group for Korea to return to.

    CONMEBOL

    Brazil's absence in Britain is no problem for hot Argentina and Chile, which face off in Santiago Thursday before the Confederations Cup kicks off. Colombia needs a win at Uruguay on Saturday to feel comfortable about finishing in the top four places for qualifiers, what with Venezuela and Ecuador close behind. Besides Brazil's small but comfortable points bank at the top of the qualification table, this is one of the tightest CONMEBOL groups in recent memory and besides Argentina likely being in (as per usual and as one would expect for a defending World Cup runner-up) the next two automatic qualifiers could go to any of the four teams immediately behind her, realistically.

    AFC and OFC

    No qualifiers are scheduled for late June for either Confederation.

    - 6/21/2023
     
    2023 MLB All-Star Break Power Rankings - sportsnet.us
  • 2023 MLB All-Star Break Power Rankings

    As baseball breaks for the All-Star Game in Seattle this week, we pause to look at the results so far at the half-way point of the season and compare them to where we expected these clubs to land. The surprising Orioles and the disappointing Athletics aside, who is setting themselves apart for a big year?

    1. Orioles - Though no longer the owners of baseball's best record, the Orioles remain its hottest, most consistent team and seem on pace for 105 wins, which would be their best result not only since the AL pennant-winning side of 2014 but the best regular-season record for the club since the World Series-winning team of 1979, which only managed 102 wins! A team expected to be a middle of the pack club a step behind the Yankees and Indians in the AL East has instead shot out to its hottest start in team history and is putting together a season to remember. Purely for consistency, the Orioles stand a step ahead of the team that has now nipped them to the MLB's best record in...
    2. Braves - The experienced Milwaukee roster that killed the "Bad News Braves" demons for good in 2017 only to experience playoff heartbreak the next few seasons - often at the hands of hated division rivals like the Cardinals or Cubs - has set itself far and away apart as the best team in the National League and thanks to a ten-game winning streak in early June now own the best record in baseball over the Orioles, on pace for 106 wins. This is an uncomfortable place for the Braves to be, but with increasing feeling at Pabst Park that the championship window is starting to fast close, fans hoping for a last hurrah out of this group of standouts have reason to be excited with Milwaukee's performance thus far and its nearly eleven games in hand over the Cubs in the division chase.
    3. Yankees - The Yankees are most certainly one of the best five teams in baseball so far this year, on pace for 102 wins, but probably not the best team in their division and possibly not even one of the three best teams in the American League. That said, two separate eleven-game winning streaks sandwiched by a bizarre series sweep in Chicago to the White Sox in the middle of June places them as one of the hottest teams in the majors at the break and sets them up well for the second half, especially if they can make some clever acquisitions by the September 1st trade deadline to shore up their spotty third and first base play. Bats and pitching are not a problem for That Club in the Bronx, but how many times in history have Yankees fans eagerly declared that this is "their year" only for it to end in tears?
    4. Zephyrs - The most surprising team of the season, easily, even above and beyond the Orioles who at least came into 2023 off a remarkable improvement in the year before. One of the cheapest rosters in baseball, on a team that looks likely to be sold to new out-of-town ownership come August (provided everything goes through), looks ready to pace to 100 wins and bring back the early-to-mid 2010s heyday in Denver. Matt Milliken has leapt out as a likely contender to AL MVP, and the pitching rotation of Drew Chase, Michael Moran and Ruben Estevez has led to one of the best strikeout ratios in the league. One looming issue for Denver may well be the Seals, always a strong outfit, starting to finally click after a slow start, but if the Z's can take a division crown and, say, the the second seed into the playoffs, the club's second-ever AL Pennant after the 2015 Cinderella run may be in the offing.
    5. Giants - Don't call it a comeback, but the defending World Series champions have found their groove again. After a very shaky April that saw them end the month with a losing record, the Giants have surged back into the NL East lead and now look to be on pace for about 98 wins, which while a step down and disappointment after the unbelievable five-year run the club just had would still put them on pace for the second seed in the playoffs. The Giants are a comfortable, experienced club that will go as far as Mike Trout can take them, and now seem to have digested some serious offseason free agency departures, injuries to role players and integrating young prospects from their farm system. A daunting July schedule with series against the Yankees, Phillies, Dodgers and Cubs looms after the All-Star Break which will tell us more, but the Giants are among the hottest teams in the league the last six weeks and have the recent history to prove that their heat tends to be backed up by results.
    6. Diamondbacks - A conundrum in an NL West that the Padres were expected to dominate is that it is hard to determine just how good any one club is, especially as the schedule so far has seen most of its clubs face each other or the NL's cream. In the first three months of baseball, however, the D-backs have looked a cut above, with the record to prove it, and look to be on pace for wins in the upper 90s. This is a surprising result, considering many (yours truly included) predicted they'd finish third in the division, but a strong start and no major injuries has kept them moving along steadily. Playoff baseball is not only possible, but indeed likely, out in the desert this October for the first time since 2017.
    7. Seals - San Francisco is in many ways a West Coast version of the Giants: a disastrous April, followed by a surge in May and then finding a consistent groove in June. That 18-game winning streak from mid-May to early June thrilled the country and the club's fans and brought them just two-and-half games back from the Zephyrs and in the second Wild Card slot for the AL, where they will live uncomfortably for the rest of the season as the Rainiers and Red Sox try to get their roughly .500 play improved enough to challenge. Andrew Chong has emerged as a surprise batting star who should excel at the Home Run Derby this week, and a division title is not out of the question for the experienced Seals clubhouse. That being said, that ugly April stretch, including two losing streaks of six and eight games, still acts as a nasty anchor for the club.
    8. Phillies - The Phillies currently sit on pace for about 88 wins and in second place in "Baseball's Toughest Division," and have a game in hand over the Dodgers nipping at their heels. It could very well be the case that the NL East places three teams in the playoffs this year, depending on how final records shake out, and the clever Phillies will probably be one of those three. A tough schedule in July, much like the archrival Giants, beckons, but having consistently hovered around a pace of just around 90 wins the entire season, the Phillies are a model of consistency in a year where contenders have flown high and bottomed out month to month.

    (To be continued...)
     
    Seattle Subway - Olympic System, Part I (Line 10)
  • Despite the sharp drop in air travel during 1989-91 thanks to the post-oil crisis recession and elevated price of jet fuel hammering Boeing, Seattle's burgeoning trans-Pacific trade, life sciences and software industries had helped buoy it through the worst of the early 1990s economic crisis. As such, it earned a reputation as "the city on the move," and the ambitious young Mayor, Norm Rice, came to office in June of 1988 with a goal of dramatically expanding the city's transportation infrastructure in addition to its hotel, housing, and office capacity. By the early 1990s, however, the Seattle Subway was fairly established within city limits and the split government in Olympia was adamant that further transportation improvements help residents outside of the city core, which had been part of the reason Lines 7, 8 and 9 had extended to places like Seattle-Jackson Airport, Tukwila, and Burien. The next block of lines were intended to route eastwards, across Lake Washington.

    Governor Tim Hill, a progressive Liberal, partnered with Rice and, starting in January 1993, President Robert Redford's Department of Transportation to route huge amounts of money to Washington state in order to expand passenger rail, highways and bus service, and key to that plan was improving connections of the Subway across the lake at the same time that the Soundrail S-train service around the north and south sides of the lake were built out for less-frequent service on mainline rail. These decisions were made possible only by the USOC declaring in December of 1992 that Seattle was its preferred candidate city over Salt Lake City for the 2000 Winter Olympics, which gave the "Olympic Lines" a major boost, especially as it seemed highly likely that the IOC would pick Seattle at its September 1993 meeting. When the Olympics were indeed awarded to the Puget Sound region, the massive expansion of the transport network was deemed a major reason why. With four lines being opened, though two of them almost entirely using existing right-of-way, it was the largest expansion of the network since the original Bogue Plan in the 1930s.

    Line 10 - Alki to Redmond

    Engineering constraints essentially dictated that any line across the Lake Washington Floating Bridge would have to follow the course of Interstate 90 across Mercer Island, the Rainier Valley Viaduct, through the Beacon Hill Tunnel and onto either the Spokane Street Viaduct or the Eighth Avenue Elevated. Planners eventually elected to go with both, giving the booming city of Bellevue across the lake two lines through its downtown, and the first of these lines would be Line 10, which would fully open after a twelve-month delay in November of 1999 - barely in time for the Olympics - and become emblematic of the boondoggles associated with the rushed Olympic Lines. Construction problems plagued Line 10 from the get go; there were issues with engineering the tracks on the floating bridge, litigation around the route of the line near the sensitive Mercer Slough bogged down construction in Bellevue, and soil problems in drilling towards Alki in West Seattle pushed back construction months as the project was re-engineered. It was only the disastrous events in Chinatown on the main feature of the Olympic Line project, which Line 10 was unaffected by, that allowed it to open first.

    Line 10 begins at a large station with shopping and community amenities a few blocks off of Alki Beach in West Seattle and proceeds into a tunnel with a stop under the Admiral neighborhood, then exiting that tunnel and joining Line 9 on a wye onto the Spokane Street Viaduct, with a massive, four-story new infill station built in 1998 at Spokane Street to allow connections to trains running towards Seattle-Jackson Airport such as Lines 7, 11, and 13. From there, rather than exit onto the Eighth Avenue Elevated towards the Dearborn Trunk, the train goes into the Beacon Hill Tunnel, with a stop under Beacon Hill, before proceeding out onto the Rainier Valley Viaduct, where another massive new station was built in the median and under the overpass to provide a connection to Line 3. The train then proceeds across the Lake Washington Floating Bridge, with a stop at the south end of the town of Mercer near the entrance to Mercer Island State Park.

    After Mercer Island, the line remains elevated through the Mercer Slough, with a stop at Slough Station, and then enters another tunnel with a stop at West Bellevue before entering the city's downtown at Main and Bellevue Way, where it has one deep-bore station and continues to a second stop under Bellevue Way with entrances at 4th and 6th, placing it directly in front of Bellevue Center shopping mall and across the street from, at the time of its opening, additional major shopping, office and residential developments. The line then curves north to stop at 110th Avenue and 8th Street, passes under Interstate 5, and initially came to a stop at Bellevue Intermodal Station, where it aligned with the Soundrail S-train service.

    Due to this stop's proximity to major tech firm Windows' campus just a few blocks away, in 2004 an extension was approved all the way to Redmond, which was opened in phases in 2009 and 2013, with the line emerging from a tunnel near its operations and maintenance center to run on an elevated guideway through the technology campuses of the Northup Area and then through the Overlake neighborhood all the way to downtown Redmond, where it stopped half a block from Redmond's own Soundrail station. The construction of this line is widely credited with the apartment and office boom on the Eastside during the 2000s and early 2010s despite the Seattle region's broader economic struggles thanks to the tech bust and Asian financial crisis of 2002.
     
    Leap Day Policy
  • The Leap Day Policy, also known as the Leap Day Ultimatum or the Adelaide Policy due to the city in which the speech was delivered, was a major policy address delivered by Australian Prime Minister Paul Hogan in Adelaide on February 29, 1996, in which he announced Australia's pending intervention in the Banjarese Civil War and, above and beyond that, "a comprehensive, sophisticated, and permanent policy of counter-jihadism" against various jihadist insurgencies throughout the Indonesian Archipelago. The speech was seen as a major turning point in Australian foreign policy history and, to a lesser extent, domestic politics, and preceded the beginning of Operation Monsoon Wind - the air campaign aspect of the Bornean Intervention - on March 10.

    The Leap Day Policy was articulated in response to increasing Australian public anger at atrocities in the various post-colonial states in the Malay Archipelago, specifically the region commonly referred to as Indonesia or Nusantara by pan-Malay nationalists. Following the collapse of the Sultanate of Banjar in late 1992, the Darul Islam organization in Kalimantan - the Malay name for Borneo - had declared the theocratic Islamic republic Negara Islam Kalimantan, or NIK, creating a third state of that variety in Nusantara alongside Java and Sulawesi, areas which were already deeply embroiled in long-running sectarian and ethnic conflicts. Banjar's collapse was particularly violent, however, and saw Darul Islam forces in mid-1993 beginning a "social cleanse" of enemies of the state, beginning with academics and anti-government activists but soon expanding to moderate Banjarese and, in particular, tribal Dayaks in the hinterlands who were more than two-thirds Christian. By late 1994, the persecution campaign against the Dayaks had evolved into a full-blown genocide; while about ten thousand Dayaks were killed in 1993, close to seventy thousand died in the last six months of 1994 alone and several hundred thousand were slaughtered across southern Kalimantan in 1995. International condemnation of the civil war and support for anti-NIK insurgents ballooned in 1995, culminating in Australia imposing an international embargo on Banjar and Sulawesi in December of 1995 and the Kaching Agreement between Australia, Sarawak, Brunei and Malaya to coordinate an anti-Darul Islam policy. The next month, a Red Cross humanitarian aid flight was shot down near Banjarmasin on January 2 and on January 15, two Australian journalists - ABC war correspondent Melissa Howard and freelance war photographer Madeline Harris - were kidnapped, brutally tortured and murdered with their bodies dumped in a river along with their driver and two translators by NIK police, largely viewed as the final straw for the Australian government. Refusals by the NIK to suspend its genocide of the Dayaks and anti-government Banjarese resulted in Hogan's unilateral decision to announce an intervention in Banjar to put an end to the violence.

    The Leap Day Policy marked a paradigm shift in Australian foreign policy, which had since the final independence of most of the Dutch East Indies in 1973 and 1977 pursued a strict policy of soft power influence rather than military intervention despite postcolonial conflicts emerging more or less immediately across Nusantara. Hogan, though a moderate within his governing National Party who had successfully won reelection in 1993 by shifting his party to the center, was perceived as taking a more hawkish stance internally and externally and as the ultimatum occurred close to the midpoint of his government (September 1991 - October 2001) it is viewed as an epochal point in the Hogan ministry, where it shifted firmly to a government of the right. Interventions in Nusantara throughout the late 1990s into the early 2000s are largely seen as having polarized Australian society on military affairs, immigration, and culture, with Islamophobia and anti-Malay sentiments rising sharply, particularly after terrorist attacks on Australian soil after Darul Islam declared a jihad and fatwa against Australia. Commentators have noted that Australian opinion was stirred not by the slaughter of hundreds of thousands of Dayaks but rather "the death of two blonde, blue-eyed Australian women; the martyrdom of two journalists by a fearsome 'other' in what Australians see as the savage peripheral jungles that separate their home from Asia came to be viewed as a civilizational struggle between European Australia and the barbaric Oriental enemy on the Australian Right."
     
    2023 FIFA Confederations Cup
  • The 2023 FIFA Confederations Cup was an international football tournament held in Great Britain from 22 June 2023 to 9 July 2023, the ninth edition of the tournament, serving as a prelude to the 2024 FIFA World Cup. Having been announced as hosts of the 2024 FIFA World Cup on November 1, 2016, Great Britain was automatically awarded hosting rights and qualified, while the other seven sides were the champions of the six federations - Netherlands (UEFA), United States (CONACA), Brazil (CONSAME), Morocco (CAF), Korea (AFC) and Australia (OFC) - as well as Mexico, the defending FIFA World Cup Champion. Only four cities served as hosts, and it was the first international tournament in British history in which no games were held in London. Manchester, Liverpool, Cardiff and Glasgow served as host cities, with Cardiff's Principality Stadium hosting the final.

    No.1 ranked European champion Netherlands won its first Confederations Cup title thanks to a penalty shootout, 6-5, with United States after a 1-1 draw; it was the fourth appearance in a Confederations Cup final by USA since 2007, and its fourth loss. United States midfielder Donte DiVincenzo was awarded the Player of the Tournament award, while Netherlands goalkeeper Andries Noppert took the Best Goalkeeper award in his national team debut.

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    Seattle Subway - Olympic System, Part II (Lines 11-13)
  • The preparations for the Olympics largely consumed the city of Seattle in much of the 1990s and the projects rapidly became bogged down in bloated budgets and cost overruns and political arguing over siting of facilities. Ironically, the 2000 Winter Games themselves were a huge success and a popular legacy in hindsight, but in the mid-1990s they most definitely were not. The siting of the Olympic Stadium on King Street south of Pioneer Square and west of Chinatown wound up being a masterstroke that created a vibrant stadium district for all of Seattle's Big Five sports clubs close to transit and tens of thousands of downtown and downtown-adjacent residents, but at the time created a major controversy that derailed the openings of the back half of Rice's signature Subway expansion - the infamous Chinatown Connector.

    Lines 11 through 13 were unique in that they would include no new infrastructure or new stops, but rather dramatically increase the ability of existing infrastructure to run at a higher capacity by connecting the Third Avenue Tunnel and Old Dearborn Trunk lines to the 1st Avenue Tunnel and, thus, the airport, allowing a potential one-seat ride to SEA from either Lake City or Ballard, which were the termini chosen in highly politicized and acrimonious debates by the Rice administration. Part of the reason why these were chosen was for "timetable maximization" - STS was adamant about getting the 3rd Avenue Tunnel and the 27th Street Tunnel down to one-minute headways with six lines in each, and running three trains to Lake City would allow a train every two minutes on the infrastructure north of UW, too. Lake City would suddenly go from being served by one line, as it had for about six decades, to being served by three, as Line 12 would be run into the New Dearborn Trunk, onto the 8th Avenue Elevated, and then on a flying overpass into the Mount Baker Tunnel to go to the Eastside - thus giving Capitol Hill and the Dearborn Trunk lines a direct connection to the Eastside as well. The crux of this revamped system, though, was a connecting tunnel with entrances from both north and south near Union Station that would allow trains from Third Avenue or Dearborn Trunk to pass near the Olympic Stadium and enter the 1st Avenue tunnel from the east, hence its nickname Chinatown Connector.

    The connection to the Mount Baker Tunnel was completed later than the rest of the work on Line 10, thus delaying the launch of service to Bellevue from both Lake City and West Seattle when Line 10 opened in 1999. By the time it could be ready, though, STS chose to delay it until the Connector was done, which had become a sprawling odyssey of fighting with Chinatown business groups as well as the Federal Railroad Administration about tunneling east-west under their mainline intercity and S-train tracks at the King Street Complex, which they were in the process of attempting to revamp as Seattle's main central station rather than the decaying, seventy-year old Central Avenue Station on Lake Union that had been built as part of the original Bogue Plan. To accommodate the foundations of the Olympic Stadium, the Connector had to be routed further north than planned and also deeper, making its construction more complicated and delaying it. Finally, the STS and Rice administration had to admit that it would not be completed by January 2000 in time for the Olympics, and indeed STS - wanting to rework its timetables only once - delayed all three lines until April 2001.

    The debacle froze Subway projects for several years to instead simply be extensions of existing lines, such as the expansion of the three airport lines to Des Moines/Highline in 2020, the running of Line 8 to Tukwila's South Center in 2014, or even in the case of Line 12 extending it to downtown Kirkland in 2012 despite this partially duplicating service on the Soundrail S-train service. The political lift of opening brand-new lines in the region had the shadow of the Chinatown Connector hanging over it for years, especially the embarrassment of Line 13, meant to offer a one-seat ride from the airport to the Olympic Village being built on the old Armory Grounds in Interbay, not existing, which thanks to Line 1 was not really an issue in the end thanks to transfers but nonetheless was egg on the face of the Rice-run city hall. (Norm Rice retired from the mayoralty after three terms after the Olympics anyhow).
     
    Ranking FIFA World Cup Champions - Part 1 of 5
  • Since 1916, 25 sides have held the World Cup trophy aloft at the end of a tournament featuring 16, 24 or, now, 32 national teams. Next summer, in Britain, a 26th champion will join that list when they receive the trophy at the conclusion of the 2024 FIFA World Cup Final at Wembley Stadium in London. These are the national squads they will stand alongside, ranked for historical measure:

    25. Britain (1924) - Britain's "Centennial Side," as commemorations of this group have been called in recent retrospectives, unfortunately have to slot in at last due more to circumstances than anything else. While certainly a talented group on the merits, with Europe still recovering from the Central European War (the key factor in the cancellation of what would have been the 1920 edition) and its lingering economic and demographic after-effects, and many South American sides still in a poor position to send teams across the Atlantic for a two-week tournament, game organizers had to scramble to find teams that could participate, including debating splitting Britain into English and Scottish contingents as with rugby (a preferred solution for the former Scottish FA). Against possibly the weakest field in World Cup history, Britain defeated a spirited United States group in the semifinal before knocking out Switzerland in that side's first and last procession to the last four to earn its first title and the second in history.
    24. France (1916) - The first World Cup champions and the only French side to win it, the 1916 victors earned their hardware in a tournament that featured only 13 teams, a number of forfeitures, and the struggle to properly organize the match with many players boycotting to not threaten their participation in the Olympics, at that time the more prestigious event. Still, France saw a tournament with sides considerably more full strength than Britain eight years later, and for that reason get the nod.
    23. Sweden (1944) - While Sweden has often punched far above its weight in World Cups with plenty of bronze medal game appearances, in Sweden's sole run to a final, it came out ahead with the gold medal and trophy on home soil, triumphing over the defending champions Brazil at Ullevalla in the summer of 1944 behind the "Bre-No-Li" line of players who would help show that Sweden was no fluke in delivering bronze medals at the next two tournaments. Sweden from the late 1930s to early 1950s enjoyed a bonafide golden generation; it is simply that, if this squad was put up against some of the names later on this list, and not on home soil, one struggles to see them actually earn a win.
    22. Mexico (1960) - No side has as many World Cups as Mexico with 5, thanks to their home soil triumph three years ago, but of those five one must be the most mediocre, and that distinction certainly belongs to the 1960 group that won on home soil in what can best be described as a dubious tournament. Two infamous penalties were awarded in the second group stage game against Germany to deliver a win after trailing most of the match, Mexico avoided rising Britain in the quarters and semis, beat Brazil in part thanks to an uncalled handball, and the final against the United States saw Mexico again come back from a 1-0 deficit that for a moment silenced the 120,000 fans at the brand-new Estadio Azteca thanks to some curious calls. This Mexico was neither the impenetrable defensive powerhouse that impressed with its lockdown play in 1968 or 2020 or the high-scoring, thrilling football of 1948 or 1996, but rather a dour, undisciplined team bludgeoning its way through an unusually weak tournament field with helpful calls on home soil to earn Mexico it's second World Cup title in twelve years.
    21. Argentina (1928) - Early-era World Cup winners dominate this section of our analysis due in part to the nature of the tournament at the time, but 1928's hosts and eventual champions were nonetheless an excellent group, winning all their games, taking a 14-1 goal differential (at the time a record for a winner), with their first conceded goal coming in the final against a dogged United States whom the Albiceleste needed extra time to conquer. Several European teams declining to make the journey across the Atlantic put a damper on the proceedings, however, leaving a fairly weak field to contend in games that were organized primarily in Buenos Aires and its immediate environs. Nonetheless, '28 Argentina was an important side as it was the first South American group to win a World Cup and proved that Western Hemispheric sides could not only successfully host a World Cup but contend for silverware, too.
     
    Ranking FIFA World Cup Champions - Part 2 of 5
  • 20. Mexico (1948) - World Cups are won on the field, not on paper, and perhaps no side exemplifies this better than the Mexican group that triumphed in the United States in 1948. After a shaky group stage that included losing their opening game to Brazil, Mexico tore through the three-stage knockout round with a scoreline of 17-1 with seven different players finding the back of the net during a goal differential display that has yet to be matched in any subsequent tournament. However, Mexico avoided defending champions Sweden on their side of the bracket in the knockouts and beat mediocre United States and Spain to get into the final, where they scored one of the great upsets of all time in defeating the Italy of the Grande Torino years - regarded as one of the best groups of footballers to ever play together - and deny the Azzurri their first title, 6-1. A champion is a champion - but this Mexico team was definitely a cut below its later groups and was most certainly not the best team at its own tournament, simply the one that won out in the end.
    19. Germany (2000) - Germany, the footballing world's most consistent bridesmaid-cum-underperformer, finally got the monkey off her back with a win on home soil in 2000, triumphing 1-0 over France thanks to a controversial penalty after an otherwise dire final in Berlin. Despite going undefeated in the group stage, Germany '00 remains the only side to ever win a championship after all four knockout rounds went to extra time and even some of her group stage wins looked highly unconvincing. Whispers of refereeing shenanigans and open questions about the food sickness suffered by several French players during the week before the final remain black marks on an otherwise historic run for the Reichsmannschaft, but compared to other names on this list - including another German side that was head and shoulders superior to the late 90s/early Aughts group - the insipid play and weakness of the general tournament field remain a black mark here.
    18. Hungary (1936) - This was, to say the least, not the 1950s Magical Magyars but an altogether weaker group that won in Germany in 1936, beating out more established and favored sides including favored Italy in the final and hosts Germany in the semis. Still, in a tournament organized just as a pure knockout, Hungary's advancement through only four matches and infamously atrocious refereeing against Sweden in the Round of 16 that should have ended Hungary's campaign right there loom over this tournament and their victory in it.
    17. Austria (1932) - It is hard to know exactly where to slot the Wunderteam - they were a terrific group of players, in the early 1930s generally viewed as the best in the world, and their tactics are generally regarded as the genesis of "Total Football" that would be perfected by Hungary in the 1950s and Netherlands in the 1970s. The first side to win a World Cup outside of their home country (Austria won over Italy in the final, in Italy) this was nonetheless a great team that gelled in the last two games after having to claw their way back into contention after falling behind in the first two rounds and whacked Italy 4-2; that they did not play a group stage and thus a "full" tournament slate as we would define it today, and the weakness of their competition until going head to head with the hosts in Milan (where tens of thousands of Austrian fans had arrived and were almost as loud if not louder than the host Italians) place the Wunderteam further back than it perhaps would otherwise land.
    16. United States (2008) - The United States delivered its long-suffering supporters a World Cup on home soil in 2008 in remarkable fashion, and while the squad that hoisted the trophy in Manhattan in July of that year is without question easily the finest collection of Yankee footballing talent in history, a closer inspection should reveal some shakiness that fans here Stateside often forget. USA finished second in their group, and their last three games went to extra time, as the thrilling final was only thrilling because USA clawed back a 3-0 deficit to win the Miracle in Manhattan in a shootout. This is not to take away from what Kobe Bryant, Tim Howard, Landon Donovan, Reggie Bush, Freddy Adu and that ferocious backline accomplished in knocking off talented groups in the CSA, Mexico, Sweden and mighty Britain on their way to the country's first ever championship, but comparatively in its performance, a number of sides rank well ahead.
     
    Ranking FIFA World Cup Champions - Part 3 of 5
  • 15. Brazil (1940) - In a theme that will likely start to look apparent in the next few entries, there is little shame in simply executing as expected and getting a good job done, and done well. Brazil's first World Cup slots finely into this category: led by Leonidas, for decades the tournament's all-time goalscorer thanks to his prodigious scoring in four tournaments with Brazil between 1932-44, Brazil took care of business at home winning all six of their matches both in the group stage and in the round-robin final stage, including the clinching win at the Maracana against upstart Mexico 2-1 after coming from behind a 1-0 deficit with a brace after the 70th minute to avoid a disaster. Brazil's reputation for squandering its talent and opportunities in later years has in some ways overshadowed how good it was in the early 1940s, as has a great deal of time, but this group and the "Black Diamond" who led them stands head-and-shoulders above the sides that won cups before and for several years after and has a good argument as the best group of the World Cup's first three decades
    14. Britain (1980) - British football in the late 1970s and early 1980s was perhaps the best in Europe and the world, and nothing underlined this so much as Britain becoming the first European side to a World Cup outside of Europe in triumphing in Colombia. That they were there at all was impressive - a group stage flameout in 1972 and missing the World Cup four years later entirely despite an expanded 24-team field suggested Britain's 1960s dominance was at an end - and it was further impressive as they marched through a slate including a fine Germany, a budding but not yet arrived Argentina, and finally besting defending World Cup champion Netherlands and storied Hungary in come-from-behind wins. Colombia '80 was the story of "Ken and Kev," as Kenny Dalglish and Kevin Keegan formed probably the most prolific strike duo in modern history (up until Brazil '04 - more on that in a moment), getting six goals apiece and together accounting for 12 of Britain's 14 goals at the tournament. What puts this group so low, then? An overreliance on two players, a field regarded as weak even by contemporaries (Germany was missing several key players who would power it just two years later to its first European Cup - and indeed any - championship, Argentina was not what it would become in just four years, Netherlands was a shell of its former self without Johan Cruyff, and Hungary had advanced through the easier half of the knockout bracket save for host Colombia in the semifinal), and a lack of dominance place it behind teams that at times seemed to have barely broken a sweat in advancing through their tournaments. Britain's daring play in the 1980 final, the legendary Battle of Bogota in which they won 3-2 after 1-0 and 2-1 deficits to the Magyars, will always be talked about in pubs across the British Isles; but Ken, Kev and the other blokes rank behind a number of other great teams.
    13. Mexico (2020) - El Tri supporters are spoiled with options when it comes to debating the eternal question of their favorite Mexico side, but few if any would slot today's defending champions as the best that their country has produced. That being said, Mexico's 2020 performance was a throwback to the clinical, disciplined and sturdy defensive performances for which the country is known, but without the accusations of dirty play and over-reliance on friendly refereeing that has dogged El Tri for decades (especially from other CONAFA fans). The 2020 champions were not flashy, but led by veterans such as Andres Guardado, Chicharito, and the ageless Guillermo Ochoa in goal, they managed to keep clean sheets through their first four games and beat a murderer's row of France, USA and Argentina from the quarterfinals on to take a record-extending fifth championship. Most Mexico supporters would argue that the win on home soil that sent a golden generation of stars off on a high note slots roughly at the center of their all-time teams, and we agree - and that this Mexico team slots roughly at the center of our ranking of all-time World Cup champions, less due to any demerit to this group but rather speaking to the quality of those who come ahead.
    12. Argentina (1988) - If we were ranking purely on individual play, what Diego Maradona accomplished in 1988 would place him at the top of the list, as 1988 Argentina enjoyed probably the best single-player performance in the history of the World Cup and, possibly, sport. With seven tournament goals he matched Eladio Rodriguez's 1948 record set with Mexico, and every goal he scored counted as he willed Argentina into doing what no side has done before or since - successfully defend a World Cup title, and do it on home soil. Unfortunately, we are not ranking purely on individual play, and thus the 1988 Albiceleste fall outside our Top Ten. Mario Kempes, Daniel Passarella and Leopoldo Luque had moved on, and men like Diego Simeone, Gabriel Batistuta and Hernan Crespo were as of yet merely on the horizon; as such, the team was carried largely by Maradona's heroics and, dare we say, very favorable home conditions rivalled only by Mexico's infamous thumb on the scale in 1960. Pitch quality was particularly alleged to have been manipulated to favor Argentina in knockout games against Denmark and Colombia, the USA is still not over the pitch invasion in the semifinal game that delayed the match and gave Argentina time to rest when they looked near done at the hands of the Montana-Marino-Kelly "Three Headed Monster", and the eventual champions faced a haggard and outmatched Brazil that they waxed 7-1 at the Monumental in Buenos Aires in front of a hundred thousand fans. Had they not entered as defending World Cup and two-time Copa America champions, we would have ranked this otherwise pedestrian and thin Argentina side - but, they were a historic group, and so they belong close to the top, even if they often played below their considerable talent in a time of transition.
    11. Italy (1972) - At this point in our rankings it starts getting harder and harder to separate out where various teams should land, and the 1972 Azzurri squad that earned Italy her first-ever trophy after four silver medals in four trips to a World Cup Final are case in point. They won their first gold in Spain, a boon to them over teams that enjoyed the advantage of playing at home, and won in the final 16-team edition of the World Cup; they emerged from a difficult group, topping both runners-up Austria, a feisty Peru and an aging but talented Hungary, and ousted both hosts Spain and favored Germany en route to an Austrian rematch they took 2-1 in Madrid, avenging themselves for a 1-1 draw as well as the heartbreaking Milanese final defeat forty years prior. As defending European champions, they perhaps should have performed better than two draws and a win in the group stage, and the quality of the opposition in the final, despite resulting in a win rather than a draw in a rematch, leaves something to be desired compared to Spain and Germany even if early 1970s Austria enjoyed something of a silver generation, and that places them just outside our top ten even if this is a team that Italians for good reason love with all their hearts.
     
    Ranking FIFA World Cup Champions - Part 4 of 5
  • 10. Spain (2012) - Much like Mexico in 1948, one can only play the games ahead of oneself, and defending European champions Spain did just that in China in 2012. Setting aside the political and financial controversy of the tournament, Spain was clinical, methodical and in the end successful in its game, winning all four knockout matches by identical 1-0 scores and defeating Japan in the first Final not to require added time since 1988 on Fernando Torres' goal at the 90th minute. The Furia Roja won their first-ever World Cup and became the most recent first-time champion in keeping six clean sheets - a record tied with their immediate successor - but did it against a field that, to put it mildly, perhaps left something to be desired, though topping a group that included a very talented France is no mean feat. What puts this Spain side higher than some other squads that faced more talented opposition was the thoroughness of its domination, with scoresheets only really capturing the essence of their play with the utter lack of shots on goal the midfield of Xavi, Xabi and Iniesta allowed or the lethality of the counter to the front. In a curious tournament that saw, for the first time, four different confederations represented in the semifinals with all four teams aiming for a first-ever win, Spain showed the power of dedication and discipline and ended up where most would have predicted them to from the beginning.
    9. Mexico (1968) - Mexico's defensive dominance in 1968 in Australia is, on its own, the stuff of legends, but what really sets this group apart was becoming the first side to win a World Cup outside of its home continent and its dismantling of Britain at Melbourne Cricket Ground, in which 2-0 did not truly capture what Mexico's performance was like. It was not enough that Mexico kept three clean sheets after the group stage - a feat unmatched until Spain did the same in 2012 - nor that Enrique Borja's brace handed Mexico an unprecedented third championship. It was that Mexico arrived there having won a "rubber match" of the past two World Cup champions during a stretch of time in which Britain was making a genuine challenge against the Hungary of just a decade prior as the best group of players on Earth. The importance of that final in Sydney in which Mexico leapt out ahead of the only other two teams to have collected multiple World Cup trophies up to that point and doing so with Britain, Brazil and Hungary left in her wake said it all. This team face down a murderer's row of the best talent of the late 1960s and kept it not just out of net but from successfully taking shots on goal, and did so while making defensive football look stylish and exciting. El Tri fanatics will argue if this was the best team - but in ending discussions of their 1960 win being a fluke and an open question from an arrogant British media about whether they even belonged on the same field, the 1968 champions made a credible argument for being fan favorites and probably the most important.
    8. Argentina (1984) - Twice in a row, a team finds itself on the list as much for its final game - winning outside of its confederation for the first time, and defeating a heavily-favored British side regarded as among the best in the sport in doing so - as for anything else it accomplished, but what Argentina in 1984 accomplished does earnestly deserve a place in the discussion of the group being considered among the best teams to ever play the game. Kempes and Passarella were at the tail of their careers and Maradona at the start of his, and together in Russia they performed a miracle of teamwork, coming back from placing second to a scrappy USA side in the group stage to working their way methodically through the knockouts to get their chance on the big stage. Maradona's dazzling run through Russian defenders in the quarterfinal, the comeback against Platini's France in the last four, and finally trouncing Britain 4-2, with the scoreline reading 3-0 at the half, in St. Petersburg remains a show for the ages, and it would be a stroke of irony that the deep, talented Britain side - featuring Dalglish's veteran experience with the youthful energy of Ian Rush, Gary Lineker, and Bryan Robson, all led by the fiery Brian Clough - that was thought a shoe-in to repeat as champions would be denied their chance and then see the Argentines who bested them become the first back-to-back champions four years on.
    7. Netherlands (1976) - No team has defined an era like the Total Football Netherlands that careened through the 1976 tournament on home soil making all other opposition look like fools in the first-ever 24-team tournament, culminating with a decisive 4-2 drubbing of a potent and undefeated Germany featuring Ballon d'Or winners Gerd Muller and Franz Beckenbauer. After decades of mediocrity, it was Johan Cruyff, Ruud Krol and Johnny Rep who elevated the Oranje to the knockout round mainstays of today and showed off what the concepts of Austria in the 1930s and Hungary in the 1950s could produce at its most elevated form. While the weaknesses in Total Football would eventually be exposed in later years, for one glittering hour in 1976, the Netherlands were so head and shoulders above their competition that they find their way close to the Top Five and behind only a collection of teams that were not only legendary in their own right, but had consistency to back their achievements up.
    6. Britain (1964) - If one was to collect a who's who of famous British footballers, many if not all of them would be on the Britain side that won the World Cup in 1964, won the European Championship in 1966, and collected silver medals in 1968 (World Cup) and 1962 and 1970 (Euros), to go with their Mexican bronze of 1960. Other than Hungary in the early 1950s and Germany in the 2010s, no side has so thoroughly dominated an era of football as Britain in the 1960s did, thanks in large part to the core of players off of the world-beating Manchester United sides that acted to 1964 what Liverpool, Everton and Aston Villa did to the 1980 group. Duncan Edwards, Bobby Charlton, Denis Law, Bobby Moore - these were but some of the names on that superlative British group that took the World Cup title in stride on home soil in dominating fashion, winning every game ahead of a 4-2 trouncing of Germany at Wembley. Their route to the finals was no slouch, either, facing pre-tournament favorites Italy and defending European champion Spain (who had beaten them just two years before) in the group, arguably the toughest group stage ever faced by a champion. Their placement on this list, despite definitively being the best British side in history and the group that Britain fans will hope to emulate come next summer, is purely a function of facing mediocre opposition in the quarters and semis (Austria and remarkable Cinderella but plainly outgunned Korea) and the quality of the legends who come ahead of them.
     
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