Hadrian's Consolidation

This is a very interesting timeline, I don't know much about Roman History after Claudius but this seems like an interesting POD ;).

If you wouldn't mind however, I would appreciate it if you could provide a map of the Empire - I have only the vaguest idea where the area he's just conquered is. Thanks :).
This is a map of the empire in 125 OTL. I like this one becaue it shows the tribes bordering the empire. You can see the Iazyges, Daci, and Carpi at the edge of OTL's Roman Dacia. I could be wrong, bust basically he's conquering the area up to the two rivers there.
roman_empire_in_ad_125.jpg
 
Making it a new province would make sense. After all, the governor of Dacia if he controls all that new territory is going to have a lot of power. Also, man, if only Hadrian did this in OTL, Marcus Aurelius would be rid of two thorny problems (the Danuian frontier and the unrest in Mauretania).
 
The notion of settling defeated barbarians was not at all novel and was done, intermittently, from the time of Tiberius until Valens, in much the fashion you present:
- Defeat a hostile tribe in battle or intimidate a non-hostile tribe with unimaginably overwhelming force.
- Disarm them.
- Dissolve all tribal power structures, all titles of authority, etc.
- Disperse them.

In fact, it was the Roman attempt to do this imperfectly that led to Adrianople; they didn't have the resources to do the first two steps, so they couldn't do the second two, even though they wanted to.
 
This is a map of the empire in 125 OTL. I like this one becaue it shows the tribes bordering the empire. You can see the Iazyges, Daci, and Carpi at the edge of OTL's Roman Dacia. I could be wrong, bust basically he's conquering the area up to the two rivers there.
roman_empire_in_ad_125.jpg

Makes me wonder if the Roxolani are next.
 

Hecatee

Donor
I'm using this map as reference for my timeline :

Roman_Empire_125.png


Hadrianus has ordered two simultaneous operations here, but only the first, where he's taken command, has been described yet : the Iazyge war and the Roxolany war.

On the Iazyge front, his already taken the section between the Danuvius and the Tisia river, where the battle just took place around the area where you have an affluent of the Tisia coming in from the East, and the area between Dacia, the Tisia and this afluent has also been taken. War goals are to have a border going more or less from Aquincum to Porolissum, following the Tisia river in the North.

On the Roxolani front, that shall now be discussed, the goal is to take all the lands south-west of Troesmis, and later on to go up and put the border on the Porata river.

@DominusNovus :

Yes, it was a practice but maybe not on that scale this early in the Empire's history. But the victory here has been huge, and there are precedents. I did hesitate between two solutions : deport them all in Syria-Palestina (still seething with anger, and a few years from another big revolt) or split them up. I liked the idea of such settlement bringing their culture and traditions in widely different parts of the Empire, where they would evolve in different ways.

Each new settlement will be around 200 peoples, and a hundred such small settlements will be put in place in the three aforementioned provinces, some 20 000 peoples all told. And about three time as many Iazyges will be sold into slavery all over the Empire, a huge influx of cheap manpower.

About Mauretania, don't forget that right now it's in revolt and about to be crushed, a consequence of the death of Lusius Quietus : that's the reason he decided to send Iazyges there.

The problems with the Roxolani will be different for various reasons, including the fact they are more horsemen than infantry, and their skills set will have to taken into account : you can't really relocate them in Mauretania for example, too many opportunities for them to become brigand in the vast plains of the area...
 
The problems with the Roxolani will be different for various reasons, including the fact they are more horsemen than infantry, and their skills set will have to taken into account : you can't really relocate them in Mauretania for example, too many opportunities for them to become brigand in the vast plains of the area...

The Iazyges were a sarmatian tribe. too. The strength was their cavalry, especially heavy cavalry, like we saw during the later Marcomann Wars. Actually it was Hadrian, who established the first cataphract regiment of the romans in Moesia following the example set by the sarmatians: Ala I Gallorum et Pannoniorum catafractata. There are some hints, that Marcus Aurelius planned to establish the new province Sarmatia in this region between Pannonia and Dacia, after he defeated the Iazyges. And another province Marcomannia northwest of Sarmatia.

So I miss the cavalry in this battle. A sarmatian army should look much more like a parthian one. Mostly cavalry (about 10% heavy cavalry). Infantry was rather inferior or often was from allied tribes, e.g. the Quadi. From a militarian point of view, the hungarian planes are often seen as the western end of the asian steppes. A perfect area for cavalry warfare. So I expected a different kind of battle and the romans having a much harder time to hunt down the Iazyges and force them into a pitched battle.

I am also curious about the casus belli. The sarmatians moved to the West coming from todays Ukraine about 0-50 AD. While the Roxolani moved south of the Dacian Empire to the lower Danube, the Iazyges probably bypassed the Dacians in the North and reached the hungarian planes. There they became "Friends of SPQR" officially. During the Dacian Wars they were allies of Trajan. Afterwards they were a bit pissed off, because Trajan gave them not the promised land in western Dacia. However, these guys were allies since decades at this point of time. So perhaps Hadrian had even some non-military options to integrate them into the roman empire.
 
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Hecatee

Donor
Well the sources I've read (although none was specialized...) on the Iazyges had them more settled, sedentary than the Roxolani, in a way more germanized because somewhat less in contact with other Sarmatian tribes (being as they were between German tribes and the Dacians) so I made the battle play this way, which will also allow me to contrast it with the Roxolani war that plays at the same time on a smaller territory but which will be more difficult.

For the casus belli, well there were those recent bad feelings and this POD with a more aggressive Hadrianus, who'd play the card of "they betrayed us and we can't let allies betray us without the harshest punishment".

I'll should be updating you with more details on the Roxolani war in one or two hours.
 

Hecatee

Donor
Near Piscul, Dacia Inferior, late spring 118 CE

Caius Cassius Voltinius was furious. That stupid commander would see them all killed before this war would end, and it would not be Rome that would be the victorious party. First he’d wanted to wait for news of the imperial campaign to the west before beginning to move his forces. Then he’d gone with a slow, meticulous, cleaning of the area, instead of following the initial imperial plans.

Instead of coming vigorously from the south with two legions and supports and push the enemy toward the forces launched from Troesmis, he’d decided to use the numerous rivers of the area as limits to sectors he wanted pacified before moving on to the next one. Thus had first the I Italica moved across the Danuvius, going toward the north east, alone in enemy territory, while the forces under Voltinius command had also gone toward the north.

The I Italica had suffered casualties in many skirmishes, it’s progress hampered by cavalry raids by the Roxolani, mainly horse archers darting in and out before anyone could react. The legion had not even received all the cavalry support it could have, so they were unable to retaliate. Then the XI Claudia had also launched its attack, about one month and a half after the garrison of Novae had left. From Durostorum they had gone north, meeting up with the I Italica neat the Dacian citadel of Piscul, well to the west of their intended march plans.

Voltinius himself had received orders to reinforce them there, traveling with his half legion and most of his auxiliaries. They were now some twenty thousand men, about a fifth of them cavalry, about to fight against a massive Roxolani army of some thirty thousand men, at least two third of them being cavalrymen.

Voltunius still remembered his shock when he’d learned, more than twenty five years earlier, how the legio XXI Rapax had been destroyed by the Roxolani. Possibly some of the men he was now going to fight had been present that day, sinking their iron into Roman blood.

The Romans were thus had about half the strength they should have been, and had been cornered in a place where they would have to give battle, unable to wait for the forces from Troesmis which had finally left their camp and were coming from the north-east toward their position, meaning that while they would probably not be able to help in the coming battle, they would probably be able to crush those victorious Roxolani left alive after Voltinius’ men death. And thus providing their commander with all the glory... and the loot !

Voltunius chastised himself. Such way of thinking could only lead to defeat. It was not the Roman way. After all did not the legio III Gallica succeed in destroying a force of 9000 Roxolanian cavalry in the time of the cursed emperor Nero ?

With those thoughts in mind, he went to the meeting organized by his fellow legati to plan for the next day.
 
Well, looks like this won't be a cake walk for Rome, Voltinius would do well to tread lightly!

Just wondering, if the Romans are successful, might they consider establishing land connections with Tyras and Olbia?

Great Timeline, keep 'em coming!:D
 

Hecatee

Donor
Olbia will certainly not come into direct connection with the Empire this century, if ever. It's really too far away and would not help with the goal of securing the borders. Tyras might be another story altogether, but certainly not during the present reign. After all, while Hadrianus might have changed on tactics, he's still the same personality and keeps the same overall strategic goals.
 
Olbia will certainly not come into direct connection with the Empire this century, if ever. It's really too far away and would not help with the goal of securing the borders. Tyras might be another story altogether, but certainly not during the present reign. After all, while Hadrianus might have changed on tactics, he's still the same personality and keeps the same overall strategic goals.

Porata or Tyros river, it does not really matter. Both work as a first borderline in front of the Carpathian Mountains. East of this border are the sarmatian tribes. And it is a very good idea, to become friends with them, in order to help these new allies, to defeat everyone who tries to attack todays Ukraine. The Bosporan client-kingdom and some single cities like Olbia could be safe this way. It will be interesting, what will happen, if the Goths appear in the sarmatian planes.

Even more interesting for me is, what comes next in the West? The Marcomanni and Quadi and afterwards Southern Germany or again Germania Magna up to the Elbe? Perhaps a job for the next emperor. The problem is, conquering the area south of Dacia and West of Dacia makes a lot of sense in order to consolidate the border. Even if the romans in OTL decided differently. Everything beyond that needs a new motivation and reason.
 
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Hecatee

Donor
I'm sorry I've left this unatended for so long. Yet I've gone further with the timeline and I hope I'll please you with those first following chapters :

Near Priscul, Dacia Inferior, 118 CE

The battle was going badly. The Roxolani had not many horse archers, but most of their infantry carried a bow. They had heavy cavalry to cover the archers, ready to cut off any roman attempt to attack the archers, and no centurion was crazy or inexperienced enough to try such a feat. Thus the legions were suffering under the rain of arrows, main being cut down despite the shields and armors they wore.

Voltinius remembered the famous Greek quote about fighting in the shade of the Persian arrows, and felt it was quite appropriate: sometime the volleys of projectile were so dense as to filter the light of Sol Invictus himself.

Of course the Romans were not idly standing under arms. Keeping their inferior cavalry in reserve, they had adopted a slightly bulging line, so as to prevent encirclement by the enemies. Ditches with sharp banks going back to the camp’s walls did also help to prevent a flank attack, but the main strength of the Romans sat with their field artillery.

Carrobalistae were an innovation of the defunct Trajanus and were, for all purpose, a light ballista mounted on the back of a chariot that did also carry ammunitions for the weapons. Mounted as they were, the weapons could shoot above the heads of the legionaries, striking deep into any enemy formation daring enough to try to close the distance with the infantry. If the enemy came into range…

They’d done so twice now, heavy cavalry charges on the right and left flanks designed to terrify the Romans and make them flee, turning around just before hitting the infantry lines. The Roxolany knew well from experience that any attempt to go to contact with their huge kontos lance would lead to their demise: the heavily armored cavalrymen would not have the opportunity to strike many infantrymen while those would be able to unseat them, effectively making them almost paralyzed by the weight of the very armor that made them so fearful when on horseback.

The two failed attempt had left about fifty horsemen lying on the ground, some alongside their dead or dying mounts. The sounds of the wounded, both men and animals, could be heard even in the center of the Roman line, alongside the cries of the wounded Romans themselves.

It was a stalemate. It was clear to everyone that the Romans would not move from their carefully prepared positions. Still the Romans had access to the river, so they could get fresh water. Also they had enough food with them for about half a month. And they did not have to worry about a second army catching them in the back in the middle of a battle, a possibility made more credible for the Roxolani by every passing day. That, at least, was the message Voltinius gave to his men to give them confidence.

The fighting stopped for a moment, both sides staying on their positions. The battle was not finished for the day, just paused so that everyone could evaluate the situation. Wounded were brought to the rear of the roman lines, formations were tidied, flasks of watered wine passed around with some bread.

While the Romans thus rested, the Roxolani decided they had no choice. Caught between frustration and strategic concerns, they would have to break through the center of the Roman line, flood between the camp and the legions and kill everyone they would meet there or they would be the one defeated. Four waves of a thousand warriors each would be sent in succession against the Romans, the weight of the horses hopefully being able to open a way toward the Roman’s rear.

Of course Voltinius did not know it yet. He was amongst his men, making sure they had drunk and eaten something. In the sky the sun had finally lifted above the clouds, darting his hot rays on the ranks of waiting men. Half of the day had already been spent.

Suddenly a great cry arose, the ground started to shake as a thousand horses started to gallop toward the roman legions. Tubae sounded the recall for the legionaries. Hurriedly soldiers took back their positions, holding their shields together to make a wall of wood designed to deter the enemy horses.

Commanding officers looked above their shield’s rim despite the danger of a stray arrow, waiting for a sign. Then the piercing sound of the bronze trumpets sounded once more and the roman army went backward one step, then another, as if shrinking and trying to escape the shock of cavalry.

The ranks parted slightly, revealing wooden poles between the retreating men , a first and then a second line of young trees cut and planted into the ground during the night in pre-planned holes which the Roxolani had not seen, the legions being in place early enough in the morning to deny them any view on the defenses. After half a dozen step the soldiers stopped and once more dressed their ranks, their officers smiling at them: their ruse had worked.

It had been an idea of Voltinius, born of previous experience with the horsemen's tribes. The Roxolani saw the threat appear in front of them but it was already too late: the speed and mass of their horses meant they could not turn in time, could not slow, could not get back : the horses came straight on the sharpened poles, rearing in front of them or impaling themselves, throwing their heavily armored owners on the ground where the weight of their leather and metal armors prevented them from getting back on their feet.

Dying horses made an awful noise while thrashing on the ground, crushing the men lying alongside them while Roman spears tried to mercifully end their pain. Blood flowed everywhere, wetting the ground to the point where the poles crashed down, the Romans losing their protection. But it did not matter: the surviving Roxolani were now fleeing toward their main army whose leaders were already turning around. The legions would survive the day.
 

Hecatee

Donor
Porolissum, end of summer 118 CE

The Emperor was looking at the map displayed along one wall of his council chamber. He was pleased. Of course the area would still need campaigning for two or three years, but most of the goals had been achieved and losses had been relatively light despite the stunning stupidity of some of his commanders. Or former commanders should he say…

There were still operations taking place, the season being far from finished, but everyone was already beginning to plan for the winter season. Camps were being built for the bad season, using strong points to control travel in the new territories and prepare for the next year’s campaign. He’d decided to reorganize the whole region, with an inferior and a superior Dacia, and border changes to Moesia and the two Pannonia defined by Trajanus.

Thanks to his victory on the Iazyges, Hadrianus had received a formal notification of victory from the senate, soon followed by a second one after news of his legates’ victories in Dacia. Those, he hoped, would be the firsts of many. He’d had money stamped to commemorate the victory, and not in cheap silver either but good gold aurei and quinarii with a gold content to rival with those of the time of the blessed Augustus himself. Of course not that many of those had been coined, but enough for them to make an impression.

With his goals now achieved and his rule uncontested since the repression of the Mauritanian rebellion, Hadrianus could look forward to going back to Rome and make his formal entrance in the capital city of the Empire. He already had great plans to commemorate his victory, but before those he must first see to some other tasks, some more pleasant than the others. And it’s one of those more pleasant tasks that is now awaiting him in the form of a man standing in front of his imperial presence.

Caius Cassius Voltinius still bore bandages around his broken arm and his nose was still not completely set. Still, the man held himself upright, proud but still aware of his place in front of his emperor. Hadrianus liked such men and knew he needed them if the Empire and his reign were to be preserved.

On a gesture of Hadrianus came a slave carrying a richly ornamented box presented on a pillow, which he proceeded to open, masking its content to the legion commander. All around the council chamber high officers stood silent, looking at the face of the emperor. Hadrianus rose, and took the content of the box, showing it to all before putting it on the head of Voltinius while a deadly silence had taken hold of the room. It was a finely woven crown, a corona obsidionalis made of freshly cut grass.

No one had received one since the divine Augustus. As the grass crown settled on the legate’s head the assembly erupted in loud cheers for the emperor had just granted Voltinius the highest military honor, higher even than a triumph…
 

Hecatee

Donor
Rome, winter 119 CE

Hadrianus was once more meeting his concilium behind closed doors, settling some of the many matters that demanded his attention. The Parthians were once more agitating the Jews, and there were the most disturbing information about troubles brewing in the German territories.

The Emperor was not planning on participating in any war by himself, having decided to let his generals handle this business without him, but he still needed to make sure they’d get enough money and enough men to accomplish their tasks, and of course all the others things armies needed to operate inside and outside of the Empire.

At least the borders of the trans-Danubian provinces were quite, and he had the possibility to redispatch some of the forces concentrated there back to their original units. Of course there was always a risk for revolt in the region, but he thought it would not happen for at least half a decade : three wars fought on this land in less than twenty years had left the area much depopulated, especially with his resettlement program.

His mind so went his own way until a word brought him back to the meeting. Yes, what to do with the talented Caius Cassius Voltinius ? Well the solution being presented by the Ab Epistulae looked good, a military command in Britannia might be a good idea for his next position, but not before he’d spent a year in Rome during which he’d hold a consulship for one month, maybe in December with Hadrianus himself for colleague ?

Britannia was also a thorn in the Empire’s side, with a lot of troops required to defend the area against the barbarians from the north and any attempt by the already subjugated tribes to raise as they had done under Boddica, in the time of the damned Nero. Actually there was a revolt currently under way at the very moment, although the forces in theater under the command of Pompeius Falco seemed sufficient to take care of things.

As he was entertaining this train of thoughts, Hadrian let his eyes roam the large mosaic map that showed the limits of his Empire. They were really but two solutions to the dilemma of Britannia, either build a wall to protect the south from the savages or invade and beat them into submissions, finishing what the general Agricola had not been allowed to end. While it might not allow for an immediate withdrawal of the troops toward the Rhine border, it would make it possible in the longer term, especially if a good deal of the population was killed or enslaved with traders and troublesome peoples exiled there. So far from the East the Jews would not be influenced by the Parthians anymore…

But it was no use making plans now. He’d go to Britannia himself and see what the situation looked like before taking any decision.
 
Oescus, Danubian border, autumn 117 CE

Publius Aelius Hadrianus seats enthroned in all the imperial glory, the commanders of the Danubian armies seated around him. The praetorium is a huge wooden building first constructed to hosts the headquarter of Hadrian’s predecessor, Trajanus, during his second dacian war.

Here Hadrianus has been a general amongst many, but he is now the absolute ruler of the Empire. Many roads lay in front of him, and only he will make the decision on which one to take.

In front of the assembled generals, a large map of the empire stood up, small flags and colours showing the extent of the empire and its various forces with an estimation of their respective strengths. A huge concentration of force was still present in the east, leaving the Rhine dangerously under guarded. In some places the borders where on riverlines, as on the Rhine, but much too often they were not. Dacia was exposed to the Roxolani and to the Iazyges, and there was a huge gap between the Rhine and Danube garrisons where barbarian pressure could splinter the roman defenses.
The emperor rose from his throne and felt all eyes looking at him. Walking slowly, he approached the huge map, his purple mantle falling on his shoulders the only noise to be heard. He showed them.

Two large scale offensives, both in the Danubian area, using forces freed by the end of the campaign in the east. Four enemies they knew well, two of them who had been diminished by the recent wars of Trajanus. The Roxolani and the Daci would be attacked from across the Danube , from the east, and pushed toward the north and the tribe of the Carpi, where they would be all pushed to the other side of the river Porata.

The Legio I Italica and XI Claudia would sparhead the attack with some detachments from the XV Apollinaris and the XII Fulminata brought from Cappadocia. The legio V Macedonica would serve as anchor for this movement while the XIII Gemina would protect the eastern side of the lands taken by Trajanus.

At the same time, on the other side of Dacia, XIV Gemina from Carnuntum, the II Adiutrix from Aquincum and the IV Flavia Felix would attack across the Danube from the west and the south, the VII Claudia protecting Dacia on the western side, the forces crushing the Iasyges to push them toward the mountains held by the Osi and the Cotini.

The Quadi and the Marcomani had been quite enough those last few years to so diminish the forces protecting Noricum and Pannonia. It was a gambit, but a reasonable enough one.

Hadrianus himself would lead the Iazyges offensive, knowing the land well from a previous mission in the area. Those two operations would significantly diminish the total length of the border, with mountains and rivers to shore up the future defenses.

Two or three years of campaigning would probably see the border put on the Porata of even the Tyras, giving numerous lines of defense against future raids from the steppe peoples.

His generals agreed. It was a sound plan, and would bring good agricultural land in the hands of the Empire, lands which would provide them with nice new estates.

And in three or four years they would be able to turn their sight back toward the east and Parthia with seasoned soldiers at their back. Yes, they liked the plan they were seeing.

My timeline follows the opposite flow from yours. Mine details the fall of Hadrian and the great wars against the Parthian scum under Emperor Lusius Quietus! Long live Imperium Romanum!
 
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