Enter the Wu-Tang (36 Chambers)

maverick

Banned
BOOK V: WU-TANG VERSUS THE GOLDEN PHOENIX

Interesting, somewhat confusing, but a great read and it was wonderfully written.

Then, in September, the Wu-Tang struck.

Finally! An excellent, if short-lived, action scene.

After that, it’s Zhang Xianzhong’s invasion of Tibet

Oooh...that's what marching west was:p

I'm sure this will provide with many interesting fights and religious arguments. It could double as a crusade against the Lamaist Infidels. :p
 
Excellent, excellent. I have to ask, though: will you be including any more references to real-world, um, groups in this timeline? Such as rivals of the Wu-Tang Clan? Or their 'tenth member', Cappadonna? Or maybe just their album titles.

In any case, it would be interesting to see how the Wu-Tang gets along with the real contemporary White Lotus Clan, or other Shaolin monastic orders.

On a different wacky note, I've got an idea: what if Franciscan monks in the court of the Qing brought with them the most secret of European martial traditions- the disciplines of savate, fencing, and the art of the quarterstaff.
 
I like that Shi guy. Cause southern Mings means more navally goodness.

Yeah, surviving Southern Ming does open up a lot of possibilities in the maritime arena, especially since they're going to be scrambling and thus won't have the opportunity to get all insular and xenophobic. Zheng Chenggong (Koxinga) will of course be a future character . . . and in not that long, the Eastern Dwarves will make their first appearance. Stay tuned!

Finally! An excellent, if short-lived, action scene.

I'm sure this will provide with many interesting fights and religious arguments. It could double as a crusade against the Lamaist Infidels. :p

Hey, in the update before this one there was a giant battle! I do see your point, though. And the Dalai Lama will definitely show up during the invasion of Tibet - I have plans for them. Although, the invasion itself doesn't have any whiff of "convert the infidels!" to it. It's more just one of Zhang Xianzhong's wacky ideas.

Excellent, excellent. I have to ask, though: will you be including any more references to real-world, um, groups in this timeline? Such as rivals of the Wu-Tang Clan? Or their 'tenth member', Cappadonna? Or maybe just their album titles.

In any case, it would be interesting to see how the Wu-Tang gets along with the real contemporary White Lotus Clan, or other Shaolin monastic orders.

On a different wacky note, I've got an idea: what if Franciscan monks in the court of the Qing brought with them the most secret of European martial traditions- the disciplines of savate, fencing, and the art of the quarterstaff.

These are some fantastic suggestions - thanks! I actually did think about including Cappadonna, but couldn't think of a Chinese name for him, and gave up (I was already a bit burned out by thinking of ways to translate the other nine guys). The album titles will indeed get some play - there's going to be a bit on the Iron Flag of the Wu-Tang Clan - and of course, half of the dialogue in this last bit was song titles from the first album. And to be honest with you, I didn't even know that the Wu-Tang Clan had any rivals. Who were they? Of course, I do have to keep this thing vaguely tethered to the Plausibility Leash, otherwise there would be a war between east and west, with the two sides led by Tu Pake and the Notorious Large One.
 
To be honest, much of my knowledge of the band stuff comes from the Wikipedia article, which details the beefs that the Clan has had with other artists. Oh, and another thing you can possibly allude to is their saavy business sense that the article talks about (and they made fun of on Chappelle's Show). Even Taoist warriors have to eat.
 
Then the Hegemon-King said: “Heaven has brought forth numberless things for the support of Man. Man has not one virtue with which to recompense Heaven. Kill kill kill kill kill kill kill.” Thus spoke the Hegemon-King, and his words were proclaimed on the Seven-Kill Stele (4).


Ah, a Barry Hughart fan, I see... :D

Bruce
 
Excerpted from “Waning Brightness: The Empire of the Southern Ming,” by Maxwell S. Hammer.

- Although both the Southern Ming and the Qing had imagined that Shi Kefa’s victory at Huai’an would lead to an extended offensive north into Shandong and Henan, it never in fact materialized. Most critically, the May 1st Incident (五一事件), as Huang Degong’s purge of the eunuchs and his subsequent demise at the hands of Shi Kefa has been named, caused the planned Ming offensive to come to a crashing halt, as Shi’s troops were needed first to put down Huang and then to cement Shi’s position as the new Chief Minister of the Hongguang Emperor (1). In the wake of Huang’s not-quite rebellion - it is difficult to settle on a name that adequately describes his actions, as he never intended to overthrow the emperor - the Southern Ming lost the initiative on the Central Plain, and the northern front stagnated until Wu Sangui’s arrival on the scene at the beginning of June. The May 1st Incident also had consequences other than depriving the Ming of the initiative; as Shi Kefa was needed in Nanjing to oversee the day-to-day affairs of government, the Southern Ming were also deprived of their most skilled battlefield commander. The summer campaign would make that point clear in painfully blunt fashion. In Shi’s absence, command of the forces in northern Jiangsu - the spearhead of the Ming armies and the sector that was almost assured to be the first recipient of Wu Sangui’s attention - command devolved onto the capable person of Lu Zhenfei, a diligent and talented scholar-bureaucrat. Knowing that his skills lay in the administrative rather than the martial realm, Lu turned over command of the military to Zheng Zhilong, a former merchant and pirate and an associate of Lu’s for many years. While Zheng was indisputably bold, daring, and courageous, he was hampered in that the vast majority of his military experience had taken place at sea rather than on land. He was thus at a decisive disadvantage when pitted against the wily and seasoned campaigner Wu Sangui, a veteran of countless campaigns under both the Ming and now the Qing banner.

After allowing ample time for his troops to rest - they had made a forced march from Shaanxi in the mistaken belief that the Ming were about to threaten Shandong and perhaps even Beijing itself - Wu made his opening gambit in early July of 1645, surprising all parties by moving southwest into Anhui. The startled Zheng, who was assuming a frontal attack from Wu, was forced to leave his defensive emplacements behind and pursue the turncoat general. The two armies finally collided on July 17th outside the town of Bengbu. In the end, it was Wu’s cunning and guile that won the day. Although reliable records of the battle are scarce, several chroniclers state that Wu divided his army into two parts, engaged Zheng with the greater of the two, and then sent the smaller part around Zheng’s flank to attack him from the rear at the height of the battle. Whatever the tactics were, the Southern Ming were decisively defeated. Zheng Zhilong was captured alive, and in an unusual move, Wu Sangui chose to torture and to execute his defeated foe on the battlefield, rather than sending him in chains to Beijing, where he would no doubt have met the same fate in the end (2). Most historians cite this as the reason behind Zheng Chenggong’s fanatical opposition to the Qing, and it is difficult to refute the orthodox interpretation in this case; hearing of the brutal torture and death of one’s father would seem to make one less partial toward his killers. After the Battle of Bengbu Wu moved quickly south, investing Hefei less than two weeks after his initial triumph. Yet quick thinking on the part of the city magistrate prevented Wu from seizing the city without a fight, and he was forced to sit through a two month siege that finally ended with the capitulation and bloody sack of Hefei in early October. Wu’s army, which was rather battered by this point, attempted twice to cross the Chang River (3) in mid and late October, only to be thrown back both times by determined Ming resistance. In November Wu quit his attempts and returned to Hefei, where he set up winter quarters and plotted his campaign of 1646, which he hoped would end with the capture of Nanjing and the destruction of the Southern Ming Dynasty . . .

Excerpted from “The Veritable Records of Ming.” (4)

SEVENTH MONTH OF THE FIRST YEAR OF THE REIGN OF THE HONGGUANG EMPEROR

The Ministry of Rites received a delegation of notables from Wuchang-in-Hubei. This delegation came to announce that Hubei had been cleansed of barbarian invaders, and entreated the Son of Heaven to once more extend the benevolence of his reign to Hubei. The delegation purports to represent the liberators of Hubei, styled the Wu-Tang Clan, and it was led by the envoys Ghost-Face Killer, Rui Kong, and Method Man. Petitioners made note of the endless beneficence and generosity shown to their order by the Hongwu and Jiajing Emperors, and stated that it was these expressions of imperial benevolence shown by bygone rulers that prompted their extraordinary actions on behalf of the Son of Heaven. The envoys brought tribute, consisting of numerous and sundry spoils of war taken from the barbarian invaders. This tribute was notated and recorded by the Sub-Minister of Protocol. The envoys were banqueted and rewarded in accordance with the precedents. Grand Councilor Shi Kefa conferred the title of Provincial Magistrate for Hubei on Ri Za, the leader of the liberators. The Emperor, in his boundless generosity, decreed that as a reward for the actions of the Wu-Tang Clan, eighty-eight new temples of the Daoist path would be constructed forthwith in his realm (5).

Excerpted from “Fact Sheet #
4a, Introduction to Chinese History,” by Professor Scheherazade Wang. Department of Oriental Studies, Cambridge University.

- Following up on our previous discussions about the genesis of and mythology surrounding the anti-Qing religious society known as the Wu-Tang Clan, we now move on to examine that society’s impact on the broader Chinese culture. Again, all of these terms and concepts are fair game for the final exam.

说诗唱 (shuoshichang, or “spoken poem-song”): A seamless blend of poetry and song, shuoshichang is a uniquely Chinese art form that survives to the present day. The genre originated among Wu-Tang warriors as a pre-battle ritual: they would compose narrative poems extolling their fighting spirit and enumerating the tortures to be inflicted upon the foe. As the genre grew more complex, a set form emerged. For example, rhyme became an essential element of the shuoshichang, as it made for a more harmonious sound. Additionally, although it was acceptable to compose a shuoshichang in advance, those that were composed on the spot (“freestyle”) were more prized. Exemplars of the genre include Zhu Hongbo’s anti-materialist polemic “Taels Rule Everything Around Me,” and Qian Zhongshu’s lament “Severe Punishment.”

节奏口技 (jiezou kouji, or “vocal percussion”): Sometimes translated as “beat-boxing.” This art, which involves producing rhythmic drumming sounds with the mouth, is often used as a musical accompaniment to shuoshichang. It originated with the Wu-Tang Clan, and it is believed that the style developed due to the privations faced by the Clan in their early years. Since there were no percussion instruments to be found, and no time to make them, the Clan simply used their bodies to produce melodies that corresponded to their poem-songs.

NOTES
(1) These events were described in more detail two updates ago, just in case you’ve forgotten.

(2) OTL he was also executed by the Qing, although in entirely different circumstances.

(3) More often translated as the Yangzi or Yangtze River in English, but in modern Chinese known as Chang Jiang (长江, or “Long River”), and that’s what it will be called throughout ITTL.

(4) The Veritable Records of Ming (明实录) was basically the record of each emperor’s reign. OTL, of course, it ended with the Chongzhen Emperor in 1644. ITTL, the Ming survive . . . indefinitely.

(5) Given the state of the Hongguang Emperor’s finances, the Wu-Tang Clan probably shouldn’t hold their breath waiting for these temples to actually be built. Still, it’s a nice gesture.

*As you can see, the Wu-Tang and Southern Ming story threads are starting to converge. More on them later, but in the next update we’ll return to the adventures of Zhang Xianzhong. As always, thanks for reading.
 

maverick

Banned
Awesome as always!

There's so much action to follow: the Wu-tang Clan in Hubei, Zhang in Tibet and the Ming-Qing War at the Plains

Professor Scheherazade Wang.
:D Quite the name
 
Ah, a Barry Hughart fan, I see... :D

Bruce

Nope! I don't know who that is. Or I didn't know who that is; now, thanks to Wikipedia, I know more than I ever cared to, and some of it might even be accurate.

Actually, the bit you were referring to is an oft-repeated legend; supposedly Zhang Xianzhong actually erected a stele in Chengdu with those words on it, and there it remained until the Cultural Revolution, when it was torn down by Red Guards. The whole thing has more than a whiff of legend about it, though, and Baike Baidu rather debunks the entire story (Chinese-speakers only). But the tale is so entertaining that I decided to include it in this timeline as fact, because . . . well, because I could.

Very nice. Are you a fan of family fortunes perchance?

Actually, I don't know what that is either, and Wikipedia isn't any help this time. Are you referring to a British game show, as Google seems to think?

Awesome as always!

There's so much action to follow: the Wu-tang Clan in Hubei, Zhang in Tibet and the Ming-Qing War at the Plains

Thanks! Yeah, things are getting sort of complicated. As time goes on, the focus of the TL is going to expand, and become more of a pan-Asian affair. The first steps toward that will begin in the next entry, with Zhang Xianzhong's invasion of Tibet . . .
 
Actually, I don't know what that is either, and Wikipedia isn't any help this time. Are you referring to a British game show, as Google seems to think?

Yes I am. Each question is introduced with:

We asked 100 people [blank]

while the answers are introduced with:

Our survey said [blank]

Hence the question.
 
The whole thing has more than a whiff of legend about it, though, and Baike Baidu rather debunks the entire story (Chinese-speakers only). But the tale is so entertaining that I decided to include it in this timeline as fact, because . . . well, because I could.

And I for one am very glad you did! It's definitely an unusual little piece of trivia, and I can't help but laugh out loud by just looking at the line “杀杀杀杀杀杀杀”
 
Excerpted from “The Yellow Tiger: A Biography of Zhang Xianzhong,” by Gary Grice.

- The invasion of Tibet, spurred on by Hegemon-King Zhang Xianzhong’s belief that Heaven could be found by climbing to the top of the highest mountain in that highest of lands, was, in the words of his spiritual advisor Ludovico Buglio, “a short and victorious war.” Buglio and his fellow Jesuit Gabriel de Magalhaes, who had converted the Hegemon-King to Christianity, had reason to be relieved; the entire expedition was more or less a lark, and the Jesuits were even more concerned that Zhang persisted in certain heretical notions, not the least of which was his belief that he could reach Heaven and speak with God and Jesus. Nevertheless, there were none in the State of Ba who dared question the wishes of the Hegemon-King, and thus the invasion of Tibet proceeded as planned in the spring of 1646. In the end, and wholly unsurprisingly, it was sheer weight of numbers that told the tale. Although the Dalai Lama’s army, primarily composed of Mongolian cavalry, was highly maneuverable, it was ill-suited to stop Zhang’s massive army as it marched straight for Drepung. The Army of Ba swatted away several Tibetan attacks as if they were so many mosquitoes and unceremoniously sacked the Tibetan capital in mid-May. Although the Dalai Lama survived, fleeing with a substantial force, the fall of Drepung largely spelled the end of organized resistance. Zhang continued on to Lhasa, where the Dalai Lama had been busy constructing what would have become the new capital of the Tibetan Empire. This city was not sacked; on the contrary, Zhang ordered the half-finished Potala Palace to be completed and renamed Lhasa as Tiancheng (天城, or City of Heaven). At this point, the Hegemon-King paused and divided his army; several segments were sent to the northern reaches of Tibet to survey the landscape, assert the authority of Ba, and compel obedience from the natives. Another segment of the army remained in Tiancheng, where they began to Christianize the Tibetans, with decidedly mixed results. Meanwhile, Zhang and a final detachment moved west, towards the Himalaya Mountains. Heaven beckoned . . .

After moving steadily west for several weeks through Shigatse, Zhang and company finally began to arrive at the Himalayan foothills. Here, the expedition faced its first problem. How on earth were they to ascertain which of the monstrous peaks before them was the biggest one? Miraculously enough, it appears that they actually hit on the right one; although it is impossible to be completely certain, examination of the expedition’s chronicles suggests that they did indeed attempt to summit Mt. Zhumulangma in July of 1646 (1). Yaks and guides were commandeered from the surrounding villages and a base camp was constructed in preparation for what Zhang firmly believed would be his ascent into Heaven. They were to find that if the mountain was indeed the path to Heaven, then God was not in the mood to receive visitors. Early attempts to scout out a path to the summit were stymied by avalanches, storms, and altitude sickness respectively; on the fourth attempt as many as fifty climbers died in a massive storm which left them stranded. Zhang remained undaunted; in what is undoubtedly the most famous exchange from the expedition’s official chronicle, the Tale of Voyaging to the Roof of the World, his loyal secretary Zhu Feng asked his monarch if it was possible that the mountain was not in fact the pathway to Heaven. Zhang allowed that perhaps it was not, yet insisted that the summit must be reached nonetheless. When Zhu Feng inquired as to why this was the case, why the top must be reached no matter the cost, Zhang grandly replied: “因为它就在那里” (yinwei ta jiu zai nali, or, “Because it is there”). On the fifth attempt the Hegemon-King himself joined the team, which went farther than any of the previous four. Yet like the others, it ended not with a bang but a whimper; Zhang fell into a crevasse. Somehow he survived - a rope was sent down and the Hegemon-King was dragged back to the surface - but the quest to reach Heaven had ended. For the rest of his life, Zhang would walk with a limp, and he would always be susceptible to chills. The experience only deepened his growing Christianity (2), and as he was carried back to Tiancheng in a litter, his thoughts centered on spreading the faith . . .

Excerpted from “Tragedy and Triumph: The Story of Lobsang Gyatso, 5th Dalai Lama,” by Darryl Hill.


- Before his thirtieth birthday, Ngawang Lobsang Gyatso had already proved his great worth on many occasions. He had conquered Shigatse and Kham; he had pacified Amdo; he had asserted the dominance of the Gelugpa sect; indeed, he had unified Tibet under his rule. He was thus shocked and horrified beyond measure when Zhang Xianzhong’s Army of Ba swept through his lands, destroying his kingdom in what seemed a blink of the eye. In truth, although the Dalai Lama had been completely unprepared for the invasion (3), it is unlikely that much would have changed even had he been aware of the coming onslaught. The force of arms arrayed against Tibet was simply too much to be overcome, and it was a scant few months after the invaders entered his empire that the Dalai Lama found himself fleeing in a most undignified manner. All was not totally lost, however. The Dalai Lama had managed to gather around his person a formidable force of several thousand Mongol cavalry, the flower of his armed forces; his plan was to ride north to their homeland and rally there. However, as it so happened, Zhang’s forces were operating to the north in strength, and the Dalai Lama’s men narrowly escaped the invader’s clutches on several occasions. In despair, Lobsang Gyatso gave up and ordered his men to retreat south, rather than north. None of the cavalrymen he commanded would ever see Mongolia again. For that matter, he would never see Tibet again. Yet the Dalai Lama’s future proved to be brighter than anyone could possibly have guessed . . .

For several months, the Dalai Lama and his troops moved slowly south and east, generally following the line of the Lancang (Mekong) River wherever they could, although they had to deviate at points due to impassable terrain. At some point in the autumn of 1646, the Dalai Lama arrived at Dali, in Yunnan. At this point Yunnan, a rugged border province, was in a sort of no-man’s-land at the time: the Southern Ming did not have enough troops to send any of them traipsing off to the frontier, while Zhang Xianzhong’s forces were either in Tibet or guarding the western border against attacks from either the Ming or the Qing, who themselves were nowhere near Yunnan. Thus, government in Yunnan was largely nonexistent; in many cases it was conducted on the township level by magistrates left over from the Ming, who treated individual towns and villages as their private fiefs, more or less. Naturally, the entrance of the Dalai Lama and his several thousand cavalry auxiliaries rather upset the balance that had existed in Yunnan up to that point. The Dalai Lama quickly took over the town of Dali, using it as his base of operations - it would later become his capital - and issuing a call to all Buddhists to join him. This strategy met with mixed success, while the deployment of his cavalry squadrons resulted in yet more additions to Gyatso’s rapidly growing realm. It was in these, the early stages of his resurgence, that the Dalai Lama truly came into his element as a master diplomat and statesman: he cut deals with local magistrates, who added their fiefs to his rule; he enticed whole tribes to convert to Buddhism with the power of his preaching; he mercilessly crushed other tribes that resisted the Eightfold Path. It was with shocking speed - aided both by the lack of any great power in the area and his own fierce resolve - that the Dalai Lama carved out a new state for himself in Yunnan. It was a state that was built around his person and around Gelugpa (Yellow Hat) Buddhism. This was so much the case, in fact, that the Dalai Lama’s new state rather quickly became known in Chinese as Huangmaoguo (黄帽国, or “Yellow Hat Land”). From the ashes of his defeat in Tibet, the Dalai Lama had risen as if he was a phoenix. And in 1648, after consolidating his power over the entirety of Yunnan, he looked to expand his nascent state’s borders. Wary of the power of Ba and of the Southern Ming, he did not go north, nor did he go east. Rather, the Dalai Lama’s forces moved south . . .

NOTES
(1) Also known as Mount Everest.

(2) The circumstances of Zhang’s conversion to Christianity are explained in previous posts.

(3) Of course, there was no reason for him to be prepared for it. As I’ve tried to indicate, invading Tibet didn’t make much sense objectively, but Zhang Xianzhong has his own rationale for doing things.

*Meet the Dalai Lama and his angry Buddhist empire in Yunnan! As you can see, they will be headed into Southeast Asia soon, which will kick off all kinds of chaos. Butterflies galore, etc. Stay tuned for the details, although in the next update we’re going back to the Southern Ming. As always, thanks for reading.
 
Excellent segment! Zhang Xianzhong's Tibetan conquest seems exactly the sort of thing that could exist in real history: too farfetched to be fiction, just realistic enough to be one of those "believe it or not" moments in non-Western history that could show up in a trivia game. Very Taipingesque. I wonder, now that semi-Christians have displaced the Lamaists in Tibet, and the Lamaists have displaced the Muslims of Yunnan, where will the Muslims go? Such a domino effect.

Also, the irony of Buddhists converting with sword and fire. Though such is not unknown to actual history. I suppose only Confucianism may be the one major belief structure to not have spread by war. Not directly, at least.
 
Nope! I don't know who that is. Or I didn't know who that is; now, thanks to Wikipedia, I know more than I ever cared to, and some of it might even be accurate.

Actually, the bit you were referring to is an oft-repeated legend; supposedly Zhang Xianzhong actually erected a stele in Chengdu with those words on it, and there it remained until the Cultural Revolution, when it was torn down by Red Guards.

That's a fun thing about Barry: you never know when he's making something up out of whole cloth, and when he's taking something out of actual chinese history and myth. Read Bridge of Birds: you can take or leave the other two stories.



Bruce
 
Excerpted from “The Ming-Qing Wars,” by A.Q. Khan.

-
1646 looked as though it would be a pivotal year in the conflict that had torn China in two. Wu Sangui was poised for another attempt on the Southern Ming capital of Nanjing, while Shi Kefa rallied the loyalist forces and looked to prevent the turncoat general from crossing the Chang River. In April, the battle was joined, as Wu left his winter quarters in Hefei and moved his army south. After consultations with his generals, Shi Kefa opted for a defensive strategy; he elected not to give battle to the Qing general north of the Chang River, and instead concentrate his forces so as to prevent Wu’s army from crossing the Chang, without which Nanjing could not be captured. Initially Wu drove straight for the Ming capital, attempting to cross the river near Jinhekou, barely twenty kilometers south of Nanjing itself. Yet this most direct of approaches played straight into the defenders’ hands, and the Qing armies failed to cross the Chang successfully. Wu Sangui, having been denied once, opted to pursue a more circuitous route. He moved southwest, hoping to cross the Chang further upstream at an undefended ford and then swing back towards Nanjing, pulling the Ming defensive lines out of position and striking their capital city from the rear (1). The Qing forces moved at a forced march, stealing a march on their Ming counterparts, and made for the small town of Shiqiao, which had been chosen as an ideal crossing point due to the shallow water and large sandbar in the middle of the river near the town. When Wu Sangui and his army arrived, there were no Ming troops to be found, and the plan seemed to have been a smashing success. Boats were commandeered from the surrounding villages for animals and the high command, while the mass of the army waded through the thick and murky water, scarcely more than a hundred and fifty centimeters deep at its highest point. And then, seemingly out of nowhere, the riverboat navy of the Wu-Tang Clan arrived.

Excerpted from “The Story of the Glorious Sword of the Wu-Tang Clan,” by Gao Feiyang.


- Inspector of the Deck did not organize his forces, nor did he make grand plans. As he was a servant of the Dao, Inspector of the Deck took no conscious action. Thus, he was perfectly prepared (2). The Thrice-Damned Traitor, ever a master of lies and deceit, attempted to avoid honorable combat by the expedient of sneaking his foul host across the Mother of Rivers at an out-of-the-way location. Yet he could not fool Inspector of the Deck, who learned of the Thrice-Damned Traitor’s movements and sprang into action with fearsome and noble alacrity.

“Brothers!” said Inspector of the Deck to the boatmen and warriors of the Wu-Tang Clan. “Let us stain the river red with the blood of the enemy!”

Then the Glorious Armada (3) fell upon the foe, who were unprepared for the righteous rage of the Wu-Tang Clan. When they saw the Glorious Armada approach, they wept piteously, gnashed their teeth, and rent their garments, for they knew that their end had come. The Thrice-Damned Traitor, filth-encrusted vermin that he was, fled ignominiously at the first sign of combat, slinking back from whence he came. For the rest of the infidel host there was no mercy. Ten thousand heads were taken. There was much rejoicing.

After the great victory, Inspector of the Deck and his warriors celebrated with vigor. As the campfires crackled in the night, the warriors began beat-boxing, and Inspector of the Deck rose to perform a free-style poem-song.

Inspector of the Deck gave a shout. “The Wu-Tang Clan is ferocious and fearsome! With great fury we strike, and then are gone. With a will of Iron, we pummel the foe!”

Then there was a great shouting and clamor. The warriors spoke with one voice in approval. From this point, they marched under the Iron Flag of the Wu-Tang Clan.

Excerpted from “The Ming-Qing Wars,” by A.Q. Khan.


- Wu Sangui’s second attempt to cross the Chang River met with no more success than the first one, as partisans from the anti-Qing sect Wu-Tang Clan appeared on rowboats and barges, bringing the operation to an abrupt and unsatisfactory conclusion. A disgusted Wu formulated a new plan; he intended to march the army back through Anhui and onto the Central Plain of Jiangsu, where he would be able to strike at cities north of the river with impunity and hopefully draw the Ming defenders out into the open where they could be fought with more success. Yet this plan, and indeed the entire war itself, was preempted by a message from the Manchu Prince Regent Dorgon, which reached Nanjing in mid-June of 1646. The Qing wanted peace. While it was an abrupt turnaround from their position of 1644, when they had haughtily dismissed a Ming diplomatic mission, the Manchus found themselves in a more precarious position two years later. Popular discontent, which had been relatively muted since the Manchu conquest, boiled over in early 1646 when the Qing abruptly ordered all Han Chinese men to adopt the traditional Manchu hairstyle at once on pain of death (4). This decree served as a catalyst for anti-Manchu sentiment, and before long the Qing found themselves beset on all sides by dissidents and rebels. Prince Regent Dorgon refused to compromise, famously declaring “Keep your hair and don’t keep your head, or keep your head and don’t keep your hair” (留发不留头,留头不留发). There was absolutely no unity or cohesion to the rebels, who were united by nothing other than a general dislike of the Qing. Yet they were a growing problem for the Manchus. In Shandong, the Elm Garden Army (榆园军, Yu yuan jun), a loose agglomeration of bandits and peasants, terrorized Manchus from Qingdao to Qufu; in Hebei, the Eight Dragons Army (八龙军, Ba long jun) threatened Beijing itself at one point (5). Furthermore, and perhaps even more troubling, the Hui Muslim communities in Shaanxi and Gansu rose in revolt as well. It was this urgent need to pacify their newly-won dominions that forced the Qing to the negotiating table in the summer of 1646.

Peace was a welcome prospect for the Southern Ming as well. Even after the Purge of the Eunuchs and the installation of Shi Kefa as the Hongguang Emperor’s Chief Minister, there was a great deal of internal dissension and conflict in the Ming ranks. Moreover, the ultimate loyalty of a worrying number of their troops was highly suspect, as was the loyalty of a worrying number of the generals who commanded those troops. The Southern Ming saw the Qing peace overture as a chance to rest and reorganize their forces. The general Ming mindset also favored a peace with the Manchu; oddly enough from a modern perspective, they considered Zhang Xianzhong the greater threat (6). Thus it was that both sides were eager to come to an arrangement that would end the war - at least for now - and enable both the Qing and the Ming to focus on what they each regarded as the greater short-term threat to their hegemony. After scarcely a month of negotiations, the Treaty of Suzhou was signed in late July of 1646. The Ming paid a relatively substantial bribe to the Qing, in return for which the Manchus withdrew from Anhui and Jiangsu Provinces altogether (7); additionally, it was agreed that the Qing would give the Ming a free hand in the southwest, while the Ming would extend the same courtesy to their Qing counterparts in the northwest. As previously noted, neither side viewed the treaty as worth much more than the paper it was printed on. With peace secured, the Qing were free to devote their attention to pacifying the north. The Ming, meanwhile, looked first to bring the southwest under control and to quell the ever-present grumbling at court. For not everyone was happy with the peace . . .

Excerpted from “Spending the Night at Yunmen Temple,” by Wu Ming
. (8)

Zheng Sen, son of the martyred general Zheng Zhilong, was in a ferocious rage. He paced back and forth in the small audience chamber, moaned with anguish, and clawed at his eyes.

“How can this be?” he said, voice rising in a wail. “How can we leave our work against the barbarian invaders unfinished? I will never raise my hand in anger against the Han people!”

Shi Kefa struggled mightily to avoid rolling his eyes, barely succeeding. He forced himself to sound stern rather than amused. “You will do what your Emperor tells you to do, Young Zheng,” he said. “That is what your father before you would have done.”

Zheng’s mutters faded into a resentful silence. Shi smiled, hoping to placate the young firebrand. “As it so happens,” he said, “you will not be asked to raise your hand against the Han people. You have been chosen to carry out another task.”

Zheng visibly perked up at this news. “Am I to march on Beijing itself and destroy the Manchu hordes once and for all?” he asked hopefully.

“No,” said Shi, shifting in his seat. “It has come to the court’s attention that the bandit king Zhang Xianzhong is guided and advised by red-haired barbarians from the far West. For too long we have indulged these devils from beyond the sea. Now you will redress the situation. Sail to Taiwan, and thence to Aomen. Remove the barbarian scourge, and bring these islands back into association with the Dragon Throne. Do this and we will make you the Great Barbarian-Subduing Admiral, Lord of Five Thousand Years.” (9)

In the corner of the room, the Emperor stirred for the first time. He was engrossed in painting; attempting to imitate the style of Ni Zan, he made each brushstroke with the greatest of care. Without looking up, he spoke. “Indeed, we will even grant you a new name,” he said. “To celebrate your success, you shall henceforth be Zheng Chenggong.”

Zheng knocked his head on the floor three times, then stood and regarded the emperor with awe. “All that I do in this world,” he said, “I do for the Son of Heaven.”

The Emperor abruptly stood, picked up his small dog, and marched over to the window. “Yes,” he said abstractly, still staring into the distance. “And so you shall. Find the barbarians. Leave none alive.”

NOTES
(1) Geography lesson aside, it boils down to this: Wu Sangui is on one side of the river, and Nanjing is on the other side. And it’s a big river . . .

(2) I’ve hit this note a few times. It’s a reference to the Daoist concept of 无为 (wuwei), which translates as something like “non-conscious action.” It’s a bit difficult, but the idea revolves around not acting with undue thought, but moving in harmony with Nature and the universe. Or something to that effect.

(3) A bit of hyperbole. It’s mostly commandeered fishing boats.

(4) As per OTL.

(5) The Elm Garden Army actually existed; the Eight Dragons Army I just made up.

(6) Again as per OTL; initially the Ming hoped to form an alliance with the Qing against Zhang Xianzhong, Li Zicheng, etc. This was because barbarians invading from the north were as regular an occurrence as the sun rising in the east. From the Ming point of view, this was normal and could be dealt with. A bandit army taking over Sichuan (and Tibet ITTL), on the other hand, was highly irregular.

(7) For clarity’s sake, I’m using the modern names for places, rather than what they actually would have been called at the time.

(8) This book was written by a eunuch who survived the purge, and is a lightly fictionalized account of the early years of the Southern Ming court.

(9) Shi and the Emperor could not care less about the vagaries of barbarian religious doctrine. Catholic? Protestant? Who cares?

*Next entry is probably more Southern Ming. Invasion of Taiwan, etc. As always, thanks for reading.
 
(3) Apropos of nothing, I’d love to hear a rational explanation for how 兵法 can be translated as The Art of War. Seriously, how do you get “art” out of ?

I can cover this one.

For many years, one of the definitive books of war strategy in the West was Dell'arte della guerra, aka The Art of War, by Niccolo Machievelli. When Sun Tzu's book was translated, it was given this title.
 

maverick

Banned
The Wu-Tang come out of nowhere to save the day, most excellent.

Now there are three states in China.

Will the Ming move against the Hegemon King?

Too bad Japan is just beginning its isolation period, Corea is a Qing Puppet and Ayutthaya is too far away to come into play, but maybe with the Lamaist Yunnai we may see Tibetan proselytizing in Indochina.
 
Yes I am. Each question is introduced with:

We asked 100 people [blank]

while the answers are introduced with:

Our survey said [blank]

Hence the question.

Interesting . . . I actually based it on a line from a Wu-Tang Clan song (forget which one), that goes "And the survey says/You're dead." Maybe Method Man was a fan of this game show? Stranger things have happened, I suppose.

I wonder, now that semi-Christians have displaced the Lamaists in Tibet, and the Lamaists have displaced the Muslims of Yunnan, where will the Muslims go? Such a domino effect.

This is a really good point. I'm not sure what the demographics of Yunnan were at that time, but there probably were a great deal of Muslims. Best guess is that the majority will stay; the opportunistic ones will convert and the others will be ignored so long as they refrain from taking up arms against the Dalai Lama. Alternatively, they could go either east or south. Maybe I'll send them south - I'm trying to get some of the nations down there involved, and an influx of Muslim refugees might do the trick nicely.

The Wu-Tang come out of nowhere to save the day, most excellent.

Now there are three states in China.

Will the Ming move against the Hegemon King?

Too bad Japan is just beginning its isolation period, Corea is a Qing Puppet and Ayutthaya is too far away to come into play, but maybe with the Lamaist Yunnai we may see Tibetan proselytizing in Indochina.

The Ming will eventually move against Zhang Xianzhong, but it will be a relatively lengthy process. First they have to establish effective control over the Guizhou/Guangxi area, which they don't at all have, and which will be a bit tricky. Corea/Korea/Chosen/Chaoxian/Joseon is indeed stuck as a Qing puppet for the foreseeable future, I'm afraid. And Japan is a frustrating case. I'd like to work them in, but I'd also like it to happen at least somewhat organically, and this time period isn't great. Maybe the bakufu would jump if the Ming offered a chance to renew relations; they'd attempted to reopen trade in the 1620s, but by this point that ship may have sailed. Ayutthaya, on the other hand, will have a role to play as Lamaist Yunnan moves south . . .

interesting

thanks
 
Top