One more U.S. one, and then it's back to Europe.
Part 12: The State of Some States – 1812-1820
Before getting back to Europe, and the cliffhanger we left it at, let’s look at the United States in the period leading up to the 1820 election.
Beginning of Abolition Activity
Controversy over the admission of states continued to exist, though it became less and less for two reasons. One was that Louisiana was admitted as a free state effective January 1, 1812, leaving free states with a two-state edge in the Senate. With Indiana and Illinois to be admitted by the end of the decade, even with three states entering in the Southwest, free states would continue to hold an edge, as they had since 1803 with Ohio’s admission. Hence, slave state leaders accepted that they would never have a balance in the Senate. Most agreed that slavery was still on its way out, though a few diehards felt it wasn’t declining as much as believed.
This made it a little easier for Delaware and Virginia to have preliminary discussions relating to slowly ending slavery like in New Jersey and New York. Indeed, Delaware had few enough states that they could do compensated emancipation. Therefore, abolitionists had begun to target it, though using native Delawareans so it didn’t seem like it was being forced from outside. The number of anti-slavery Quakers made that easy.
Monroe encouraged it as governor of Virginia, having learned through writing back and forth with Burr that free blacks were functioning well in New Orleans and elsewhere in Louisiana. Still, he greatly preferred that what would be a very large population of Virginia freemen instead be sent to Africa; he was in the process of organizing a Recolonization Society.
Even before Monroe became governor again in the middle of the decade, the urgings of Washington before his death and of Jefferson – though the latter hadn’t freed his slaves as he wished to because of his poverty – helped enough in Virginia that they began discussions. Tobacco was king in Virginia, unlike points south, and it hadn’t been as big of a money maker.
Such talk in Virginia and Delaware meant that a few Federalists, especially the Massachusetts men who supported abolition, jumped in and said that a National Bank would allow the Federal government to help pay for it, as 1811 drew to a close. D-R people balked at this, believing it to be a state decision; as did many Federalists.
Possible State Organization
There was still a desire on the part of settlers to make three states out of Mississippi, Alabama, and West Florida Territories. One young leader, John C. Calhoun, pointed out that the problem there was, admitting West Florida would mean the rest of Florida, which the U.S. had acquired from Spain in the war, might not be admitted for fifty years, it would take so long for enough settlers to go there, given the disease and the massive number of Indians. Any suggestion of making the Indians citizens and therefore countable as citizens was laughed at the couple times it was broached. As it was, Calhoun wondered if Florida would be admitted by 1840, unless all of West Florida was added to East Florida and admitted at the state of Florida now.
That brought cries from the territorial governors of Alabama and Mississippi Territories. They claimed that their economies would suffer if they didn’t each have a port along the Gulf. Not only that, but a large part of northern Alabama Territory was Crrek land. A few D-R members claimed that they should not try to grow that much bigger, but be happy with small, agrarian areas. However, as America prospered in the early 1810s, more and more people wanted to be part of that prosperity.
Louisiana – Hotbed of Liberalism?
Just across the river in Louisiana, though, things were different. Very different.
Speaker, then Governor, Aaron Burr’s love had been his home in New York. However, he’d been foiled by that pesky Hamilton in his attempts to retain power there.
Now, however, he had a sanctuary. It was a growing one, an estate that rivaled his Elmira, and even his son-in-law’s – former governor Joseph Alston - in South Carolina. As the decade wore on, and he was sworn in as governor in January of 1816, Louisiana was his playground, and he had a tgrue political dynasty. With his grandson having been away from home when the outbreak of disease hit a few years earlier, Burr was hearing of him being considered by a number of prominent families as a match for their daughters.
Burr might have seemed to have a lot in common with the growing plantation owners in Mississippi Territory. However, there were big differences, too.
For one, Burr had left his daughter Theodosia to tend to the New York estate before she wed and moved to South Carolina. Her husband died in 1816, and with things rather quiet that summer, Governor Burr went to help her ensure there was a good caretaker for the land and help for her son, by then fourteen years old. Having escaped the fever which might have killed him, thanks to travels during the time of that fever, Theodosia’s son, Aaron Burr Alston, was growing into a fine young man, but not ready to run the entire plantation.
Burr was incensed that some people felt Theodosia had to have a man tend to it, and brashly declared that things were different in Louisiana. “Women have power,” he declared truthfully. They didn’t have the power they would later – they didn’t yet have the right to vote, for instance. However, Burr had begun to consider it, and realized that this right was what would make women like Theodosia appear more powerful. Burr’s reputation and political wheeling and dealing had allowed him to build a group of friends who were willing to give those like Theodosia rights that seemed quite liberal for the 1810s. For instance, they could hold and sell property, even independent of their husbands. They also had the right to an education.
Burr encouraged Theodosia to come to Louisiana, where she could take part in helping to develop education for girls and ladies. He saw she wasn’t as respected as he’d hoped for in South Carolina, and didn’t want her to be thwarted by those who didn’t believe in her. Besides, selling this massive plantation would mean she was totally set financially.
However, it was while they discussed the plantation’s many slaves that he saw the real reason for some peoples’ disdain for her. She suggested that they could take all the slaves with them and free them, letting them serve as paid workers in Louisiana.
Burr was dumbfounded. He supposed that she could sell the estate without them; after all, it would be a very lucrative addition to any other estate in South Carolina. But, the freed slaves would require education. Had Hamilton been getting to her?
She said he had. And, that she was thinking of freeing them anyway. However, she also knew the politics of the area; South Carolinians would never accept so many hundreds of free blacks suddenly available to mingle with the landed gentry. They had a hard enough time accepting any. That was why her neighbors pressured Theodosia to send for Burr – they’d hoped a more sensible, prudent man would, in the words of one of her neighbors, “Talk her out of her hysterical ideas which are surely brought about by the death of her husband.”
Burr wasn’t an abolitionist. However, he was a political opportunist. The outlawing of slavery in the territory – which was then codified in the state’s constitution - meant there were few supporters of it in the state; all slaveholders had moved to West Florida or Mississippi. The territorial governor had been popular enough to win the first gubernatorial election, but Burr had won the second. He would serve as governor long enough to build a political dynasty, often by using opportunistic things like this to kill two birds with one stone.
Burr decided they would free all of the slaves and transport them to Louisiana. He would pay for it and be reimbursed through the plantation sale. However, he insisted that they be educated and then settled on the border of Louisiana and Texas – the ongoing Mexican War for Independence meant it was easier just to refer to the region at this point. Some militia would also go out there to settle things down, but the freedmen would keep out a lot of the riff raff themselves. They would actually form the first all-black city in the United States, Freedonia, which became capital of Burr Parish, a parish carved out of that area for the Freedmen.
The leaders of the area would be white at first, but eventually, the blacks would form Freedonia and demonstrate their ability to govern themselves as well as white people. The lawlessness of the area declined tremendously, and though part of it was American actions regarding the border, the long distances meant it was still hard for the American military to flex its muscle there. So, Freedonia citizens were educated in how to accomplish such things, though they were not accorded degrees on the same basis as whites for a few years.
Once the large Alston plantation was sold, Theodosia bought real estate with part of the money. She then donated some, near what would be Pineville, to start a college. It would be the first college granting degrees to woman in the world. An establishment for males was located near it, as ws the establishment where the Freedmen Burr had brought back were educated. The three would combine decades later as Louisiana State University.
By the time of the merger, in the 1840s, Oberlin College had begun to grant degrees to blacks on an equal footing with whites as well, something which slowly came to Louisiana. The state would be known, by the 1820s, as a “hotbed of radical ideas,” including womens’ suffrage.
Thomas Jefferson, in a response to a letter from John Adams in 1820, noted that, “The ideas upon which we based our Revolution seem to be expressed most clearly in Louisiana, and in some ways, they have risen above what I could have imagined. If the 18th century marked the end of tyranny and the beginning of government by Reason, perhaps the 19th will mark the emergence of political freedom for the masses, without the need to be dictated to and lorded over by some higher authority.”
“Nay,” John Adams wrote back, “there will always be the need for a Higher Authority because of the deceitfulness of the heart of man. Rather, I see in Louisiana the opportunity to show something my dearest Abigail often told me; namely, that womanhood does not automatically bar someone from being able to handle the many duties of civilized life. Abigail was thrilled in her last days to see what Theodosia was doing there, and I can understand if, as she says, there are some women as able to bear the burdens that men are. Therefore, I would amend your comment in this way, that the 19th century may be looked back upon as witnessing the emergence of political freedom for the masses without regard to their status, be it femininity or, if possible, race. But, with that Higher Authority still the backbone, providing a standard of decency which prevents man from engaging in wanton wickedness, for our system of government cannot be maintained without such a moral compass.”
Louisiana was at first mostly Catholic. In the time just after the Louisiana Purchase, Hamilton and others encouraged Protestants to migrate there to dilute Catholic influence. His rules about who could enter were only slowly lifted. Burr went along with those rules because in the early years, they helped him to build his political base.
Historians differ as to whether this was because Hamilton and Burr had renewed their friendship to some extent, or whether Hamilton was simply helping Burr so Democrat-Republicans like Burr would have what one of Hamilton’s supporters called, “Their own place, far away from the people who are best suited to run a nation.” To Hamilton and others, the settling of the region west of the Mississippi seemed like something which would only occur far into the future.
There were very few immigrants from Haiti – partly because of the restrictions, partly because during part of the time they could have come, the U.S. and Spain were at war, so it was very hard for boats to get there. However, some did come from Haiti, and in several states, they thought that perhaps – instead of Africa – it would be easier to ship freedmen to Louisiana, though for now, there would be no such movement.
Settling State Controversy
By the end of the decade, Indiana, Illinois, and – in 1819 – Missouri, which had a Southern border at the Arkansas River, had been admitted as free states. In the South, it was decided that three states would be carved out of the old Mississippi Territory and that of West Florida.
The state of Franklin would border Tennessee on the north, then the Mississippi River on the west. Its southern border would stretch eastward from just north of where the Mississippi jogs furthest to the east at that part of it (OTL Vicksburg) all the way to the Georgia border. (Placing Vicksburg, Mississippi and Montgomery, Alabama almost right on their borders with Franklin.)
On its south would be the states of Alabama, which included Mobile and a little bit west (as OTL) plus all the rest of West Florida east of Mobile. The state of Mississippi would include all of West Florida west of Mobile, except for parishes right on the German Coast across the river from New Orleans, as decided at the end of the German Coast War.
This compromise, worked out by the up and coming Henry Clay in 1815, gave each state something. Alabama and Mississippi would have their ports, and Mississippi the border with the river. Alabama would have a little more in ports and Tallahasseee, and slightly more size, to make up for Mississippi’s having the benefit of the Mississippi River traffic itself. Franklin would not have a port, but on the other hand, it would have a border on the Mississippi, plus a size advantage that could allow it to have more people eventually and have more people in the House of Representatives. It would also enter as a slave state in 1819 because, despite the majority of the territory’s populations being near the water, settlers had begun to move in on Creek land.
Clay’s “Southwest Compromise” was hailed as a victory for all, and propelled him into the national spotlight. The Democratic-Republicans liked it because there would be a rather large state with many of their “yeoman farmers” along with Alabama and Mississippi, instead of two states which could end up focusing totally on trade. Federalists liked it because they felt the Franklinites would be good candidates for their system of national roads, canals, and such. Men like Calhoun liked the idea that at least one more slave state would exist, and while this meant Florida wouldn’t get in for perhaps half a century, since most of the population resided in West Florida, most in the South still figured slavery would be gone by then.
Gradual Emancipation in Delaware, Expansion West
In fact, the same year Franklin was admitted as a state, a proposal to gradually emancipate slaves in Delaware was passed and signed by the governor. All children born after January 1, 1821 would be free, with slaves gradually emancipated till January 1, 1831, when the last salves would be freed in Delaware. It seemed clear to residents of that state that the Federalists would not try to end slavery, even as the party in power in Washington, and abolition movements weren’t yet so widespread as to make it appear that their politicians were being led from outside the state.
In fact, Virginia was seeing more and more of a push for it, too. In 1823, they would approve it, much to the delight of an elderly Jefferson.