Keeping the British Liberal Party flag flying high

[black angel]

Originally Posted by pipisme

Conservative 43.5%
Liberal 30.6%
Labour 14.8%
New Party 11.1%

um what about the Independent Labour Party?

[pipisme]

Originally posted by black angel
um what about the Independent Labour Party?

The Independent Labour Party did not contest that by-election as it was still weak in that constituency. Its support was patchy with its areas of strength where Labour had done at least reasonably well - either winning or a good second or third place with a percentage vote in the upper twenties or higher - in the general election on April 25, 1928. Compared to that election the changes in party support in the by-election were as follows:

Conservative + 1.2% from 42.3%
Liberal - 6.1% from 36.7%
Labour -6.2% from 21.0%
New Party 11.1% first contest.

Of course the crude changes hide a complex pattern of changes in voting support across all four parties and from voting to not voting and vice versa. From anecdotable evidence it would seem that most of the votes for the New Party came from Labour. While Conservative losses to the New Party were more than balanced by switches from Liberal.

In the Glasgow, Shettleston by-election on June 26, 1930, caused by the death of John Wheatley of the ILP, John McGovern was elected for the ILP with more than half the total vote.

At first sight it would seem that the New Party and the United Empire Party (UEP) had little in common. The former was a vehicle for the political ambitions of Oswald Mosley and advocated left-wing economic policies. The latter was a breakaway party of right-wing Tories who felt strongly about Empire Free Trade. However they both agreed on the desirability of tariffs and Mosley was a fervent believer in the British Empire. The UEP had contested a few by-elections since it was founded in September 1928, but without any success.

[pipisme]

In early September 1930, Oswald Mosley and Lord George Lloyd, the leader of the United Empire Party, agreed on an electoral pact. Each party would keep its own identity and they would contest elections as separate parties, but they would support and not compete with each other. Each party would contest by-elections alternately, while at the next general election arrangements would be made regarding the constituencies each party would contest.

The next by-election was in the safe Conservative constituency of Paddington, South in London, caused by the death of the sitting MP. In the general election of April 1928 he polled 68.1% of the vote to 31.9% for the Liberal candidate. The by-election held on October 30, was contested by the Conservative, Liberal and United Empire parties. The Labour and Independent Labour parties did not contest it because they were weak in that constituency.

The Conservative candidate was Alfred Duff Cooper. His wife was Lady Diana Manners, daughter of the Duke of Rutland and an actress and society host. The election fight was mainly between the Tories and the United Empire Party (UEP). Leading Tories such as Edward Wood, Austen and Neville Chamberlain, Samuel Hoare, Leo Amery all came to speak for Duff Cooper. However Churchill came to speak for the UEP candidate because the UEP shared Churchill's opposition to granting India dominion status within ten years.

The result of the election was a narrow victory for Duff Cooper over the UEP. The figures were as follows:

Conservative 41.7%
UEP 39.8%
Liberal 18.5%

It seems that many Liberals voted Conservative to keep out the UEP.

[pipisme]

The next by-election was that in the Scottish Conservative held constituency of Renfrewshire, East on November, 28 1930, caused by the death of the sitting member.

In the general election of April 1928 the Labour candidate had come second, with the Liberal third, but because in the Labour Party split of two years previously, practically all the members and activists in the party had gone over to the Independent Labour Party (ILP), there was no Labour candidate in the by-election.

The result in the by-election in this mixed rural/suburban constituency to the west of Glasgow was a victory for Robert (Bob) Boothby, the Conservative candidate, by an increased majority. The percentage votes for each party were as follows:

Conservative - 42.8 (+1.3)
ILP - 28.3 (-10.8 compared with Labour)
National Party of Scotland - 15.4 (new)
Liberal - 11.7 (-7.7)
New Party 1.8 (new).

[pipisme]

The good showing for the National Party of Scotland which had campaigned on a Parliament for Scotland within in the United Kingdom, was a shock for the Conservative and Liberal parties.

[pipisme]

The Liberal Party 1928 election manifesto had vague aspirations of a measure of devolution to Scotland and Wales, but the Renfrewshire, East by-election provided the government with an incentive to come up with firm proposals for legislation.

[pipisme]

On December 11, 1930 James Ian MacPherson, the Secretary of state for Scotland, announced in the House of Commons that the government would introduce a bill after the Christmas recess to give Scotland a measure of home rule with an elected legislature.

This proposal was opposed by the Conservative Party on the grounds that it was irrelevant in the current economic situation, that it would lead to the break-up of the United Kingdom and that the Scottish people did not want it. The Labour Party was also sceptical, arguing that it would do nothing to benefit Scotland at a time of economic depression. But the ILP supported it. Home Rule for Scotland had long been one of their policies.

[FletcherofSaltoun]

Originally Posted by pipisme

On December 11, 1930 James Ian MacPherson, the Secretary of state for Scotland, announced in the House of Commons that the government would introduce a bill after the Christmas recess to give Scotland a measure of home rule with an elected legislature.

This proposal was opposed by the Conservative Party on the grounds that it was irrelevant in the current economic situation, that it would lead to the break-up of the United Kingdom and that the Scottish people did not want it. The Labour Party was also sceptical, arguing that it would do nothing to benefit Scotland at a time of economic depression. But the ILP supported it. Home Rule for Scotland had long been one of their policies.

Will there be a referendum or is it straight home rule following legislation? Remember from the outset, the Labour Party was a pro-devolution party, so if the leadership is opposed I would expect it to be a major divisive point at this stage in the party(30 years old).

[pipisme]

Originally posted by FletcherofSaltoun
Will there be a referendum or is it straight home rule following legislation?

The government intends it to be by legislation. The second reading of the Home Rule for Scotland bill will be debated in the House of Commons sometime between January and March 1931.

[pipisme]

Sir Alfred Mond, the British High Commissioner in Palestine, died on December 27, 1930. After two Jewish Liberals who had been cabinet ministers, the consensus was that someone who was not Jewish and non-political should be appointed to the post. John Harris, the secretary of state for the colonies, appointed Sir Ronald Storrs, the governor of Cyprus, as High Commissioner. (1) Sir Ronald had held executive posts in Palestine and Mesopotamia.

The government's intention to legislate for a Scottish parliament was fervently supported by the Scottish National Convention (SNC), the Scottish Home Rule Association and the Young Scots Society, which was the Scottish young Liberals. The SNC drafted a Government of Scotland Bill. These organisations existed in OTL and the SNC drafted such a bill in the 1920s.

Although the National Party of Scotland was a left of centre party and Scottish nationalism was largely a left-wing movement, there were right-wing nationalists. Much of their ideology was Jacobite romanticism. However there were Conservatives in Scotland who wanted self-government for Scotland within the British Empire.

In January 1931 James Graham, 6th Duke of Montrose, crossed over from Conservative to Liberal because he supported home rule for Scotland.

The debate in the House of Commons on the second reading of the Government of Scotland Bill took place on February 10 and 11, 1931. This bill provided for the establishment of a bi-cameral Scottish parliament, comprising a House of Commons and a Senate. Two Senators would be elected from each county.

The government took as a model for the proposed Scottish government the states of Australia and the provinces of Canada. Powers devolved to the proposed Scottish government included agriculture, education, health and transport. It would have tax raising powers.

(1) Here is the Wiki entry for Storrs: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ronald_Storrs .

[pipisme]

Under the provisions of the Government of Scotland Bill only those powers specifically stated would be devolved to a Scottish government.

Before the debate on the second reading the Conservatives tabled an amendment to the Government of Scotland Bill. It asked the House to decline to give a second reading to the bill, and called for the people of Scotland to be given the opportunity to vote on the government's proposals for home rule in a referendum before legislation on this matter is introduced into Parliament.

The result would depend on which way Labour members voted. Home Rule for Scotland had been on the party's wish list since its earliest days. However in its manifesto for the April 1928 general election it had fallen to the bottom fifth in its list of priorities. (1) The argument of the anti-Home Rulers was that a strong unitary state is necessary for the establishment of a socialist Britain. However a sizeable minority of the parliamentary party supported Home Rule and voting for the Tory amendment would keep the party united on this issue.

In the opening speech on the second reading on February 10, James MacPherson, the secretary of state for Scotland, commended the bill as a progressive measure which gave practical recognition to the fact of Scottish nationhood. It would give the people of Scotland self-government in those areas which do not concern the whole of the United Kingdom, or the Empire. It would strengthen rather than weaken the union. Scotland in relation to the rest of the United Kingdom would be analogous, for example, to that of Tasmania in relation to Australia, to Quebec in relation to Canada and California in relation to the United States. Because of the Tory policy of obstructionism in relation to Irish Home Rule, the Irish Free State was a poor, but independent, state ruled by green Tories. A referendum was contrary to the British tradition of parliamentary democracy. If one were to be held on this issue, why not on other issues.

He said that the while bill provided that elections to the Scottish House of Commons would be by the single transferable vote, and to the Senate by first past the post method of election; and that the number of MPs elected from Scottish constituencies would be reduced from 74 to 56, one or more of these provisions could be amended in committee, if the House gave the bill a second reading.

He said that the Scottish parliament or government would have no powers in relation to the monarchy, nor to impose tariffs.

For the Conservatives, Walter Elliot, their Shadow Scottish secretary, denounced the bill as unnecessary in the current economic climate (the number of insured workers unemployed in January 1931 had risen to 1, 785,000). It was not wanted by the Scottish people and would lead to the breakup of the United Kingdom. He ironically praised MacPherson for giving sound conservative reasons against a referendum, but that the Tories believed in trusting the people.

William Graham, the Labour spokesman on Scotland, said that Labour members would vote for the Conservative amendment. For the Independent Labour Party (ILP), Tom Johnston said that while his party supported the bill, in so far as it went, the ILP would vote for the amendment, in order to give the people of Scotland an opportunity to vote on the issue.

The result of the vote at the end of the debate on February 11 was a victory for the Conservative amendment by a majority of 97 - 344 to 247. The result was greeted by cries of "resign, resign" from the Tory benches.

After the Speaker had read out the voting figures, MacPherson announced that the government would introduce a bill in the House of Commons before the end of the month for a referendum to be held in Scotland on the government's proposals for home rule.

(1) in OTL Home Rule for Scotland was 63 out of 63 priorities in Labour's manifesto for the general election of May 1929; http://atschool.eduweb.co.uk/hamish/labbet.html .

[stevep]

pipisme

You continue to put a hell of a lot of details into TTL. Magnificant piece of work.

Must admit that on tariffs at this point I would probably be with the Tories. No point in free trade in a highly protectionist world. However I notice the old contrast of wanting intervention on that point but wishing to prevent it everywhere else.

Sounds like the New Party/UEM pact could be potentially difficult, especially adding in Winston's rhetoric. At the very least its going to complicate matters for the other parties.

One point that is worrying is the mention of cuts in defence spending. That happened historically but given a Liberal government intent on spending on the economy it could be even worse this time around. Was there a London Naval Treaty in TTL [or equivalent?] If not have the naval treaties lapsed?

Steve

[pipisme]

Originally posted by stevep
Was there a London Naval Treaty in TTL

Yes there was. In OTL British foreign and defence policy in the late 1920s/early 1930s would have been similar whichever party had been in power. Austen Chamberlain and Arthur Henderson were more or less interchangeable as Foreign Secretaries. However in this TL the Manchurian Crisis of September 1931 will see a divergence from OTL.

Thank you for the compliment.

The debate in the second reading of the Referendum (Scotland) Bill took place in the House of Commons on February 25, 1931. It provided for the holding of a referendum on the subject of the government's proposals for home rule for Scotland. The referendum would be held on September 30, 1931. The Conservative Party could not oppose the bill because they called for it in the first place, so it received an unopposed second reading.

After the bill had passed through all its stages in the Commons and Lords, it received the Royal Assent in mid March. This meant there was about six and a half months campaigning time before the referendum.

In late March, the Scottish Self-Government Association (SSGA) was formed by Conservatives who supported home rule, but wanted to keep their distance from more left wing parties. Its leader was Andrew Dewar Gibb who had contested elections as a Conservative. The SSGA argued that Scotland was fundamentally a conservative nation, and that a Scottish government would be a roadblock on a socialist government in London imposing socialism in Scotland.

[pipisme]

The death of two Scottish members of parliament in April 1931 provided an opportunity to test public opinion in the subsequent by-elections.

William Wright, the Labour member for Rutherglen (south-east of Glasgow) died on April 9. The result in the April 1928 general election was Labour 46.1%, Conservative 39.7%, Liberal 14.2%. When the Independent Labour Party (ILP) split from the Labour Party in November 1928 Wright stayed with Labour, though most constituency party members and activists went over to the ILP.

Both the ILP and Labour nominated candidates for the by-election which was held on May 21. The result was a gain for the Conservative Party. The percentage votes obtained by each party were as follows:

Conservative 36.2
ILP 32.5
Liberal 11.3
Labour 10.8
National Party of Scotland (NPS) 6.9
New Party 2.3 (with United Empire Party support)

James Falconer, the Liberal member for Forfarshire (the old name for the county of Angus in eastern scotland) died on April 21. The result in the April 1928 general election was Liberal 48.0%, Conservative 34.1%, Labour 17.9%.

The by-election was held on June 8. The Tories had moderate expectations of a gain for their party. However they were disappointed, and the Liberals held the seat with a reduced majority. The percentage votes for each party were as follows:

Liberal 40.3
Conservative 35.9
Labour 13.6
NPS 7.1
United Empire Party 3.1 (with New Party support)

The issue of home rule for Scotland featured prominently in both by-elections, and the relatively poor showing of the Tories - winning Rutherglen only on a split Labour vote and failing to win Forfarshire - was taken as showing support for home rule.

Stafford Cripps (born April 24, 1889) was the son of Charles Alfred Cripps, who as Lord Parmoor was Lord President of the Council in the Acland government. His mother was the sister of Beatrice Webb. As a young man he held vaguely Liberal opinions, but was not particularly interested in politics.

He qualified as a barrister and acquired a lucrative practice as a patent and compensation lawyer. In 1927 he became the youngest king's counsel in Britain. In 1929 his growing interest in politics led him to join the Liberal Party. His political ambitions led him to turn his eyes on entering Parliament, while movers and shakers in the Liberal Party regarded a man of his brilliance as potential ministerial material.

When Sir William Beddoe Rees, the Liberal member for the safe seat of Bristol, South died on May 12, 1931, strings were pulled and Cripps received the Liberal nomination in the subsequent by-election. He was duly elected as member of parliament for the constituency on June 22.

[pipisme]

On the night of September 18, 1931, Japanese troops guarding the South Manchurian Railway suddenly attacked the city of Mukden according to a carefully prepared plan, using as an excuse the blowing up of a section of the railway. Three days later China (Manchuria was an intgral part of China) appealed to the Council of the League of Nations under Article 11 of the Covenant of the League. After the Council had discussed the appeal, they reached a decision on September 30. This requested both the Japanese and Chinese to do all in their power to hasten the restoration of normal relations between them. November 16 was fixed as the date of Japanese withdrawal.

In this TL the Mukden Incident was discussed by the British cabinet on September 24. It decided to give full backing to the League of Nations and to co-operate closely with the United States on this matter. It was also decided that William Wedgwood Benn, the Foreign Secretary, would attend the Council meeting in Geneva on October 14.

At a subsequent cabinet meeting on November 10, it was decided that the British government would give its full backing to the Chinese government if it appealed to the League under Article 16 of the Covenant, which provided for financial and trade sanctions against an aggressor state.

At the cabinet meeting on November 25, Wedgwood Benn reported that the League had proposed to appoint a Commission of Enquiry, which would report when it had finished its investigations in eight or nine months.

Because the Japanese invasion of China violated the Kellogg Pact and the Nine Power Treaty, as well as the Covenant of the League of Nations, the Chinese appealed to the United States government when they put their case before the League.

On January 7, 1932 Henry Stimson, the United States Secretary of State issued his Note in which he declared that the United States did not intend to recognise any situation, treaty or agreement brought about contrary to the Kellogg Pact. The following day the British government issued a Note with similar wording. (1)

(1) The British government's reaction was more robust and supportive of China than in OTL.

[pipisme]

There is no way that Britain and/or the United States would go to war with Japan over its invasion of Manchuria, whoever was Prime Minister or President.

William Lygon, the 7th Earl Beauchamp, was Lord Privy Seal and leader of the House of Lords, and President of the National Liberal Federation (NLF). He was also homosexual (or perhaps bisexual). His homosexuality was an open secret in high society, but not known to his wife and children. He was discreet in his liasons with other men. At that time homosexual activity was a criminal offence. (1)

In August 1930 he stayed in Australia accompanied by his valet. They shared a flat in Sydney as lovers rather than master and servant.

Beauchamp's brother-in-law, the Duke of Westminster, was strongly anti-Liberal, and what now would be called homophobic. He hoped to use Beauchamp's homosexuality to discredit the Liberal government and as a weapon against Beauchamp for reasons of personal dislike.

In January 1931, he "outed" Beauchamp to King Edward VIII. To which the king is said to have replied that some of his friends were that way inclined, and that it was no big deal. So having made no headway there, he wrote to his brother-in-law threatening to "out" him to the press, if he did not resign from the government, divorce his wife and go and live abroad.

Beauchamp wrote a personal letter to Prime Minister Acland informing him of Westminster's letter and that he was homosexual. Acland replied that, with Beauchamp's permission, he would consult with Viscount Birkett, the Lord Chancellor. Beauchamp gave his permission.

Acland told Beauchamp that Birkett had informed him that Beauchamp would not be prosecuted for his homosexual activities. He would not ask for his resignation, but would accept it if he offered it. He would give ill-health as the reason for his resignation. It was entirely Beauchamp's decision whether or not he divorced his wife and went to live abroad because he wanted to avoid publicity. But if he decided to stand up to the Duke of Westminster, the Liberal Campaign Department had juicy information on Conservative Peers who were active homosexuals.

Beauchamp decided that he would resign from the government and as President of the NLF, on the grounds of ill-health. But he would not divorce his wife, nor go and live abroad.

So he resigned in early February 1931. His replacement as Lord Privy Seal and leader of the House of Lords was Lord Gorell, formerly Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies.

(1) Here is the wikipedia entry for Beauchamp: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William...Earl_Beauchamp .

[stevep]

pipisme

Sounds like a nasty fight going to occur with a lot of accusations and insults being thrown backwards and forwards. Could see both parties discredited, possibly also with some splits or possibly a more tolerant attitude developing. If the Tories start a smear war however it could backfire, both because of what Acland has on various Tories and also I might not be appreciated by a lot of voters in the midst of a depression.

Steve

[pipisme]

By 1931 Hugh Grosvenor, the Duke of Westminster, had been divorced twice. He was a womaniser and had a habit of seducing underage girls. On one occasion the Westminsters had to pay a wronged family £20,000 as hush money. So he did not want publicity. He had the nickname of Bend'Or, which was the name of his horse which had won the Derby. He was jealous that his brother-in-law Earl Bauchamp had sired three male heirs, while he had fathered only one.

Actually Beauchamp was not particularly discreet in his gay liasons, but only people in aristocratic circles knew about them. His three adult children - three sons and two daughters - almost certainly knew that he was gay, though I have read that Laetitia, his wife, did not know what homosexuality was. She had a very sheltered upbringing. (1)

In late February 1931 the Duke of Westminster wrote to his sister Laetitia, Lady Beauchamp, telling her about her husband's homosexual relationships. This caused her to have a nervous breakdown. When she had recovered she brought divorce proceedings against her husband. The divirce was granted by the High Court in April 1931.

During this time Beauchamp went abroad to a spa town in Germany. After his wife had been granted a divorce he returned to Madresfield, his country house near Malvern in Worcestershire, where he went to ground Because it was his property he had the right to live there after the divorce.

Agreement was made between top Liberals and top Conservatives to keep the matter secret. The line was that Bend'or is a cad whom we don't want to give any satisfaction in this matter. We know that there are men who are homosexual and have sexual relationships with other men, however much we may deplore it as immoral. They used their contacts and influence in the press and the BBT (British Broadcasting Trust) to stop anything about Beauchamp's gay activities being published or broadcast. Sibell Lygon, one of Beauchamp's daughters was the mistress of Lord Beaverbrook, the press magnate.

(1) The first two paragraphs are as in OTL. Also in OTL Lady Beauchamp did have a nervous breakdown and Sibell Lygon was the mistress of Lord Beaverbrook. A Google search for 'earl beauchamp gay' produces links to a whole lot of websites about the Beauchamp affair and the people involved.

[pipisme]

The referendum on home rule for Scotland was held on September 30, 1931. The question on the ballot paper was:

Should Scotland be granted home rule within the United Kingdom with its own parliament? Yes or No?

The result of the referendum was:

Yes 51.4%
No 48.6%

The turnout was 68.3% of registered voters.

In a statement after the result was announced the Prime Minister said that the Scottish people had given the government a mandate for legislation to give Scotland its own Parliament, and that such legislation would be introduced in the House of Commons in the next session of Parliament.

Edward Wood, the Leader of the Opposition, said because the referendum gave only a narrow majority for home rule the government should drop its proposals for a Scottish Parliament.

The second reading of the Government of Scotland Bill which provided for the establishment of a bi-cameral Scottish Parliament with a Scottish government, was debated in the House of Commons on November 17 and 18, 1931. This bill was basically identical to the previous version which was introduced in the previous February. The same arguments were used in favour and against in this debate as were used in the previous debate. However the result of the referendum added a new dimension to the arguments. Walter Elliot, the Conservative Shadow Secretary of State for Scotland argued that because the yes vote was a narrow majority of those voting and was less than 40 percent of registered voters, the people of Scotland had voted for home rule. Therefore the Conservative Party would vote against the second reading.

With the Independent Labour Party supporting the bill, its fate would depend on how the Labour Party voted. William Graham said that the result of the referendum was a mandate for home rule. In most general elections for the House of Commons, the winning party won less than half the vote, and less than two-fifths of the electorate. Therefore the Labour Party would vote for the second reading.

The result of the vote on November 18 was as follows:

For 366
Against 171

Forty-three Labour MPs abstained as did a few Conservatives. The bill now went to be debated by a Committee of the Whole House.

[pipisme]

The debates on the Committee Stage of the Government of Scotland Bill in the House of Commons were held in November and December 1931 and in late January and early February 1932 after the House had resumed sitting after the Christmas recess.

The Tories tried their utmost to delay progress of the bill. They tabled amendment after amendment to restrict the powers of the proposed Scottish Parliament, all of which were defeated.

The bill provided that the Scottish House of Commons would be elected by the single transferable vote (STV) and the Senate by the first past the post. In a free vote the nethod of election to the Senate was changed to STV.

The bill received its Third Reading on February 11, 1932. It now went to the House of Lords.