Eagles and Hawks

LSCatilina · Sep 1, 2011

EAGLES AND HAWKS
Medieval history of the Iberian peninsula,
as Christian and Islamic worlds

Part I : 710 - 762

709 - 711
Twilight of the Visigothic Kingdom

The Visigothic Kingdom was the prey of successive civil wars, involving rebel nobles, weak kings, ambitious generals. As his roman predecessor, the kingdom had to face a severe crisis, that the Franks sarcasticly named the “Gothic disease”. This crisis would eventually lead the Visigoth to loose their kingdom and their heirs to almost disappearing from History.

Egica had to confront many rebellions and even a forced abdication, and his son Vitiza had to renounce to an important part of his power in order to have a more peaceful reign but couldn't avoid a civil war at the end.

In 709, Roderic, duke of Beticae, was elected king by the Visigothic nobles of Hispania as well bishops (the hispanic church being in conflict with the previous king). Vitiza that appears to have been dispossessed and killed by his successor, who usurped the right to the throne of ones of the dead's relative, Agila.

Assured of his right to the throne and with the support of a traditionally rebellious nobility in North-East and nobles of Hispania hostile to Roderic, Agila crowned himself and became the usurper's rival. However, his authority was recognized only in the provinces of Septimania (where he placed his court, in Narbo, which became capital anew) and in Tarraconensis, whereas Roderic, loosing his authority on most of Beticae, ensured it in Lusitania, Astura, and probably in southern Galicia and Carpetania around Toletum.

The semi-independents nobles of the mountainous north or the southern third of Hispania, might have been supporting one of the two rivals, but they worried more about their own problems and minded their own business, There is the exception of the dukes, such as the vitizean count in Septa, who lived too far from their suzerains to help them efficiently.

Although Church played a role in this civil war, supporting one rival or the other, the bishops of Hispania sensed the dangers of a new crisis, when in North, Vascones became more rebellious, the Frankish threat was still present, and, in South, Islamic victories provided opportunities for the apparition of raids in Beticae.

In 710, for the first time since the establishment of Visigoths in Hispania, council was convened by the sole authority of the church in Toletum. Although the king (or the one who could assume this title) always presided it, in a formal way and participating to the decisions, always according to his interests. This XIX council of Toletum was presided by the Archbishop of the city.

This initiative from the clergy, still a powerful an quite coherent faction in comparison of nobility, is the logical consequence of the loss of royal power and prestige due to Vitiza's reign and the civil war between rodericians and vitizeans.

Despite this particularity, Roderic and Agila were talked into a truce, swearing on holy relics that no fight will oppose them anymore, and that one's adversary would become one for the other, although until this point, they were few fights which were mainly due to the threats mentioned above.

Even if Roderic and Agila kept their royal titles, they decided to formalize the divide of the kingdom. Roderic, "Lord in West" see his authority, although passably illegitimate, recognized. The territories of Agila, "Lord in East", corresponded to the ones of past rebellions, sometimes secessionists, but neither his title nor the unity of his kingdom were disputed.

This unity of a kingdom with two kings, is very close to the Regnum Francorum, confederation between two, three, maybe four Frankish kings (engaged in perpetual and fratricidal wars), but it seems likely that the council wanted to avoid the question of legitimacy, until a future event that would be able tip the scale.

But if Roderic and Agila have agreed to a truce, many nobles deemed themselves injured, mainly in vitizean faction, weakened by the departure of a great part of north-eastern nobility, that were satisfied of this status quo.

Oppa, brother or half-brother of king Vitiza, was supported by the ones who have been disappointed by Agila reversal, in large numbers in Carthaginensis and Beticae. Although, Oppa, bishop of Hispalis, didn't seem to have been an opposition during the council (unless he didn't come by lack of will or because he was not invited, that seems very doubtful, of his proximity with the throne).

On the other side of Pillars of Hercules, the Caliphate sees his territory growing, at the loss of the last byzantine enclaves, de facto ruled by independent Byzanto-Berbers or Byzanto-Germans, and Tingi/Tanja is taken in 710 by Tariq ibn Ziyad, recently converted Berber noble.

This conquests cause raids in Beticae to happen, the most remarkable of which is that of Tarif ibn Malluk, Berber leader who, with 500 men, penetrates in the peninsula, enough to scout and have concrete contacts with vitizeans as with Julianus or Guilmond, another son or nephew of Vitiza opposed to Agila.

The ease of this raid and the little case of it made by Visigoths (it is true that the raid took place in a territory that was avoiding central authority) was decisive to the future events.

The Visigothic nobles hostile both to Roderic and Agila (including Julianus, likely Oppa, maybe Theodemir at first) hope a future support from Ifriqiya's governor, Musa ibn Nusair, to fight theirs adversaries. A victory against Roderic and its supporters would allow these lords to choose their own king, likely a pale figure before the powers they would gain.

The long awaited occasion took place in 711, when Roderic went to Cantabria to stop a vascon raid. Thanks to the support of Visigothic nobles around Iberic Sea, an Arabo-Berber fleet, with 7000 men, crossed the sea and Tariq to arrive under the Calpe Mount*.

The conquest of Hispania began here, and the peninsula will be changed forever.

LSCatilina · Sep 1, 2011

Visigothic Kingdom in 710

LSCatilina · Sep 1, 2011

I'm making some minors corrections in the TL, critically the first updates. So apparently i have to make a new thread for it.

Anyway, if you have already read it, nothing is changing about the great things, the changesd are more about details and understability of the TL.
And about maps.

I've some hope that this 3rd re-writing would be the last.

LSCatilina · Sep 1, 2011

711 - 714
The conquest of Hispania
(1/4)

After the landing near the modern Tarifa, on 28 April 711, Tariq ibn Ziyad moved north.

The majority of the provincial nobles put up only symbolic resistance since they weren't particularly hostile to Roderic or Agila. They were waiting to see the situation evolve to join the winner's side and save their local power (maybe even to grow it).

A part of this nobility, however, was loyal to the vitizeans and kept their forces for a decisive engagement against Visigothic kings, never doing concrete action in favor of Arabo-Berber army.

Roderic had to abandon his campaign in Vasconia and bagan to move south with his troops, waiting for Agila's reinforcements.

Meanwhile, Santxo, a relative of Roderic, managed to organize an army of its own and tried to stop the expedition near Assidonia, a city close to the Arabo-Berbers's landing bases which were vital for the future of the expedition.

The battle of Assidonia on June 711 could be considered a skirmish in the Islamic conquest, but after Tariq's victory it will convince Musa ibn Nusair, to reinforce his forces including adding more cavalry.

It is probable that the arrival of more men in Hispania was not an answer to Tariq, but planified before the battle.

Roderic was forced, by the Islamic expedition's growth to move his army towards Beticae. Agila, respecting his oath, and, more prosaically, aiming to gain more power in the south against semi-independent lords of Carthaginensis and Beticae, had joined a part of his forces to Roderic's, but stayed north himself.

The Visigoth army, enlarged by some of the southern lords' men, like Theodemir or Oppa, and remnants of Santxo's army became a host of 33,000 men (according Petro Ros) by it's arrival at Hispalis.

These southern lords wasn't renowned for their submission before Roderic or Agila, but the Arabo-Berber army would have signified a great lost of power, as they were among the mightiest nobles in southern Hispania.

The two armies met near Nebrissa on 29 July. The battle lasted 2 days according to both christian and islamic sources.

Despite Visigothic numerical superiority, the Islamic army was close to victory. First, the vitizean forces, who were in the flanks, disbanded and led by Oppa, quit the battle and seized Toletum. Tariq, informed by the traitors before the battle, attacked the middle of Roderic’s army, threatening the king. The other flank, commanded by Theodemir and Pelaio, Roderic's spear bearer, charged Tariq's center forces, allowing the Visigothic army to avoid being surrounded by making his forces retreat and occupying islamic cavalry.

Unfortunately for the Visigoths, the king was mortally wounded in battle and the lords, unable to decide which strategy use then, were going to leave the battlefield. But Tariq struck faster, attacking them. They were able to keep their positions and Tariq was killed during this second part of the battle, by Ardo's forces, king Agila's relative and vassal.

Tarif ibn Malluk, Tariq's lieutenant, became leader of the army and decided to retreat in order to keep his forces. Using the resources of his allies in Beticae, he quickly managed to reach Corduba, administred by the count Ardebast, whom we don't know the family ties with other vitizeans figures (he's traditionally considered as Guilmond's brother) and to take the city after a short siege.

How he did this is still unclear. Maybe the fight against the garrison of the city persuaded the count Ardebast to submit himself to Tarif in exchange of advantageous conditions. It's quite possible that, already member of the vitizeans having accepted the alliance with Arabo-Berbers, Ardebast had to make a symbolical resistance to convince local nobles still undecided to accept caliphal's rule.

Ardebast will eventually became one of the first Gotandolos noble, founding the Banū Arțabās family that will have a great role in the southern Al-Andalus, being responsible of Corduba's Christians but also, thanks to an union with other vitizeans of Betis's region, forming an important lordship there.

Despite the efficient decisions of Tarif and the gain of Central Beticae, he was in a perilous situation, and it is not doubtful that a quick and decided Visigothic attack could had led to a bitter defeat of the Islamic forces and an end to the invasion.

But, once again, Visigothic lords were unable to decide on a common course of action. With the death of Roderic, the Hispanic nobles were divided. Most of independent lords were willing to return to their lands. Furthermore the other lords, nominally commanded by Pelaio (who had once been exiled and had a weaker legitimacy than his former suzerain), wanted to go back to the north, not at all worried about Tarif's control of the major part of Beticae, believing it to be just bigger raid than the one in 710. Even if Tarif managed to keep Beticae, this province was still under the theoretical suzerainty of Agila.

The news of Roderic's death made Oppa's ambition grow, and in late July he was elected in Toletum by a limited number of nobles, supporters of Oppa from the beginning, vitizeans hostiles to Agila or the usual opportunist that any era of war and chaos seems to had.

Agila no longer bound by his oath, and Ardo leaving Pelaio forces, tried to take control of Carthaginensis. He obviously didn't recognize Oppa or any lord as his equal, but didn't attempt to make his right to the throne respected by the sword. He hoped that, victorious at Nebrissa, all the pretenders, (those already active or those who might appear) would neutralize one another and he could crush those remaining, already weakened by the fighting.

Pelaio managed, barely, to command remnants of Roderic's forces, in order to take Toletum and fight Oppa. The roderician forces' unity depended mainly of their leader' charisma and only a victory would allow Pelaio to gain totally control of it.

The battle of Nebrissa, even if it was a close victory for the Visigoths, wasn't followed up (because of internal conflicts) by a strategy that could have led to the end of the Muslim expedition. Tarif used this to secure his position in south Beticae, which would serve as an outpost for the conquest of Hispania.

The 23th of September of 711, Pelaio troops were front of Toletum, Oppa’s troops being inside the city.

The stake was the control of the kingdom's capital, but also the royal title, even if Pelaio was just then the leader of the rodericians forces. Officially the siege and the fights against usurper and the vitizeans who were not yet part of Tarif's army are made for "the king", whether it concerned Agila or a possible successor to Roderic.

While the city was besieged, Pelaio strengthened his authority in Lusitania, Asturias and Galicia but the majority of Cantabria remained out of his control; and Beticae was controlled by the vitizeans and the Arabo-Berbers.

Meanwhile, Agila's army advanced on the eastern coast, and Ardo took Valentia (or forced the local population and elites to recognize the sovereignty of the king) and secured the south part of Agila's domain.

Understanding that a failure at Toletum would weaken his position as pretender to the royal title, Pelaio used most of his forces, letting some nobles occupy the farthest positions, with the consequent issue to see them change their allegiance or rebel.

In the same time, Agila led another part of his army against the Vascones, who took advantage of Roderic's death to continue their raids.

In some months Agila, who ruled only in the north-east of the kingdom, saw his authority respected up to Carpetania and Cantabria. A fragile authority at best, and subjected to a status quo between his opponents. In order to reinforce it, he continues the religiously intransigent politics of his predecessors, and expels the Jews from Narbo, hoping to gain to his cause the high clergy.

Besieged in Toletum, Oppa was in a perilous situation. Not only was he surrounded and out numbered by rodericians, but he couldn't hope for reinforcements as the majority of the vitizeans were joined to Tarif‘s visigothic army and weren't willing to support the Hispalis' bishop coup de force, and Tarif, was prudently opposed to any hazardous action without the governor of Ifriqiya's advice.

Musa ibn Nusair, after Tariq's death, let Tarif's Arabo-Berber army remain and did not recall his reinforcements. He waited to see the situation evolve in Hispania before organizing a new expedition which he could lead himself.

Tarif, then, had to give more importance to his vitizean allies, with the risk of provoking friction in a quite disparate army.

Castulum was took, in order to protect Corduba, at this time the only strong place at Arabo-Berbers' hands. His lieutenants began to raid the region, and encountered little resistance or fight in a disorganized province : Tucci, Beatia or Oretum were among the places raided or taken. Only the Duchy or Aurariola stopped an attacked against his places in Beticae : near the Anas river the Visigoths managed to fight a raid, led by Idris ibn Maisara.

Again, the raids in Baetica's cities is hard to determine if they were actual attacks or help of allied cities. The later spannic historiography, wanting to make the Visigoths a united nation against the islamic invasion is somewhat responsible of this.

But this victories weren't enough : a counter-attack was still possible, critically with Pelaio maintaining his troops at Toletum. Besides, strong holdouts in Hispalis, Onoba or Malaca could became problematic in case of visigothic attack, forcing the Muslims to fight in open field, when the highlands were still at the hands of Christians.

Tariq decided to make a perilous attack against Hispalis. That would allow him to conquer a strategic place on the road of Toletum and to answer to demands from Guilmond who asked the property of villages north of the city.

Traditionally these lands are considered to count 300 villages. They're probably royals lands forming Vitiza's fisc (Lands whom the production or the wealth resulting of is reversed directly to the king) with lands depending from Hispalis and Italica's bishopries that Guildmond claimed because of Oppa's tentative to act alone from himself.

But the city was well protected, and when Tarif attacked in November of 711 after having raided Italica, his armies couldn't cross the river without important losses. Once again, Tarif decided to withdraw before suffering a critical defeat.

The fall of Toletum have been told to Tariq at the same time, and probably encouraged him to withdraw, as the only vitizeans north of Beticae have been annihilated.

Christian chronicles later described the downfall of the bishop of Hispalis : "the duke Oppa being then isolated because his impiety; he was even rejected by his allies, and because he owed his crown to treachery, it was the cause of his fall". Oppa was spared, unlike his followers who were executed, but enucleated as many of usurpers (or unfortunate legitimate king).

Pelaio then became master of most of Roderic's former territories, including Toletum, even if the agreement between him and Agila was informally respected.

After his failure before Hispalis, Tarif knew that is position in Hispania was precarious : he needed both victories and wealth to motives his troops, and to help his christian allies against their rivals to gain their confidence.

As southern Beticae was now into the hands of Visigothic lords that continued to resist to Arabo-Berber attacks, or having left their alliance with them, Tarif led a raid against the rich cities of the Upper Beticae.

Astigi, Egabrum and Illiberis were quickly taken, and while Tarif attacked Malaca, an Arabo-Berber army attacked the city of Urci.

But, if Tarif managed to take Malaca after a short siege, probably in exchange of a tribute and to the maintain of Visigothic elites in this region; Urci managed to keep the Muslims outside the city. The son of Theodemir, Athanagild, is cited by many sources as the victorious leader of Urci (Adaguil ibn Tudmir for the Muslims).

Tarif’s capture of Beticae along with the strengthening of Agila in Cantabria and Carthaginensis dissuaded Pelaio from claiming a royal title, even after his capture of Toletum. The Visigoth noble understood the eastern king’s strategy and he wanted to avoid a fight on two fronts.

He recognized the suzerainty of Agila over the whole kingdom, but his election by nobility and clergy as Dux et Dominus of the western part of kingdom, was made for remembering Agila that the winner and owner of Toletum was Roderic's successor and that negotiations, after formal protocol, must be equal to that decided in 710.

After his moves in Beticae, Tarif informed Musa that the conquest of Hispania, or at least, a part of it, was possible, and even easy where it would concern territories avoiding strong authority, but he critically needed reinforcements for an eventual conquest.

Tarif’s popularity did not upset Musa, as Tariq's one did. And after being quite reluctant to give more troops for Hispania, with other Muslims families trying to take his place as walī of Ifriqiya, he thought that a partial conquest of this riches and famous northern lands would be as good for its glory, for the Caliph and for his soul.

He prepared a new expedition during the winter of 711-712 to support the forces already present, but this time he would personally lead the Arabo-Berbers in order to show his confidence, and to eclipse Tariq and Tarif in this conquest. Furthermore, the loot promised to be important and he wouldn't likely let it to others leaders.

The Christian lords remained indifferent unless they schemed to use this new force to improve their personal power. Too busy with their internal problems and ambitions, they didn't understood how the threat was important before it was too late to save the kingdom.

LSCatilina · Sep 1, 2011

Beticae in 711

Utgard96 · Sep 2, 2011

Very nice! I especially like the new maps; they are really an improvement (surprising, considering how good even the old ones were). Can't believe I've been procrastinating so long on reading this. Subscribed.

kasumigenx · Sep 2, 2011

Are there many things altered in this timeline from its previous incarnation?

LSCatilina · Sep 2, 2011

kasumigenx said:
Are there many things altered in this timeline from its previous incarnation?

Not a lot : just more precision about battle, a slight correction about muslims campaigns, different names (by exemple Ansem istead of Bera, etc.).

I think the biggest correction would be the period between 718 and 722. After that, the TL would be likely the same.

The Professor · Sep 2, 2011

Glad to see a revival.
Don't be too demotivated by having to revise as more information comes to light - that always happens

Just a minor nitpick on style - rather than having the notes in a smaller font square brackets would differentiate better.

eg not

The battle of Assidonia on June 711 could be considered a skirmish in the Islamic conquest, but after Tariq's victory it will convince Musa ibn Nusair, to reinforce his forces including adding more cavalry.

It is probable that the arrival of more men in Hispania was not an answer to Tariq, but planified before the battle.

Roderic was forced, by the Islamic expedition's growth to move his army towards Beticae. Agila, respecting his oath, and, more prosaically, aiming to gain more power in the south against semi-independent lords of Carthaginensis and Beticae, had joined a part of his forces to Roderic's, but stayed north himself.

The Visigoth army, enlarged by some of the southern lords' men, like Theodemir or Oppa, and remnants of Santxo's army became a host of 33,000 men (according Petro Ros) by it's arrival at Hispalis.

These southern lords wasn't renowned for their submission before Roderic or Agila, but the Arabo-Berber army would have signified a great lost of power, as they were among the mightiest nobles in southern Hispania.

The two armies met near Nebrissa on 29 July. The battle lasted 2 days according to both christian and islamic sources.

But

The battle of Assidonia on June 711 could be considered a skirmish in the Islamic conquest, but after Tariq's victory it will convince Musa ibn Nusair, to reinforce his forces including adding more cavalry.

[It is probable that the arrival of more men in Hispania was not an answer to Tariq, but planified before the battle.]

Roderic was forced, by the Islamic expedition's growth to move his army towards Beticae. Agila, respecting his oath, and, more prosaically, aiming to gain more power in the south against semi-independent lords of Carthaginensis and Beticae, had joined a part of his forces to Roderic's, but stayed north himself.

The Visigoth army, enlarged by some of the southern lords' men, like Theodemir or Oppa, and remnants of Santxo's army became a host of 33,000 men (according Petro Ros) by it's arrival at Hispalis.

[These southern lords wasn't renowned for their submission before Roderic or Agila, but the Arabo-Berber army would have signified a great lost of power, as they were among the mightiest nobles in southern Hispania.]

The two armies met near Nebrissa on 29 July. The battle lasted 2 days according to both christian and islamic sources.

It just distinguishes them as nots on the text rather than part of the text.
Alternatively put them as footnotes.

Keep up the good work.

RyuDrago · Sep 2, 2011

As always, i must complimentate with the high level of the details in the TL and above all for the maps.

Well, it seemed that the Visigoths this time gave some troubles to Tariq but of course time seemed will work for him as always... Perhaps respect to the v1 the Visigoths managed to resist more?

Archangel · Sep 2, 2011

Subscribed, LSCatilina!

LSCatilina · Sep 2, 2011

The Professor said:
Just a minor nitpick on style - rather than having the notes in a smaller font square brackets would differentiate better.

It's no notes, it's just precisions or correction in new edition in the syle of "Que Sais-Je?" books that helped me to write the TL

RyuDrago said:
Well, it seemed that the Visigoths this time gave some troubles to Tariq but of course time seemed will work for him as always... Perhaps respect to the v1 the Visigoths managed to resist more?

No, they will resist as usual, but this time the resistence of visigoths is more showed, with more exemples.

MNP · Sep 2, 2011

LSCatilina said:
It's no notes, it's just precisions or correction in new edition in the syle of "Que Sais-Je?" books that helped me to write the TL.

Yes, but he's right, it's difficult to read. Perhaps use a quote box to set them apart? I think using the box makes them more legible even if you retain the small print.

Other than that I'll say excellent use of the battleboxes, the maps are still good and the new version is still easier to follow. In fact this has made me consider posting a revision of my own TL here rather than in the Finished TL forum.

LSCatilina · Sep 2, 2011

MNP said:
Yes, but he's right, it's difficult to read. Perhaps use a quote box to set them apart? I think using the box makes them more legible even if you retain the small print.

Well, i want really to keep the "pocket encyclopedia" style, and i found both effects with quotes box and square brackets horrific. I understand that it could be a problem regarding reading, but the font size is hardly modifiable with positive results here.
I don't really know how to fix that.

By the way, nobody noticed the musics?

LSCatilina · Sep 2, 2011

711 - 714
The conquest of Hispania
(2/4)

The year of 712 began with the arrival of Musa ibn Nusair at Gades in March. Between 8,000 and 14 000 men arrived in Hispania, fresh and ready to fight; when Tarif, who was in Cordoba for winter, managed to form a host of 9 000 men, not including Visigothic allies.

The initial plan of Musa was to join this forces at Corduba, but according to Abd el-Hakem:

seeing that Goths have amassed many men beyond the river, at Išbīliya (Hispalis – Sivíia), Musa decided to take the city, in name of the Giver of Honor, in order to prevent a treacherous attack of the infidels when he'll go to Qurtubah (Cordoba).

Musa probably wanted to avenge the defeat before Hispalis, and knew a battle was inevitable because it was a critical place on the route to Toletum. Nevertheless he send troops to help Tariq holding his positions.

Musa besieged Hispalis with his entire fresh forces and the city surrendered quickly. The nobles agreed on making a treaty with him, that would became the paradigm of all the treaties passed with the Visigoths.

This “Treaty of Sivíia” contained the following points.

-The payment of a ḫarāj (tribute) that corresponded to 1/10 or 1/5 of the Christian's property and lands income

-All weapons and horses must be gave to the Muslims (with the exception of previous neutrals or some important nobles, in which case they must lead part of the Muslim army).

-Precious goods of the churches must be seized and given to the conquerors.

-All the property of those who fled the city, or died during the battle, became the property of Muslim treasury

-Anyone leaving the city must renounce his properties, those who wanted to stay, kept them.

-The Christian religion and rites would be allowed and protected within the churches of the cities in exchange of the payment of the jizya, a per capita tax that was perceived in the same conditions than the previous taxes : by the local Christian leaders.

-No church would be destroyed, but any new construction or maintenance would have be allowed by the local Muslim governor.

-The laws of the country would be maintained and enforced by christian officers chosen by the walī among the inhabitants or by the traditional leaders.

-No opposition to voluntary Islamic conversion and any converted slaves must be freed.

-Hostages, usually from richest and more influential families, would be taken.

-An Islamic garrison would be settled in the city, which had the obligation to maintain it.

-The protection of the Jews and the eventual restitution of some of their possessions taken during the siege.

These treaties were for their era quite fair, and many cities and lords surrendered later because of the unusually good conditions of surrender.

Still, Loïs Fabro considered this treaty as a predating text. For him, it's in fact a late copy of usual treaties made with Gotandolos during the conquest, and applied to Sivíia in order to create archives. However, the conditions given to Visigoths were not put in question, contrary of the affirmation of spannic nationalist right-wing.

The leader of the Islamic expedition decided not to join Tarif's forces already and, on the advices of Habib ibn Muhammed (a noble of Kairouan, lieutenant of Tarif) attacked Lusitania to prevent any clever commander from attacking the back of Arabo-Berber's army.

Besides, the troops were eager to gain loot, and as Beticae was conquered or looted, Musa have little choice but turn his sword to the West.

Sending his nephew, Ayyub ibn Habib al-Lakhmi, with fresh troops to help Tarif to reinforce his control on Beticae in a first time, then to move north to unite the armies in Carthaginensis.

Raiding the eastern Lusitania, Musa reached Emerita in April, using the old roman road. The city surrendered to Musa, and submitted to the usual conditions.

As this city was pacified and presented many advantages (easy maintenance of armies, roman road passing trough the region, proximity to both Beticae and Carthaginensis), Musa decided to split the expedition, giving to his son, ‘Abd al-‘Aziz ibn Musa, the second part of it to raid the southern Lusitania.

Musa itself would have to submit or conquer the center of the province.
Since Emerita was at the crossroad between Lusitania and Carthaginensis, Musa let an important part of his army under the command of Abdul Qasim al-Mazáli. This man of secondary importance was indeed a long opponent of Fihrids in Maghreb.

Advancing, encountering little and local resistance, followed the Taguo basin and took city after city, receiving the submission the the nobles that wasn't dead or fled.

Since March, Pelaio hadn't helped this nobles, even after the loss of Hispalis and Emerita, critical places on Toletum's road tough, and support of Lusitanian and Carthaginesian nobles decreased among

The Continuatio Gotia mention this :

Pelagius avoided fighting the Saracens, whereas theirs armies ravaged the country, and he preferred protected himself in his city by forcing his lieges only to come with their forces. Many nobles among the Goths preferred to defend the land themselves.
By cowardice, he forced the Goths to fight separately and prepared so the loss of the kingdom.

In fact, this document gave only the gothic's point-of-view, a century and half after the events. It seems that if Pelaio was indeed passive, expecting first to attack Musa and Tarif in Beticae (probably most in coastal harbors of Gades and Malaca) to cut the Islamic armies off from their homelands. He had to count with a rebellious nobility, not really loyal or ready to follow him in the battlefield.

Critically, the nobles of the further provinces from Toletum, have profited from the lack of central power to became de facto independents.
But the gothic historiography largely (until the middle of last century) used this image of a petty ambitious noble, making Agila the only real pretender to the maintain of both visigothic and roman traditions.

On the other hand Agila doesn't seem to took care of the events in Hispania, the later texts being mute on this for maintain the prestige of Gothia as the only heir of Visigoths.

As Musa's expedition once again split, with one part to Conimbriga and the other to Scalabilis.

In the same time, Tarif have raided Carthaginensis and took Oretum. Arabs and Berbers tried to advance in the S-W part of the province, with more success at Urci, conquered thanks to the reinforcements of Ayyub. Anas river was passed this time, but it seems that the Muslims only raided the lands beyond it before returning in more defensible positions.

‘Abd al-‘Aziz had taken the city of Ebora in May, and the campaign in southern Lusitania was, at this time, made without great battle.

But in the north, if Scalabis was successfully taken, the insufficient forces being unable to break the siege; Hasan had to face defeat before Conimbriga.

The city have preserved his forces, and as the northern Lusitania was more defended than the rest of the province, Hasan had to make the city fall before continuing his campaign.

But as Musa was going to join his forces to Hasan's ones, he learned about a revolt in Hispalis that have chased the islamic garrison. Even if knew that his son, sooner adverted about this events, had decided to turn back to the city; Musa ordered Hasan to ended the siege, seeing that the Visigoths could take advantage of his distance from them to retake western Beticae and split the Muslims in two.

Even if Pelaio could have make a junction with Hispalis and took the cities on the Betis, it's doubtful that he could have managed to hold both this region and its power in Carthaginensis.
But the Arabo-Berbers were in a uneasy situation : even with their divisions, the Visigoths still have a numerous and important army. A victory of Pelaio could have signified, beyond a relatively unlikely union of the nobles, the defensive defection of their allies and a regain of resistance among the uncontrolled and badly controlled regions.

When he left the province, he took the garrison of the submitted cities with him (that they were in small numbers anyway) and prepared himself to march on Toletum.

While Tarif cautiously advanced in Carthaginensis, stopping the attacks and raids in Aurariola to take Valeria in August. But instead of keeping his forces in the same places, his lieutenants raided the region in order to supply the army and to motive the Arabo-Berbers.

He probably wanted for Pelaio to disperse his efforts by trying to defend the eastern Carthaginensis.

Interestingly, Pelaio continued his tactic. Himself, as an Asturian noble, was used to the raid strategies and understood what Tarif tried to do. Unfortunately, it coasted him many support and prestige, that would lack him after his defeat.

‘Abd al-‘Aziz managed to take back Hispalis after a short siege in the end of June, helped by local nobles compromised with Arabo-Berbers. In order to preserve a sure position in this region, he let a more important garrison, however the treaty passed with Hispalis remained the same, except on the importance of dues contributions.

While send a part of his expedition to his father, in Emerita, he continued his campaign in Lusitania, for adverting an attack on his father's back.

Pelaio understood, once Hispalis' revolt defeated, that he had to defeat one of the islamic armies before they could join themselves. As the forces of Tarif were more close, more fresh and lengthen by the loot made in Carthaginensis, they were the most obvious choice.

But with Musa approaching, Pelaio considered, with good reasons, that only him could organize an eventual defense of the city in case of an attack before an eventual victory on Tarif. Leaving the city with the army would have been too tempting for ambitious, and the risk was real to find the city, closed, at the hands of Musa.

He send then one of the most predominant nobles of the roderician faction, the count Braulio of Tutela. With 9,000 men, almost the 2/3 of Pelaio's forces he tried to attack Tarif.

But Tarif prepared an ambuscade, attacking the front of Visigothic army and make it dispersing.

The site of the battle is traditionally placed near Gardia, at 45km from Toleto. However, the name Battle of Toletum lasted. Some historians argue that the description of the battle is corresponding to many sites, and Valeria or Sant Iniaco have been proposed as well.

Once Braulio cutted from his army, the Arab cavalry attacked the left side, forcing the Visigoths to move back under the its pressure added to the one of Berber infantrymen in the front. The first shock disorganized the visigothic army and soon, the Muslims had both the tactical and the numerical advantage. At the end of this day, the 4 August of 712, only 2,000 men were able to turn back in Toletum.

Learning of the defeat, Pelaio decided to withdraw before Tarif could attack the city.

Fortunately, the army of Tarif didn't have siege engine, or at last in sufficient numbers, and he had to wait for Musa's arrival. But he could have blocked the Visigoths in their capital. However he did not, maybe unwilling to force Pelaio in a desperate move that could have been devastating for him, especially a battle that was rude for the Muslim side too.

Pelaio decided to leave the capital, taking all royal treasure and including the riches of the Jews of Toletum. Most of the inhabitants who owned something valuable followed the duke in chaotic flight until the city of Salmantica.

Pelaio will be bitterly reproached for this retreat for centuries, with accusations of cowardice and treachery.

Agila,since the Battle of Nebrissa, didn't send any help. Either to protect his own lands or weaken a rival, it didn't wanted to risk a defeat then. Pelaio would have been unable to fight outside the city in these conditions, a fortiori to support a siege.

The roderician nobility, mostly unwilling to join Agila, split from Pelaio, that they were already reluctant to recognize as leader. Musa and Tarif entered Toletum, helped according to muslim scholars by Jews from the city, oppressed by the Visigoths since decennials . The resistance in the city is said, by the tradition, being led by a noble named Eraric, who prevented Pelaio's army from being attacked during its retreat.

The romance texts of XIII made Eraric a small pious noble of Carthaginensis opposed to Pelaio's cowardice and willing to fight the Saracens without any hope of victory. Eraric was used for centuries as a culture hero in chronicles, tales of chivalry, operas and hailed in historical romances as a model of selfless Christian sacrifice.

When Pelaio reached Salmantica, he kept the major part of the royal treasure but gave nevertheless an important one to Agila, maybe in hope of his help. But it didn't was enough to convince the prudent king.

After the battle of Nebrissa and the battle of Toletum, the Visigothic nobility was decimated and divided. Each one was willing to see only its own interests, and the arrival of Muslims signified a granted and tempting autonomy for many.

Pelaio managed to keep a region between Asturias and Salmantica under his control, thanks to the familial system of visigothic nobility. But he appeared then as a independent lord among others, comparable to the Duchies of Aurariola or Galicia that didn't recognized Agila as effective ruler.

Whereas the West crumbled, the kingdom of Agila appeared as a relatively stable and homogeneous entity. Due to the passivity of the king and the Islamic armies dedicating their efforts against Pelaio, Agila didn't have a great prestige but undoubtedly had the most chance to preserve unity among the nobility.

The anonymous chronicler of "Cronica Amansis" affirmed that the Duke Petrus received the charge of the "Marca Vasconia" from Agila as a vassal, but this is the only mention of it. As the Marca Vasconia is a carolingian creation, it's probably issued from the traditional claim of Gothia on all the old province.

After the battle, the situation in Hispania appeare more calm, as if the opponents have shared the peninsula, agreeing to establish their dominions in peace.
But in reality, the situation became tensed as never.

The visigoths were now aware of the arrival of a new opponent, and discovered that the Arabo-Berers weren't just mercenaries ready to serve ambitious, but at the contrary dangerous foes.

But they were too divided to make a real counter-attack : Pelaio had loose all credibility, the mountainous duchies maintained a fierce independence, and Agila seemed determined to protect his provinces even at the cost of the rest of the kingdom.

On the muslim side, the situation was better, but not as it could appear : even with the recent victories, the troops have been severely touched by the fights. Musa turned back in Ifriqiya with the hope of gaining more Berbers to the conquest, by showing the loot of his campaigns and telling them about the riches of the country.

‘Abd al-‘Aziz decided to pass the winter in Emerita; with the clement winter that Hispania had this year he could move early and don't let the Visigoths the time to rest or organize.

LSCatilina · Sep 2, 2011

Visigothic Kingdom in 712

kasumigenx · Sep 3, 2011

I just hope it gets more exciting.

LSCatilina · Sep 3, 2011

kasumigenx said:
I just hope it gets more exciting.

Hey, History itself is hardly exciting when it came to campaigns and troops movments, but it's part of it, especially in the periods with very conflictual situation.

After that, depends of what you likes the most in a TL : institutions, economics, day-life of commoners or diplomacy and marriages.

Utgard96 · Sep 3, 2011

Well, I think troop movements and battles are interesting.

LSCatilina · Sep 3, 2011

Sunired of Toleto

"Father, there is still hope. Not everyone wants to follow the Duke Pelaio and kowtow, they are led by Count Eraric and the bishop of Hispalis. We can still ..." The almost imploring tone of the young nobleman changed into a murmur while he sought to hold the look of his interlocutor.

"We can nothing more, Sigibert. The Duke isn't an idiot and he knows that after this defeat he can't do anything more him either."
"He's a coward! He abandon us and flees with the riches of the city to return to his mountains!"

The bishop of Toletum looked through the door opening, from which came the clamor of the crowd that thronged outside the city, following the Asturian.

The news of the defeat of Braulio had immediately caused panic among the city. Without sufficient forces to defend the city, the riches and nobles of the city hanged up to the sole figure of authority they could find : Pelaio, Eraric, or the former supporters of Oppa.

Who could change anything about that? It was the lot of the troubled times, as the Lord taught his followers.

"He will not go alone, and perhaps it's wiser to take refuge in the north, even if I don't see what could halt this army now"
"The king is still powerful, and if we fight, he will have lands to lead."
"The king?" A painful smile passed quickly on the lips of .... "If the king had wanted to help us, he would have already done it. No, Sunired, we no longer have support, anyway no more in this world." A gaze lost in the distance. "Maybe that if King Roderic had lived ..."

"But what other choice do we have but to fight?"
The city was emptying little by little and the sound of the fleeing toletans itself was beginning, slowly, to decline.

"To die for a little Count stupidly heroic or a prelate who will probably never see the city he is supposed to be the bishop will not save those who are too poor or too depressed to leave. This will not save you either."
Sunired had no other recourse than to repeat the last question, lowering his eyes and voice.
"What choice do we have?"

Taking the arm of his nephew, the Metropolitan looked at him with unusual intensity and affection.
"I know you, Sunired. And I know that, perhaps alone among many others, you couldn't bear exile in your own country. But I beg you, don't go join those of your friends who delude themselves or think deserve their place in paradise by their folly. You have too much talent in you to, too many gifts so that they fall into an alley, mown down by an oversea horseman who will go to celebrate his victory by looting. "

From that moment, uncle and nephew, bishop and prelate knew they were seeing for the last time , that all their words would be as many advice, proofs of affection and consideration that they might have.
"It's possible that I'm wrong, and that Agila is the hope that you are looking for. Set off with the Duke and convince him to hand you the crown of Vitiza as a token, for the king. He will not be in a position to refuse a final attempt to ally Agila. "
"And you? What will you do?"

"Stay, negotiate with that Muza the surrender of the city and save what can be. Help you find a better fate than that you're promised, first of all. Your horse is saddled and men will accompany you. "

As Sunired left the city, joining the pitful column of hopeless men led by a defeated duke, Sindered tought again as the possibility of leaving the city himself. Maybe the retribution of this years passed on the service of Church and of the kingdom would be a worthier existence elswhere, in North or even outside Hispania.

But as he remembered why he let -why he almost forced- his nephew to save himself, he understood why he had to stay. Maybe that after all, things could change and defeats be victories. It could take a long time but someone have to prepare these days, to preserve the lands and the men for the times to come.

The real hope never dies, "And this hope is like a strong band for our souls, fixed and certain, and going in to that which is inside the veil".
As he remembered the words, he catched himself speaking them.

The following day as he received the conquerors, as he looked at their noble faces and agreed on their conditions in the name of the city and the province, this exacts same words still reverberated in him.