The Reign of Romulus Augustus

A/N: Since I'm new here, I figured I would start with an alternate Roman timeline based on an emperor who doesn't seem to have a lot written about him. That and I've sometimes wondered how his reign could have turned out if a few things happened differently. This is more or less an experiment for me, so I'm not sure where this timeline will go. Any kind of feedback, comments or criticism, would be appreciated so that I might better develop this thread.


THE REIGN OF
ROMULUS AUGUSTUS

upload_2016-6-5_21-14-43.png

A Boy is now an Emperor

AD 475

Orestes, recently promoted to the rank of magister militum of the Western Roman Empire, launches a sudden coup d’état in order to seize control of the government from Emperor Julius Nepos. By August 28, with most of the foederati units supporting his revolution, Orestes’s army marches on Ravenna on August 28 with little opposition in the way.

During the city’s capture, Nepos attempts to flee to Dalmatia via across the Adriatic Sea where he intends to create a “government-in-exile” until he can reclaim Ravenna. The unexpected betrayal of General Ovida brings the deposed emperor’s plans to a premature end. Although he had briefly contemplated the idea of remaining loyal to Nepos, mainly because of the fact that his rule was supported by the Eastern Roman Empire, Ovida quickly considers other factors such as:

  1. The Eastern Empire was currently enduring its own civil war as Zeno and Basiliscus fought over the throne, and thus Constantinople would be unable to render assistance to its western counterpart.
  2. After the coup in Ravenna, Orestes would most likely proclaim himself emperor, thereby leaving the position of magister militum available to a new candidate.
Upon reaching the conclusion that Nepos’s short reign was finished and further resistance was ultimately futile, Ovida kills the unsuspecting Nepos just as the latter was ready to depart to Dalmatia. But when he presents the body to Orestes, hoping to ingratiate himself to the new regime and perhaps be rewarded with Orestes's office, his actions fail to produce the desired result. While it is true that Nepos’s claim to the western throne died with him, Orestes had hoped to keep him alive as a bargaining tool that could be used to gain recognition from the eastern court, thereby legitimizing his rebellion. He ultimately chooses to arrest Ovida, deciding that an emperor’s murderer would have to suffice once diplomatic channels with Constantinople were resumed.

Ovida’s rationale behind his decision to betray Nepos was further proven wrong when Orestes made it public that he did not intend to claim the title of Augustus for himself. Though he was of mixed Roman and barbarian origin, his Pannonian roots made him at the very least a plausible option for the Romans. In any case, the position of emperor in the West had been so diminished throughout the course of the last century that it now only nominally ruled over an equally reduced Western Empire. True power, Orestes realized, or what was left of it remained with the magister militum. As such, he retains his command over the military but appoints his 14 year-old son as the new emperor on October 31. The reign of Romulus Augustus has begun, but the responsibility of stabilizing the West must fall to his father if the boy-emperor is to eventually become more than a de facto figurehead.

upload_2016-6-5_21-33-35.png

Son of a Rebel / Emperor of an Empire

[Orestes was a true and virtuous Roman, driven by an unyielding sense of patriotism for the Empire and a father's love for his only son—or, at least, that was how history remembered him. Later, some historians began to question his legacy, claiming that the Magister Militum was a ruthless opportunist for betraying one Emperor and turning the next (his own son, no less) into a powerless figurehead in order to rule the Empire from the shadow.]

[Although history came to regard Romulus Augustus as a dutiful son who avenged his father's death in the Gothic Wars, even this view has been challenged by those who point out that the Emperor made very little effort to honor his father. As such, some have claimed that Romulus did everything to distance himself from Orestes's memory—short of passing damnatio memoriae on his own father.]
 
Last edited:
I'll be following this timeline with interest. One thing though. It's Romulus Augustulus (little Augustus) not Romulus Augustus. Though I guess you could say Augustus.
 
Officially, he was 'Romulus Augustus' but OTL history remembers him by his nickname "Romulus Augustulus" (kind of like how Gaius is remembered as "Caligula"; or Antoninus as "Caracalla"). Since Romulus's reign will last longer than it historically did for the purpose of this timeline, I've chosen to refer to him as Romulus Augustus, although I plan on mentioning his derisive nicknames :D in future posts as a way of pointing out that while he may be emperor in Ravenna, he has not yet earned the respect that ideally goes with the title of Augustus. Anyway, thank you slydessertfox, RogueBeaver, and Soverihn for your comments and feedback. It's really cool to know that you like this timeline so far, and I would definitely appreciate any further help or advice along the way.

AD 476

It has been several months since the death of Julius Nepos and the ascension of Romulus Augustus, and yet the new government still lacks recognition from Constantinople. Despite this, Orestes currently has control over the Italian peninsula and the Dalmatian coast - the latter thanks in part to Nepos’s failed escape attempt. New coins have been issued bearing Romulus’s name and image, both to promote his claim to the throne and to pay the Germanic mercenaries who supported Orestes’s takeover of the state. Unfortunately, none of the few remaining “Roman” territories in the West have acknowledged the legitimacy of the new order. Orestes is forced to concede that for the time being at least, these areas (not counting the provinces that have fallen to Franks, Visigoths, Burgundians, and various other Germanic kingdoms) are beyond the possibility of being restored under Ravenna’s authority. Besides, a far more grave situation has risen to demand his immediate attention.

The foederati - more specifically the Heruli, Scirians, Rugians and Torcilingi - have grown weary of the current arrangement between themselves and the Western Empire. As compensation for years of service in the Roman military, including their support of Orestes’s coup, the Germanic mercenaries have requested that they be allowed to settle in Italy. This is a perilous situation for the Magister Militum, and he knows it. After consulting with his brother Paulus, Orestes considers several factors critical to the future of the West, as well his own life and that of his son.
  1. The foederati have become a strong majority within the Western Empire’s army; what remains of the Roman-born soldiers may be too inadequate to contain an insurrection in the ranks.
  2. On the other hand, conceding to their demands could undermine Orestes’s control over the Roman establishment in Italy. Many Romans may end up loathing the idea of so many foreigners living in the ancestral homeland of the Empire.
  3. Rejecting the mercenaries' terms could also push them to support another Roman usurper, or even a Germanic officer of the foederati, such as Odoacer. As the Western Empire’s lingering presence continues to fade at an alarming rate, who ever deposes Romulus Augustus may simply decide to make the state’s demise official by abolishing the position of emperor in the West. The power vacuum created by such a move would allow Romulus’s successor to rule over an independent realm - yet another Germanic kingdom carved out of Roman territory - most likely with the support of the mercenaries. However, the same is equally possible if they are allowed to settle in Italy without opposition.
In what Orestes considers a complete gamble with his own life and the future of the Western Roman Empire, he allows the foederati to live in Italy as permanent residents, hoping that this show of good faith (including the money that they have been paid with) will strengthen their allegiance to himself and his son, thus preventing other ambitious officers from following in his example by taking over the state. Despite his own reservations about how they might affect the overall political and social landscape of Italy, chances are that Rome will stay in control in the long run if the Germanic foederati can be pacified without the threat of force. Although division will certainly hinder efforts to gradually integrate the two culturally distinct societies, mostly due to ethnic and religious reasons (i.e. “native” Romans vs. Germanic foreigners; Catholic orthodoxy vs. Arian heresy), Orestes is confident that the Roman infrastructure (government and church institutions, etc.) will still be composed of Romans. As for Arianism, Nicene Christianity is already largely entrenched in Italy and will not likely be threatened by the presence of an Arian minority. For the most part, Orestes is content to leave ecclesiastical matters to the Church while he focuses on ensuring that his son will not be the last emperor of the Western Roman Empire. Consequently, Orestes grudgingly concludes that a policy of integration will have to be adopted in regards to the Germanic peoples who are already in Italy, lest rejection pushes them into the fold of another usurper. At the same time, he cannot be seen as turning his back on his fellow Romans, or else his fragile administration will be threatened on that front. Orestes is truly caught between a rock and a hard place, but the die has been cast, and he can only pray that his decision will buy him the extra time that the Western Empire desperately needs if it is to last through the rest of the century.

------------

I was kind of hesitant to take this timeline down this path because it seems a little obvious. I'm sure that I am not the only one who has wondered what would have happened if Orestes granted the mercenaries' request. I tried thinking of other ways for him to keep Romulus on the throne, and came up with nothing that would seem like a realistic alternative. Oh well. "Alea iacta est." Again, any suggestions or constructive criticism will be taken into consideration as this timeline progresses.
 
Last edited:
That makes sense (about Augustus). Also, I'm loving where this TL is going. I've always looked for the latest way to breathe life into the empire again but never looked much later than Majorian. This is going to be a great timeline.
 
So far, writing this timeline has been fun and I appreciate the words of encouragement. I've also noticed that while I based this alternate history in a timeline format (AD 475, AD 476, etc.) I have also written it in a way that's sort of from Orestes's point of view. I think I'll experiment with that approach for a while. For instance, this post will be written from the collective viewpoint of the foederati, followed by the singular perspective of Orestes. Also, I've decided not to necessarily jump from year to year. For the sake of detail, I may have to use more than one post for the same year, depending on how much happened in the OTL. Thus, the year is still AD 476 in this post.

----------

Before the fall of Ravenna almost a year ago, the Roman general Orestes had promised the foederati that in exchange for their allegiance in his rebellion against the "Eastern puppet" Julius Nepos, they would all be permanently settled on roughly one-third of Italian soil. Roman politics mean little to the rank-and-file mercenary; emperors just seem to die as soon as they get their hands on the throne. As far as the foederati were concerned, the Romans could kill each other over the title of Augustus for all they cared. The current foederati units can't serve as mercenaries indefinitely, especially to a heavily shrunken state strapped for cash. In order to begin their post-foederati lives, their wants and needs revolve around two primary rewards: money and land.

So when the Magister Militum himself offered to provide them with both, the foederati did not need much convincing to support Orestes's mutiny. Since the assassination of Valentinian III in AD 455, western emperors had come and gone usually through force of arms or political intrigue. How much of difference will one more insurrection make? In any case, their patience was nearly at an end with the current arrangement with Ravenna and if Orestes is willing to give them what he promised, than he could have the West (or what was left of it), just so long as the foederati had a more permanent place in it.

Following the deposition and demise of Julius Nepos, Orestes seized the capital and the foederati were still waiting for their payment. True, the Roman did keep his pledge to pay the mercenaries with coins newly minted in cities like Ravenna and Rome, bearing the face of his son (their new "emperor") no less, but the foederati need more than just money if they expect to carry on outside the life of a soldier or a mercenary. So by the summer of AD 476, they finally took their grievances to Ravenna and lobbied for the land that they had been promised. This "civil request" was a poorly concealed ultimatum that clearly threatened Orestes's tenuous hold on power. Some of the mercenaries who did not believe that Orestes would honor his end of the bargain began considering another revolution, perhaps under the leadership of Odoacer. He was after all an officer in the foederati and seemingly sympathetic to their desire for a new homeland. But Orestes response to their petition put paid to such thoughts.
 
Last edited:
For the first time in a long while, Orestes felt as though he could breathe a sigh of relief. The decision to acquiesce to the barbarians' request was indeed risky. Maybe they would interpret such generosity as further evidence of the state's vulnerability and demand more, or simply take what they want. On the other hand, the Romans could be outraged enough to resist what might be viewed as the barbarian takeover of Italy. It seemed as if both sides were going to crush him to death, and yet still he was alive. The barbarians had gotten what they wanted, no more and no less. Neither did the Romans voice much opposition as Orestes had originally feared. The foederati, Arian in religion and foreign in race, mostly wanted a place to call home. They had little desire to interfere with the existing Roman political apparatus, staffed mainly by Romans who adhered to Catholicism, that ran the day-to-day affairs in Italy. It appears that the seemingly never-ending conflict of one war after another had finally taken its toll on the people of Italy, Roman and barbarian alike. Nevertheless, steps may have to be taken to segregate the two sides to a certain extent, at least for the time being for the sake of peace and stability in Italy.

Orestes did not even want to contemplate how things would have turned out if he had said no to their request. By agreeing to honor his end of the deal, he had shown himself to be a man who would keep their interests among his primary concerns. Hence, the foederati had no reason to abandon the Magister Militum in favor of another potential usurper. However, by now Orestes had heard rumors that some of the mercenaries had seriously considered pushing Odoacer to lead them in a new revolt if their demands were not met. Some even whispered about declaring him their king, which no doubt would have finished the Western Empire for good.

Who needs a powerless emperor around in Ravenna if a usurper becomes king through popular acclaim in the army? True or not, Orestes is not surprised to hear of the Germanic soldier's near elevation to royalty. In the time that they have known each other while serving in the Roman military, Orestes has come to realize that Odoacer possesses an acute understanding of the Roman establishment, more so than the Romans would normally attribute to a "barbarian." Also, he can now more clearly see how such a shrewd mind would not hesitate to take advantage of the rank-and-file foederati's dissatisfaction had Orestes rejected their petition. Why he had not more thoroughly considered this before is almost unforgivable. But for now, Orestes can be content with the knowledge that he made the right call and deprived a man like Odoacer a golden opportunity to grab power for himself. He will have to monitor Odoacer more closely from now on, but without antagonizing the Germanic officer to the point where he might simply rebel on his own, and thereby destroy a delicate sense of peace that is just starting to return to the war-ravaged Italy.

As if he did not have enough to be concerned with, Orestes has received word that the civil war in the East is over. Basiliscus's insurrection was not as fortunate as the one led by Orestes. Zeno has reclaimed his throne. While the Eastern Empire is certainly in no position to meddle in the affairs of its Western half at the moment, its current refusal to officially acknowledge Romulus Augustus's rule creates too great a threat for the new regime to ignore. Recognition from Constantinople could certainly go a long way in dispelling any lingering notions that Ravenna was controlled by usurpers. What's more, it would also remove any remaining doubt behind Romulus Augustus's claim to the Western Empire as its undisputed emperor.

To achieve this, Orestes requests the Senate of Rome to dispatch a deputation to the eastern capital. Finally deciding to cash in on his bargaining chip, he also sends Ovida, the killer of Julius Nepos, to Constantinople in the hopes that he did not keep the former general alive this long for nothing.

 
Last edited:
Orestes had been working with the Huns some time ago as Attila's secretary... That had earned him some enemies back in the Senate... Nnow if he allows Odovacer amd the Heruli to settle in 1/3 of Itqly wouldnt that turned the whole Senate hostile to him? I iguess that the Senate wouldnt confront him in the open but a conspiracy to remove him is possible and perhaps with the approval of ERE as the assassinated Nepos was a nephew of the late Eastern Emperor Leo I and cousin of Empress Ariadne... Also if i remember correctly Marcian was still around annoying Zeno with his claims on WRE...
 
Don_Giorgio,

Thank you for your response. You raise several valid concerns regarding Orestes's ability to maintain his hold over the Western Empire, some of which I considered myself. Initially I wasn't sure if giving in to the foederati's demands would be good for whatever support Orestes has among the Roman populace. What's more, his past connection to Attila, combined with his later deposition of Julius Nepos with Germanic assistance and their settlement in 1/3 of Italy is almost certainly going to earn him the enmity of some people in the Senate.

Ironically, I was actually encouraged by the OTL events that occurred in Italy after Odoacer deposed Romulus Augustus to develop this alternate timeline the way I have thus far. From what I can tell, it seems that the Romans and barbarians got on better than one might have expected under the reign of Odoacer. An embassy from the Senate even requested Zeno's recognition of Odoacer's authority in Italy (as an "extension" of the Empire, of course). Granted, their options seemed quite limited at the time, and it couldn't be more clear that the Germanic foederati held the upper hand, but that seemed true even before the fall of Orestes.

IMHO, I would have to guess that if Orestes had remained alive by allowing the Heruli and other foederati groups to settle Italy, there's a good chance that the Romans (generally speaking) will go along with it, just as they had in the OTL when Odoacer took over, but only in so far as they do not feel like they are being utterly replaced by the barbarians. So under Romulus Augustus (as a proxy to Orestes for now), the Roman administration of Italy will still be mainly composed of Romans; the Arianism of the Germanic foederati will not be able to seriously threaten the Catholic orthodoxy (i.e. Nicene Christianity) of the State Church of the Roman Empire - pretty much all of which occurred in OTL's Italy, first under Odoacer and then Theodoric.

As for the foederati, it seems like they genuinely just wanted the land they had been promised. They only rebelled again, this time under Odoacer, after Orestes turned down their request. At the very least, it is possible that they would not have overthrown him had he kept his end of the bargain.

While I believe this form of "integration" or "mutual co-existence" (to a certain extent) is plausible since it happened in the OTL under Odoacer's rule, it definitely does not guarantee Orestes's survival. I agree that there could still be some individuals, Romans or even barbarians, who harbor intentions to rebel against his authority. I may need to have an assassination attempt or two so that Orestes can make an example out of his would-be assassins, and thereby inspire fear amongst anyone else who would threaten him.

I'll look into this possibility, but I'm still not sure. At the risk of sounding too optimistic, I think there's a good chance that the Romans would go along with his decision to settle the Germans. If they could live under Odoacer's rule and stomach the notion of being subjects in a Germanic kingdom of Italy, then I would say it's reasonable to assume that the same could have happened under Romulus Augustus (and Orestes) and a still existant Western Roman Empire.

As for Nepos and Marcian, you are right about how the murder of a nephew-in-law to Leo I is not a good way to start Romulus Augustus's ascension to the throne, hence the reason why I made Orestes's original plan revolve around capturing Nepos alive so as to not anger the East more than the rebellion already had. But I chose to kill Nepos off as a means to remove his claim to the western throne, something that could have been more difficult to achieve through diplomacy if he had still been alive. In Marcian's case, he is a threat to Orestes's government due to the fact that he is Anthemius's son. But I don't see him as being anything more than a nuisance to both Orestes and Zeno. Unless I implement a POD in his favor, very likely he will fail to achieve his goals in this timeline just like he did in the OTL. As for the East, I doubt that they can continue to directly meddle in the West's affairs, having just emerged from a civil war and still threatened by the presence of barbarians in Eastern Europe (ex. Ostrogoths), as well as Sassanid Persia in the Middle East.

Again, thanks for bringing up those points. Any help in developing further clarification so that this alternate timeline makes sense is appreciated.
 
Last edited:
As for the East, I doubt that they can continue to directly meddle in the West's affairs, having just emerged from a civil war and still threatened by the presence of barbarians in Eastern Europe (ex. Ostrogoths), as well as Sassanid Persia in the Middle East.

How about the converse: Will this Western Empire meddle in the politics of the Eastern Empire?
 
@Bee: For the time being, both halves of the Roman Empire have too many problems of their own to deal with. Neither side is going to realistically interfere in the other's politics, not when Zeno is largely focused on stabilizing the East (as he was in the OTL). The same goes for Orestes in the West. But that could definitely change down the road. There is definitely an OTL precedent for it, given the relations between the major powers in Western Europe and the Byzantine Empire.

In this post, I'm trying to see things from Zeno's point of view. I'm just about through AD 476, spent a little more time on it than I would have liked, but so much happens at this point that I had to in order to better understand their motivations and so on.

----------

At the eastern court of Constantinople, the representatives of the Senate of Rome petition Emperor Zeno to support a policy of reconciliation between the two halves of the Roman Empire by acknowledging Romulus Augustus as his Imperial colleague, and Orestes as regent of the West for the remainder of his son’s minority.[/FONT]

It was all nothing more than formality and Zeno knew it. If he declined, Orestes would still simply rule with his son as a figurehead. The absurdity of such a situation; the audacity of such a traitor. As far as Zeno was concerned, Orestes and his worthless son were usurpers who needed his approval in order to “legalize” their treachery.[/FONT]

The irony of having just emerged victorious against one usurper, only to bargain with another was not lost on Zeno. But as much as he wanted to invade Italy and send the pretenders to join Basiliscus in death, he was enough of a pragmatist to know that it was not feasible at this stage. The civil war in the East, however brief, took a toll on the state’s economic resources and manpower. Though still in far better condition than the West, the Eastern Empire was vulnerable enough that external threats (i.e. Ostrogoths, Sassanid Persia, etc.) as well as internal hazards (i.e. other usurpers) could reduce Zeno’s domain to an equally pitiful state as the Western Empire.[/FONT]

For now, the focus of his reign would have to be the stabilization of the East, and part of that goal included the preservation of cordial relations with the West. Even if it was reduced to a mere shadow of its former self, the West was still officially the other half of a larger “universal realm.” The Roman Empire remained nominally one and indivisible, though in practice the two realms have been separate entities since the death of Theodosius I. Nevertheless, it would seem politically expedient to maintain the façade of unity. Usurper or not, as long as there was someone in Ravenna who called himself emperor, then the Western Empire technically still existed.[/FONT]

After careful consideration, Zeno informs the Senate that he will accept Romulus as his fellow emperor, grudgingly accepting the fact that he cannot openly challenge Orestes’s coup at this time. The death of Julius Nepos actually makes this easier to accomplish. Had Nepos survived or escaped into exile, Zeno could not legitimize the new government in Ravenna without being seen as betraying a member of the House of Leo. But neither could he reinstall Nepos to his former position, mainly because of the same reasons as to why he could not just invade Italy and remove Orestes and his son through force. While Orestes’s betrayal did contribute to Nepos’s assassination, the man was already dead and Zeno saw little use in holding a grudge over the murder of someone who could no longer be emperor.[/FONT]

As Orestes’s had hoped, Zeno accepts the transfer of Ovida to Eastern custody as a sign of good faith. An emperor’s killer, especially one who assassinates a member of the ruling dynasty in the East, could not be allowed to go unpunished. Zeno did not yet know whether to sentence him to beheading, or simply let him starve to death like Basiliscus. One thing is for sure: he’s going to wish he had remained loyal. If nothing else, the execution of two arch traitors will serve as a very clear example as to what Zeno will do to whoever raises arms against the Leonid dynasty.

If anyone feels that Zeno would not have agreed to recognize Romulus as his co-emperor, I understand and considered this myself. But with Nepos dead and directly attacking the West being unfeasible, he may not have much of a choice. In a way it's very similar to his OTL situation with Odoacer's takeover of Italy. Even if he didn't want to, Zeno seemed to recognize that the Eastern Empire could do nothing at the time to influence the political situation in Ravenna. This is not to say that Zeno will be fine with the present situation in the long run. In the OTL, he turned Theodoric and the Ostrogoths loose on Odoacer's kingdom, clearly fed up with their "alliance" which was pretty much a sham. Not to give too much away, but I could see him doing the same thing, or something similar, even with the Western Empire still in existence, possibly because he could have still privately regarded Romulus and Orestes as usurpers.

Also, I am currently considering the possibility of establishing dynastic relations between the two emperors. Even though it's possible that Zeno might turn against the West by using the Ostrogoths, that won't be until a while from now. As for having Romulus made a member of the House of Leo via marriage, the only reason I considered this is because Zeno might think it necessary to keep both sides of the Roman Empire under one ruling dynasty, a precedent that has gone on since the Valentinian emperors and their Theodosian successors. I would be interested to hear what others think of this.

Furthermore, trying to navigate a path that will keep the Western Empire alive has forced me to look at the larger picture through a political viewpoint. Personally, I would prefer to start exploring the West's military options, but there doesn't seem to be many due to its economic and military constraints. I know there's no chance of reclaiming Gaul or Spain at this point, at least not for a good while, and even Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica would be quite difficult for the West. I think their primary military goal would be to reclaim North Africa, but I can see how the presence of the Vandals would discourage the Romans, especially given past failed attempts to retake that area. On the other hand, King Genseric is about to die in AD 477, so if nothing else that might be a little encouraging. :D

 
Last edited:

Deleted member 67076

The west needs to be stable for at least a few years before trying anything.

At most, they should send some soldiers to Gaul to help Syagrius but not get actively involved.
 
The west needs to be stable for at least a few years before trying anything.

Good point. Between the late AD 470's and 480's, I don't think the Western Empire can risk getting entangled in external conflicts. Yeah, as king Odoacer used the army effectively when he established his control over places like Noricum and Dalmatia. In this timeline's case, Dalmatia still answers to Ravenna thanks to Nepos's demise. But if the West is to get dragged into a war, the most likely scenario I can think of would involve Theodoric the Great, just like in the original timeline.

At most, they should send some soldiers to Gaul to help Syagrius but not get actively involved.

I have plans for the Franks that probably do not bode well for the Domain of Soissons. But if I can come up with a plausible way to make certain things happen, this just might work to the West's advantage...

On a lesser note, I'm starting to reconsider the idea of making Romulus a member of the House of Leo. Again, the only reason I considered the possibility was because dynastic marriages had happened so much at this point. I can see an argument made to support the idea that Zeno might want to keep both halves of the Roman Empire united under one ruling family. The problem is that there are no women in said family that would make a realistic choice for Romulus. The closest I could find was Leontia, but she's already attached to the traitor Marcian, and is living in exile with him.
 
Well you could attach him to the House of Leo through Verina bit that wouldnt be good for Romulus... Verina was already disgraced by plotting against Zeno plus she had blood ties to the late Julius Nepos... In my point of view it would be better to connect Romulus with the Anicii... They were landowners with a lot of money that Romulus could find useful plus they were influential in the Senate... In OTL Anicii reached their peak during Justinian's reign but their wealth if connected to imperial authority through Romulus could have made the trick for WRE...
 
AD 477

A new year, a fresh start. Between the revolution against Julius Nepos and the near mutiny of the Germanic foederati, it almost seemed as though MCCXXIX Abe Urbe Condita would have been remembered as the year the Western Empire finally collapsed. But it was not time for Orestes to rest on his laurels just yet. He knew that there was still so much left to accomplish, or else that premonition could still come true, just at a later date.

The negotiations with Zeno could not have gone better. In truth, he had not expected the eastern emperor to be so cooperative. The situation in Constantinople, and by extension the Eastern Empire, must be more serious than he thought. Romulus Augustus’s authority as western emperor will finally be recognized in the East, and Orestes will keep the titles of Patrician and magister militum in the West.

The last request that he had told the senatorial delegation to make was also granted. In order to strengthen Romulus’s legitimacy on the throne, it was essential to connect him by marriage to an aristocratic house. Orestes’s choice had settled on the Anicii, a rich landowner family of Italian descent. The only clear option in that family was the Roman princess Anicia Juliana, the daughter of Olybrius and Placidia. On her mother’s side, Juliana was the granddaughter of Valentinian III, and thus a direct descendant of famous names like Constantius III and Theodosius I. The only catch was that she was in Constantinople at the time, and though her family no longer ruled either side of the Empire, it was unlikely that she could leave without the reigning emperor’s permission.

But Zeno had agreed to give her to the West. Orestes suspected that the emperor would actually be eager to see her go. As a scion of the House of Theodosius, her future husband and sons would always be a threat to the new dynasty. But he could not kill her, at least not while she remained guiltless of treason. Leo I may have paid a ransom to the Vandals to bring her to Constantinople. But for Zeno, after nearly losing the throne to conspiracy and with more treachery possibly on the horizon, he could not afford to turn down the opportunity to send Juliana away to Ravenna.

Orestes is pleased with the results of his diplomatic agenda, but also knows that Zeno could not be trusted. Armatus, an eastern Roman commander who turned against Basiliscus and joined Zeno’s side, was recently executed on the emperor’s orders, even though he had been promised the position of magister militum if he betrayed the usurper. This action indicates to Orestes that Zeno only keeps his word until he no longer has to. He will have to remain wary of the East while simultaneously working to rebuild the West.

As for Anicia Juliana, Orestes had also heard that she was originally betrothed to Areobindus, a scion of a distinguished line combining Roman and barbarian (Gothic-Alan) ancestry. Guess he’ll just have to find another bride. Right now the Western Empire was just too desperate for money for Orestes to not seize on the opportunity to tap into the financial wealth of the Anicii.

Regarding another powerful neighbor to the Western Empire, Orestes was glad to hear of the death of King Genseric. Of all the losses that the West has been forced to endure over the last century, that bastard Vandal’s invasion and conquest of North Africa has been the most unbearable thus far. Rome has yet to recover from the loss of one of its wealthiest territories, a source of major tax revenue and grain imports. Unfortunately, the Western Empire is still in no position to reclaim what the Vandals have stolen, but Orestes takes satisfaction to know that the world if finally rid of a man who so injured Rome on many occasions. Perhaps his son Huneric would be willing to forge better relations with the West, assuming that the time he's spent in a Roman environment like Carthage has had any affect on him. Plus, he was also married to the Roman princess Eudocia. She even gave him a son before withdrawing to the Holy City of Jerusalem, and the protection of the Eastern Empire, due to religious differences. But if he proves to be as much of a Vandal as his father, and consequently less a potential friend and ally to Rome, then for now Orestes can only hope that the new "king" will lead the Vandals into ruin.

----------

Thanks Don Giorgio for that bit of information. :D Given the wealth and influence that the Anicii seem to wield, it makes perfect sense that Orestes would need to make an alliance with them.
 
Last edited:
Interesting timeline! I'm interested to see if the balance of power between Orestes and Odoacer will hold in the next years or not... even if at that point the foederates seems to have accept to serve under a Roman Emperor, so for now the existence of WRE for inside is enough secure IMO. And I'm curious to see if Roman Italy will be able to save in some way the domains of Soissons, the other part of WRE in Europe...
 
Top